THE 

-ULSTER  GUARD 

[20th  N.  Y.  State  Militia] 


AND   THE 


¥AE  OF  THE  EEBELLION. 


EMBRACING 

A     HISTORY 


EARLY  ORGANIZATION  OF  THE  REGIMENT;  ITS  THREE  MONTHS'  SERVICE; 
ITS  REORGANIZATION   AND    SUBSEQUENT  SERVICE;   A  CHRONOLOGI 
CAL   RECORD    OF    EVERY   MARCH.   PLACE   OF    ENCAMPMENT    OR 
BIVOUAC,  WITH   DISTANCES   MARCHED;  ACCOUNT  OF  PRO 
CEEDINGS  OF  DETACHMENT  ON  VETERAN  FURLOUGH; 
FLAG    PRESENTATIONS,    &c. ;    COMPLETE    ROSTER 
DURING    ENTIRE    SERVICE  ;    OFFICERS    AND 
COMPANIES     ON    SPECIAL    DUTY  ;    LISTS 
OF  KILLED  AND  WOUNDED;  &c. ;  &c. 


WITH  A  BRIEF  TREATISE  UPON  THE  ORIGIN  AND  GROWTH  OF  SECESSION; 

THE    MILITIA    SYSTEM,    AND  THE  DEPENDENCE  OF  THE  FEDERAL 

GOVERNMENT    UPON   IT   IN    THE    BEGINNING    OF   THE    WAR; 


FIRST   BATTLE    OF   BULL   RUN;   CAMPAIGN   OF  GEN.   POPE;   McCLELLAN'S 

MARYLAND   CAMPAIGN;  BATTLE  OF   FREDERICKSBURG;   HOOKER'S 

CHANCELLORSVILLE    CAMPAIGN;    GETTYSBURG    CAMPAIGN; 

AND  A  GLANCE  AT   THE   CAMPAIGN   FROM   THE  RAP- 

IDAN    TO    APPOMATTOX    COURT    HOUSE. 

BY 

THEODORE   B.  GATES, 

COL.  AND  BVT.  BRIG.  GEN.  U.  8.  V. 


g«to-i orh : 
BENJ,  H.  TYRREX,  PRINTER,  74  MAIDBN  LANK. 


Entered  according  to  Act  of  Congress,  in  the  year  1879, 

I'.Y  THEODORE  B.  GATES, 
in  the  office  of  the  Libra  nan  of  Congr  ss  at  Washing1  on,  D.  C. 


the 


OF  THE   GALLANT   OFFICERS  AND   MEN   WHO   SEALED  THEIR  DEVOTION 

TO  THEIR  COUNTRY  WITH  THEIR  LIFE'S  BLOOD  WHILE 

FIGHTING   UNDER    THE    COLORS   OF    THE 

"ULSTER     GUARD," 

AND  TO   THE 

SURVIVORS   OF   THOSE   DEAD    HEROES   WHOSE    COURAGE    ON   MANY 

BATTLE-FIELDS   TESTIFIED    THEIR    READINESS  TO  MAKE  THE 

SAME  GREAT  SACRIFICE  IN  THE  SAME  GREAT  CAUSE; 

THIS  WORK  IS 

REVERENTLY    AND    GRATEFULLY   INSCRIBED 
BY  THE   AUTHOR, 


M198200 


ERBATA. 

1.  For   "  Appendix  A,"  at  bottom  of  second  para 
graph  on  page  69,  read  "  Note  II." 

2.  For    "Manillas,"    on    page    193    and  196,   read 
"Manlius." 

3.  In  connection  with  the  account  of  the  operations 
of  the  Fourteenth  Brooklyn,  Ninety-fifth  N.  Y.    and 
Sixth  Wisconsin,  on  pages  430  and  431,  read  extracts 
from  official  reports  of  Generals  Fowler  and  Words 
worth,  Appendix  H. 


PREFACE, 


I  PRESENT  this  work  to  my  old  comrades  in  arms 
with  a  confident  reliance  upon  their  indulgent  judg 
ment.  I  submit  it  to  the  public  at  large  with  great 
diffidence.  I  was  not  ambitious  to  undertake  the 
labor  of  writing  the  history  of  the  "Ulster  Guard," 
and,  as  most  of  its  old  members  know,  another  pen 
was  expected  to  perform  that  service.  But  I  confess 
to  having  had  a  love  for  the  task,  which  has 
grown  in  strength  as  the  work  has  progressed,  until, 
I  fear,  the  volume  has  reached  unpardonable  dimen 
sions  ;  and  there  still  remains  so  much  unsaid  that 
the  book  seems  to  the  author  very  incomplete.  There 
are  a  thousand  incidents  of  the  march,  the  camp, 
the  bivouac,  and  the  battle-field,  which  I  have  been 
forced  to  exclude,  upon  being  informed  by  my 
publisher  that  the  volume  already  overran  600  pages 
—100  more  than  I  deisgned  the  book  should  contain. 
It  had  been  my  intention  to  illustrate  the  work  with 
likenesses  of  the  officers  of  the  regiment ;  but  it  was 
found  to  be  impossible  to  do  this  except  to  a  lim 
ited  extent,  and  that  would  have  subjected  the 


VI  PREFACE. 

author  to  the  charge  of  having  made  invidious 
distinctions  between  different  officers. 

The  members  of  the  "Old  Twentieth,"  and  the 
thousands  of  its  civilian  friends,  have  felt  that  its 
services  entitled  it  to  a  historical  record  ;  and,  so 
long  ago  as  1862,  Mr.  Archibald  Russell  proposed 
that  the  Ulster  County  Historical  Society  should 
undertake  such  a  work,  and  his  proposition  \vas 
adopted  [see  page  57],  but  never  carried  into  effect. 

I  am  fully  conscious  of  the  many  imperfections 
of  this  work.  As  the  advance  sheets  come  from, 
the  press,  I  see  much  that  I  would  be  glad  if  I 
could  have  spent  more  time  and  care  upon.  Fre 
quent  and  often  protracted  interruptions  have  not 
only  delayed  the  publication,  but  have  forced  me  to 
devote  the  heat  of  summer  to  labor  which  I  hoped 
to  have  completed  during  the  preceding  winter  ;  and 
latterly  the  cry  for  "copy"  from  my  publisher, 
and  my  desire  to  have  this  book  issued  before  I 
meet  my  old  comrades  face  to  face  again,  at  our 
annual  Reunion  on  the  17th  of  this  month,  and 
again  have  to  apologize  for  its  non-appearance,  have 
prevented  that  degree  of  care  which  such  a  work 
should  command  at  the  hands  of  its  author.  But, 

"  What   is   writ,    is   writ, — 
Would   it  were  worthier  !  " 

The  high  regard  in  which  the  regiment  has  al 
ways  been  held  by  the  people  of  Ulster  County, 
has  led  them  to  manifest  much  interest  in  the 
promised  history  of  its  origin  and  service  in  the 
field.  Their  hearty,  practical  and  untiling  interest 


PREFACE. 


in  its  welfare  and  reputation,  has  been  one  of  the 
pleasant  memories  connected  with  its  five  years  of 
service,  under  the  Federal  Government.  They  so 
identified  themselves  with  the  organization  that  any 
truthful  history  of  it  must  necessarily  identify  them 
with  its  career. 

Some  readers  may  object  that  my  subject  did  not 
require  me  to  discuss,  as  I  have,  many  of  the 
operations  of  the  armies  of  the  Potomac  and  of 
Virginia,  and  several  of  the  battles  fought  by  those 
armies.  But  it  must  be  remembered  that  the  regi 
ment  is  the  lowest  unit  in  the  army  organization, 
and  it  acts  in  conjunction  with  its  brigade,  division 
and  corps,  and,  finally,  with  the  army  of  which  it  is 
a  component  part.  To  attempt  to  describe  the  indi 
vidual  operations  of  a  regiment  in  such  battles  as 
those  participated  in  by  the  "Ulster  Guard,"  would 
be  like  asking  you  to  judge  of  the  merits  of  a  great 
painting  from  a  fragment  of  the  canvas.  A  history 
of  any  given  regiment  must  be  at  least  a  miniature 
history  of  the  war.  It  is  but  one  of  the  united 
implements  in  the  hands  of  the  Commanding  Gen 
eral,  and  its  acts  are  always  influenced,  by  its  fel 
lows.  But  beyond  all  this,  I  designed  to  give  the 
work  something  more  than  a  mere  local  interest, 
and  to  make  it,  so  far  as  I  was  able,  an  accurate 
history  of  the  great  events  with  which  the  regi 
ment  was  connected. 

I  have  claimed  no  merit  for  the  "Ulster  Guard," 
that  was  not  freely  ascribed  to  it  in  the  army  in 
which  it  served  —  I  have  sought  to  do  it  only  sim- 


Vili  PREFACE. 

pie,  naked  justice.  I  am  persuaded  its  deserts  were 
greater  than  I  make  them  appear,  but  my  relation 
to  the  regiment  as  its  commander  during  a  consid 
erable  part  of  its  service,  seemed  to  me  a  reason 
why  I  should  not  be  its  eulogist.  I  have  not,  how 
ever,  felt  that  delicacy  required  me  to  exclude  from 
these  pages  the  cordial  commendations  of  others. 

In  the  discussion  of  battles  and  the  general  op 
erations  of  the  armies,  I  have  endeavored  to  be 
accurate,  fair  and  impartial.  I  have  consulted  the 
best  authorities,  both  Union  and  Confederate,  and 
have  striven  to  arrive  at  just  conclusions.  While 
the  criticisms  I  have  felt  constrained  to  pass  upon 
some  of  the  leaders  of  the  Union  Army  may  be 
distasteful  to  many  of  my  readers,  yet  they  will 
find  it  difficult  to  deny  their  justice,  in  view  of 
the  facts  upon  which  they  are  founded. 

T.  B.  G. 

42  FIEST  PLACE,  BROOKLYN,  | 
September,  1879.  j 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  I. 

PAGE 

The  Federal  Constitution — Its  incongruous  Elements — Political  Par 
ties — Growth  of  Anti-Slavery  Sentiment — The  Case  stated  by 
Mr.  Lincoln— By  Alexander  H.  Stephens — The  South  wedded  to 
its  Idol — Status  of  the  Slave — The  South  contemplate  Separa 
tion— State's-Right  Doctrine — Its  Application  always  only  a 
Question  of  Time — Election  of  Lincoln — Secession  ensues — Or 
ganization  of  Confederate  Government — Seizure  of  Federal 
Property — Inauguration  of  Lincoln — Attack  on  Fort  Sumter — 
Destruction  of  Property  at  Norfolk — Merrimac  and  Monitor 
— The  North  Aroused — Southern  Leaders  surprised  by  Unanim 
ity  of  Loyal  Sentiment  at  North — They  cannot  recede  if  they 
would — Women  strongest  Secessionists — The  Sword  the  only 
Arbiter.  1 


CHAPTER    II. 

Condition  of  Army  at  Outbreak  of  War—Of  Navy — Disloyalty  in 
both  Branches  of  Service — Confederates  better  prepared  than 
Federals— Statements  of  Southern  Leaders  on  the  Subject — Sen 
ator  Douglas'  glowing  Sentences — The  Capital  in  Danger  of  Cap 
ture — Civilians  organize  to  defend  it — The  White  House  and 
Public  Buildings  garrisoned — Martial  Weakness  humiliating  to 
National  Pride — Purposes  of  Secessionists  openly  proclaimed — 
No  Preparation  on  Part  of  Federal  Government — Mr.  Buchanan's- 
non-coercion  Views — Action  of  Southern  Senators — Treason  an 
unknown  Crime — Inauguration  of  Lincoln — Pacific  Address — 
The  Opening  Cannon — The  Militia  our  Source  of  Military 
Strength— Mr.  Lincoln  calls  them  forth— The  Response— A 
Dragon  in  the  Way — Prodigious  Energy  in  f  jrwarding  Troops — 


CONTENTS. 

Southrons  surprised — Political  Lines  obliterated — South  as  unan 
imous  as  North — Sundry  Delusions  dispelled — Extent  of  Re 
volted  States — Negroes  Faithful  to  their  Masters — Effect  thereof.  12 

CHAPTER  III. 

Constitutional  Forethought — Militia  Decadence — The  245th — Colonel 
Christopher  Fiero — Twentieth  Regiment  District — Roster — Letter 
from  Colonel  Fiero — Historical  and  Biographical — General  Sam 
son — An  earnest  Man — A  faithful  Friend — Austere  but  kind — 
A  Scene  with  Captain  Haulenbeck — Another  with  the  Officer  of 
the  Day— Requiescat  in  Pace. 28 

CHAPTER  IV. 

Colonel  Zadock  Pratt — Early  Years  of  George  W.  Pratt — His  Educa 
tion  and  Travels — A  Doctor  of  Philosophy — Becomes  a  Partner 
of  General  Samson — His  Habits — Marries  Miss  Tibbits — Removes 
to  Kingston — Identifies  Himself  with  Affairs  of  Ulster — A  Mem 
ber  of  the  County  Historical  Society — Proceedings  of  that  Body 
on  Death  of  Pratt — Addresses  by  A.  Bruyn  Hasbrouck,  Henry  H. 
Reynolds,  William  Lounsbery  and  Archibald  Russell — Proposi 
tion  for  a  Monument  to  the  Regiment — Elected  Senator — Presi 
dent  of  State  Military  Association — Proceedings  of  that  Body  in 
Honor  of  his  Memory — Proceedings  in  Ulster  County — His 
Likeness  cut  in  the  Rocks — Pratt  becomes  Colonel  of  the 
"  Twentieth" — It  improves  under  his  Command — Kingston  and 
Rondout  present  it  a  Stand  of  Colors — W.  S.  Kenyon  makes  a 
model  Presentation  Address — Colonel  Pratt's  Reply — Pough- 
keepsie  presents  a  Flag — Officers  meet  at  the  Mansion  House — 
Pratt's  Views — He  is  authorized  to  tender  the  Regiment — The 
Work  of  Preparation — The  Rebels  fire  on  Sumter — Loyal  Meet 
ing  at  Kingston— Speeches  by  John  B.  Steele,  William  S.  Ken- 
yon,  Theoderic  R.  Westbrook,  Erastus  Cooke,  George  H.  Sharpe, 
William  H.  Romeyn  and  Warren  Chipp— The  Banks  loan  the 
Regiment  $8,000— Ladies'  Relief  Society— Ulster  Military  Relief 
Committee — Donations  and  Subscriptions — An  Order  to  report 
to  the  President— Surgeon  Crispell  detailed— Ready  for  De 
parture 38 

CHAPTER  V. 

The  Departure  from  Kingston — Scenes  and  Incidents — Voyage  to 
New  York— Reception  in  the  City— Quartered  in  the  Centre 
Market  Armory — Transferred  to  Park  Barracks — Misunderstand 
ings  between  Governor  Morgan  and  Colonel  Pratt — Former  De- 


CONTENTS.  XI 

clines  to  approve  Requisition — Major  goes  to  Albany  and  gets 
necessary  Orders — Another  Hitch — Ordered  to  return  to  Kings 
ton — Officers  and  Men  Furious — Inside  History  of  the  Trouble — 
Twenty-four  Hours  of  Suspense — Ordered  to  proceed  to  Wash 
ington — Ready  in  two  Hours — Friends  to  see  us  off — Journey 
to  Annapolis — What  we  found  there — General  B.  F.  Butler  in 
Command— The  Sixth  and  Thirteenth  N.  Y.  S.  M  —  Annapolis, 
and  what  we  did  there.  .  78 

CHAPTER  VI. 

From  Annapolis  to  the  Junction — Camp  Reynolds — Passing  Troops — 
Acquaintances — Reminders  from  Home — Army  Rations — Duty 
performed  by  Regiment — Picket  Posts — Alarms — Exciting  Ru 
mors — A  scared  Chaplain — Expeditions — Thurlow  Weed — Rail 
road  Track  threatened — Arrival  of  Mr.  Reynolds — Sleepy  Sen 
tinels — Invoice  of  Clothing — Impedimentia — Lieutenant-Colonel 
Schoonmaker  resigns — An  Election — Deaths — Funeral  in  a  Thun 
der  Storm — Efforts  to  get  the  Regiment  sent  to  the  Front — Or 
dered  to  Baltimore. 88 

CHAPTER   VII. 

Arrival  at  Mount  Clair — An  Unpleasant  Incident — Report  to  General 
Banks — What  he  said — March  through  Baltimore — Patterson's 
Park — Camp  Banks — Another  Death — Marshal  Kane — Anns  dis 
covered — Ordered  into  City — Reception — Regiment  Divided — 
Quarters — Loyal  and  Hospitable  Baltimoreans — Arrest  and  Re 
lease  of  Lyon — Return  to  Camp  Banks — Searching  for  Arms — 
Arrest  of  a  Rioter — Regiment  paid  off  in  Gold — Longing  for 
Home — Bull  Run  detains  us — A  Flag  Presentation — Compliment 
from  the  Baltimore  American  Newspaper — Capture  of  Secession 
Flags — Major  Hardenburgh  takes  Kane  and  others  to  Fort  La 
fayette — A  mysterious  Shot — Return  Home — Reception  at  Kings 
ton 97 

CHAPTER  VIII. 

McDowell  and  the  First  Army  of  the  Potomac — Plan  of  First  Battle 
of  Bull  Run — Inexperience  of  Officers  and  Men — Militia  Regi 
ments — Position  of  Confederates  and  Unionists — Patterson  and 
Joe  Johnston — McDowell's  Design — Beauregard's  Line  of  Battle 
He  resolves  to  attack — Orders  Miscarry — McDowell  attacks  his 
Left — Admirable  Strategy  of  Union  Commander — Advance  of 
turning  Column — First  Encounter — Difficulty  in  maneuvering 
large  Bodies  of  raw  Troops — Gallantry  of  Fourteenth  Brooklyn 


XII  CONTENTS. 

— Confederate  Left  turned — "  Stonewall " — Success  of  the  Union 
ists — Heat,  Dust  and  Thirst — Confederates  form  a  new  Line  of 
Battle— Splendidly  Officered— McDowell's  Line  of  Battle  at  Noon 
— Had  Driven  Confederates  a  Mile  and  a  Half — Confederate  View 
of  the  Situation — McDowell  prepares  his  Coup  de  Main — Uni 
forms  and  Flags — Major  Barry  mistakes  a  Confederate  for  a 
Union  Regiment — Fatal  Consequences— Federals  Repulsed  from 
the  Plateau— Loss  of  Ricketts'  and  Griffin's  Batteries— Final  Ad 
vance  of  Federal  Line — Inopportune  Arrival  of  a  fresh  Brigade 
of  Johnston's  Army — General  Keyes — McDowell's  Opportunity 
Gone — Tactics  and  Strategy — Porter  and  Sherman — The  Retreat 
— What  caused  Confusion — Disorder  not  general — Any  Troops 
would  have  been  demoralized  under  like  Circumstances — Re 
porters  and  other  Non-combatants — Bonham  dare  not  attack 
retreating  Troops — Confederates  badly  disorganized — Compli 
ments  to  Militia  Regiments — Imputations  upon  McDowell — Anec 
dote  of  Lincoln — Character  of  McDowell — General  Meiggs — 
Public  Ignorance  of  Circumstances  which  lead  to  Defeat — A 
useful  Lesson.  ..........  Ill 

CHAPTER  IX. 

Reorganization — Importance  of  Retaining  Old  Rank — Camp  Arthur 
— "Chapel  of  the  Preparation " — Fasting  and  Prayer — B  and  E 
Companies  disbanded — Review  and  Flag  Presentation — Embarka 
tion  and  Arrival  in  New  York — Roster — Philadelphia  and  its 
"  Cooper  Shop  "—The  Way  it  struck  the  Chaplain— From  Balti 
more  to  Kalorama  Heights— Desolated  Kalorama — From  Wash 
ington  to  Upton's  Hill — General  Wadsworth.  ....  144 

CHAPTER    X. 

Upton's  Hill  and  its  Surroundings — Falls  Church  and  its  interesting 
Associations — Washington,  Lee,  Fairfax — A  Memorial  Tablet — 
•The  Graveyard  becomes  the  Resting-place  of  Some  Members  of 
the  Twentieth — Thoughts  suggested  by  an  old  Church  Edifice — 
A  regimental  scrubbing  Party — Magnificent  Weather — Locality 
in  Possession  of  Rebels— They  fall  back  before  Federals— Bar 
ricaded  Roads — Rebel  Position  during  Autumn  and  Winter  of 
1861-2 — How  the  Regiment  was  employed— Murder  along  the 
Picket  Line — "The  Picket  Guard" — Foraging — Capture  of  a 
Party — Division  Drill  and  an  Alarm  from  the  Front — The  Twen 
tieth  sent  forward — Grand  Reviews — Are  we  now  to  march  ? — 
Still  Stationary — Deaths — Wadsworth's  Brigade — Queer  New 
Year's  Celebration — A  Dinner  Party — New  Guns — A  Flag  of 
Truce  and  what  was  said  of  it— Hanging  as  a  Cure  for  Treason 


CONTENTS 


XIII 


— Alarm  on  the  Picket  Line — Welcome  Visitors — A  Sword  Pre 
sentation — Hallelujah  !  the  Army  moves — Music  and  Banners 
and  marching  Troops — Centreville  and  Wooden  Guns.  .  .  157 

CHAPTER    XI. 

Centreville  and  its  Surroundings — McClellan  and  McDowell  Visit 
Bull  Run  Battle-field— Scenes  along  the  Way— Rebel  Huts— 
Beauregard's  Dessert — Plains  of  Manassas — The  Junction — What 
we  saw  there — Universal  Destruction — Quo  Animo — The  Le 
gend  in  a  Hut — Burning  Bridges — The  Wicked  flee  when  no 
Man  pursueth— On  the  Field — Signs  of  the  Battle — The  Generals 
draw  Rein — Their  Appearance — Their  reversed  Positions — Mc 
Dowell's  Story  of  the  Fight — McClellan  as  an  Auditor — Appre 
ciative,  perhaps,  but  not  Sympathetic — Painful  Position  for 
McDowell — As  True  as  the  Needle  to  the  Pole — How  Merit  may 
sometimes  suffer — Is  recognized  at  last — McDowell  on  his 
Men — His  Idea  of  Discipline — Consequences  of  its  Absence.  .  171 

CHAPTER  XII. 

The  Tarry  at  Centreville — A  Swarm  of  Visitors — Two  old  Acquaint 
ances — Passes — An  Anecdote  of  Lincoln — Boddy's  Statement — 
Another  Visit  to  Bull  Run — The  Lewis  House — A  stormy  Night 
— Pleasant  Quarters  and  Hoe-cake — A  Sick  Surgeon — An  Orderly 
with  an  Order — Reveille  and  Return — Twenty-five  Miles  March — 
Top  Boots — Upton's  Hill  again — Bailey's  Cross  Roads — More 
Visitors — How  they  regarded  McClellan's  Strategy — Embarka 
tion  of  Army — Cost  of  Transports — Formation  of  Corps  d'Armee 
— Twentieth  in  First  Corps — What  McClellan  designed  to  have 
First  Corps  do — Some  Observations  thereon — First  Corps  de 
tached  from  McClellan's  Command 181 

CHAPTER  XIII. 

General  Patrick — His  first  Appearance  in  Camp — His  second  Com 
ing  and  what  the  "Boys"  said  about  it — A  brief  Biography 
— Discipline  and  what  it  accomplished — A  Letter  from  the 
General,  in  which  he  talks  of  the  Regiment1  and  its  Services — 
Another  Letter  from  the  General,  in  which  he  says  Something 
about  himself — Tents  struck — Organization  of  First  Corps — 
On  the  March — Gooding's  Tavern — A  terrible  Storm — A  Prayer 
Meeting  at  Headquarters — A  Ride  and  an  Incident — State  Pride — 
In  what  we  should  glory— Poor  white  Trash— What  it  was 
— What  it  may  possibly  realize. 191 


XJV  CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER    XIV. 

Pleasant  Weather — Manassas  Junction — Mortality  among  Confederate 
Soldiers — Reminiscences  of  Bull  Run — Rejoicing  and  Praying — 
Erroneous  Notions  of  Army  Demoralization — What  Discipline 
does  in  this  Regard — Order  No.  36 — A  Letter  on  Army  Influ 
ences — Men  prone  to  believe  Evil  of  their  Fellows — Critics  of 
Military  Officers — Anecdote  of  Lincoln — Rev.  Dr.  Balch  and 
treasonable  Talk — Brute  Instinct — Marching  South — "Go  as 
you  please  " — Skirmishing  at  the  Front — Falmouth — Bridges 
burned — Vessels  burned — The  "French  Lady" — Across  the 
River — How  we  were  received — Fredericksburgers  and  their 
Anecdotes  of  Washington — He  was  Master  of  their  Masonic 
Lodge — His  Letter  to  the  Grand  Lodge  of  Maryland — The  Grave 
of  Washington's  Mother — The  Consideration  for  a  Monument, 
and  how  one  of  the  contracting  Parties  failed  to  perform — 
True  Love  never  did  run  smooth — Valley  of  the  Rappahannock 
— Annies  encompassing  it — Federal  Bands — "Music  in  Camp."  .  203- 

CHAPTER   XV. 

Auger's  Brigade — Brooklyn  Fourteenth — Killed  and  Wounded — 
Fredericksburg  Surprised — Its  Business  and  Society — The  Change 
from  Gray  to  Blue — General  Field  not  a  Hector — General  Ander 
son  and  West  Point — His  Observations  thereon  and  upon  other 
Matters — "The  clattering  Car" — Does  it  portend  an  Attack! 
— Some  Observations  thereon — The  ' '  Peculiar  Institution  " — 
Strange  Manifestations — Lieutenant  Decker — Falmouth — Dilapi 
dation  and  Decay — Chimneys — No  Townships  in  Virginia — Phil 
lips  and  Lacy  Houses — Judge  Coulter  and  his  Widow — Manu 
mission  of  Slaves  disallowed — Lacy  takes  the  Estate  and  its 
Human  Chattels — General  Wadsworth  rides  into  Camp — The 
Boys  go  for  him — A  Pontoon  Bridge — The  Twentieth,  Twenty- 
third  and  Thirty-fifth  take  Possession  of  Fredericksburg — Some 
thing  about  the  City — Contraband  of  War — Residue  of  Brigade 
and  General  Patrick  cross  River — First  Corps — Repairing  Rail 
road — A  Reconnoissance,  and  what  came  of  it — Picket  Duty — 
Alarms — Cheers — Dreams — St.  George's — Flag  of  Truce — Mc 
Dowell  angry — Advance  of  Pickets — Rebs  spiteful — Messrs. 
Steele  and  Hasbrouck — The  President — How  he  appeared  on 
horseback — Orders — Countermand — "  Waiting  March  " — A  Halt.  216 

CHAPTER    XVI. 

At  Massaponix  Creek — March  Northward — Human  Endurance — What 
we  get  used  to — Night  Marches — Visitors — Re-entre  into  Fred- 


CONTENTS.  XV 

ericksburg — Reconnoissances — Captures — The  Army  of  Virginia 
— What  it  was,  and  what  it  was  expected  to  do — Effect  of 
McClellan's  Defeat— King's  Operations— Jackson  at  Gordonsville — 
Location  of  Pope's  Army — Enemy  drive  in  our  Cavalry — Pope 
concentrates — Banks  at  Cedar  Mountain — Deceived  by  Rebel  Tac 
tics — Brings  on  Engagement  against  Orders — Repulsed — Rick- 
etts  reinforces  Banks — Enemy  advance  and  are  driven  back — 
Heavy  Loss — King's  Division  marches  to  join  Pope — Capture  of 
Lee's  Letter — Reno  arrives — Bluff — Army  falls  back — Crosses 
the  Rappahannock — Kilpatrick — The  Ira  Harris  Cavalry  charge 
a  stone  Wall— Somebody  blundered— The  Contrabands.  .  .  .231 

CHAPTER  XVII. 

Position  of  Armies — Artillery  Fire — Feints — Pope's  difficult  Role — 
Halleck's  Order — Sigel — Pope's  Plan — Its  Chances  of  Success 
— Sulphur  Springs — A  Rebel  Battery — C  Company  as  Skirmish- 
ers — On  the  Right  by  File  into  Line — A  Freshet — New  Plans — 
Position  of  Pope's  Army — Where  is  the  Foe  ? — Lee's  Designs — 
Jackson  in  Rear  of  Pope — Condition  of  Pope's  Army — Re-en 
forcements — Jackson  destroys  Railroads  and  Cars — Goes  to  Cen- 
treville — Pope's  Tactics  to  capture  him — Jackson's  Danger — 
Hooker  and  Ewell — Patrick's  Brigade — March  to  Gainsville 
— March  of  other  Troops — Fitz-John  Porter  and  Pope's  Order — 
Jackson  returns  to  Manassas  Junction — Pope's  Orders  thereon 
— Number  and  Quality  of  Jackson's  Corps — Marches  from  Cen- 
treville — Pope  pursues — Ricketts'  Division  sent  to  Thoroughfare 
Gap — Jackson  surrounded — King's  Division  on  Centreville  Pike 
— Three  Horsemen — A  Battery — A  severe  Battle — Pope's  Or 
ders — How  his  Plans  were  overthrown — General  King 243 

CHAPTER    XVIII. 

Renewed  Efforts  to  capture  Jackson — His  Position — Union  Line — Re 
turn  towards  Gainesville — File  Right — King's  Division  attack — 
Repulsed — Captain  J.  T.  Hendricks— Would  go  into  action  with 
his  Company — A  Letter  to  his  Father — Pope's  Famous  Order  to 
Porter — Heintzleman  and  Reno  attack — Porter  does  not  fire  a 
Gun — His  Disobedience  of  Orders — Drum-head  Court-Martial — 
Crying  Evil  in  Federal  Army — Instances  in  Pope's  Campaign 
— Distinction  between — Excuses  offered  for  Porter — Untenable — 
Longstreet's  Statement — Why  should  Porter  have  waited  for 
Orders  ? — The  Business  was  to  fight — What  influenced  Porter — 
McClellan's  Grievance  against  Pope — Army  of  Potomac  with 
drawal  ordered — McClellan's  Finesse — Delays — Confederates  mov 
ing  North — Halleck  urges  Expedition — McClellan  procrastinates 


xvj  CONTENTS. 

—Reaches  Alexandria— Ordered  to    send    Franklin    to    Pope- 
How  he  does  it— His  Idea  of  obeying  Orders— How  Pope  could 
have  been  saved — "Leave  Pope  to  get  out  of  his  Scrape "- 
A  Prevarication — Was  this  Treason  ? — McClellan's  Coterie — Por 
ter  a  Member.  255 


CHAPTER  XIX. 

The  wounded  left  on  the  Field — Difficulty  in  finding  way  back  to 
Lines — Losses  on  the  Twenty- ninth — Enemy  believed  to  be  re 
treating — What  induced  this  Opinion — Federals  exhausted — 
How  McClellan  was  going  to  send  Supplies  to  Pope — Opera 
tions  on  the  Thirtieth — Rickett's — "Enemy  in  full  Flight" — A 
sad  Mistake — Patrick's  Brigade  attack — Repulsed — Ordered  to 
Retire — Army  in  Retreat — Pratt  mortally  wounded — "  Twen 
tieth  "  Halt  at  Cub  Run — March  into  Centreville  next  morning.  .  271 


CHAPTER  XX. 

Condition  of  the  Army — Preparations  for  Defence — Demonstration 
on  the  Thirty-first — Strength  and  Condition  of  Armies — Pope's 
Want  of  Confidence  in  Officers  of  Army  of  Potomac — A  Day  of 
Rest— Want  of  Energy  in  Pursuit— A  Flank  Movement— The 
Twentieth  sent  to  meet  it — Hooker — On  Little  River  Turnpike — 
"Hold  it  at  all  Hazards" — Regiment  deployed  as  Skirmishers 
— Enemy  repulsed — Report  at  Headquarters — The  Adjutant-Gen 
eral's  View  of  it — Turning  Movement  abortive — Upton's  Hill 
again 279 


CHAPTER  XXI. 

A  Day  at  the  Front— Farewell  to  Upton's  Hill— At  Leesboro— A  Ter 
rible  March — Unexpected  March — Disappointed  Husbands,  Fath 
ers,  Wives  and  Children — Lee's  Strategy — Invades  Maryland — 
Marylanders  disappoint  the  Confederates — Deceived  by  Balti 
more  Secessionists — A  ragged,  bare-footed  and  unwashed  Army 
— Confederates  encamp  at  Frederick — Union  Forces  on  their 
Line  of  Communications — Lee's  Order  to  disperse  them — Char 
acteristic  and  Instructive — Consolidation  of  Union  Armies — Mc 
Clellan  in  Command — Organization  of  Army — Advance  to  the 
Monocacy — The  Scenery — City  of  Frederick — "Round  about  the 
Orchards  sweep" — Pleasonton  strikes  Rebel  Rear — Forward — 
South  Mountain — Pleasant  Valley — Turner's  Gap — An  Artillery 
Duel— The  Battle  of  South  Mountain— What  it  and  other  like 
Battles  prove — Wasted  Ammunition — Loading  without  firing — 


CONTENTS. 


What  was  found  on  the  Gettysburg  Battle-field — Hill  and  Long- 
street  in  Possession  of  Turner's  Gap— Federals  carry  the  Moun 
tain  Crests — A  cold  Night — Relative  Strength  of  contending 
Forces — Prisoners — Killed  and  Wounded — President's  Telegram — 
A  Brilliant  Victory 286 


CHAPTER  XXII. 

Tardy  Movements — Location  of  Army — McClellan's  Views  as  to 
Enemy — Lee's  Strength  at  Antietam — McClellan  calls  for  Rein 
forcements — Colonel  Miles — Dispatch  from  President — McClel 
lan's  true  Policy — Franklin — Crampton's  Pass — McClellan's  Order 
— Franklin  carries  ^the  [  Pass — Killed  and  Wounded — In  Pleasant 
Valley — Franklin's  March  to  Relief  of  Miles  arrested — Miles  sur 
renders — Is  Killed — McClellan's  Time  to  strike — "Beat  him  in 
Detail" — Too  cautious — Order  to  Franklin — Confederate  Divi 
sions  rejoin  Lee  in  Time  for  Antietam 302 


CHAPTER  XXIII. 

In  Pursuit— What  McClellan  knew— Pleasonton  strikes  the  Rear 
Guard— Richardson  and  Sykes  form  Line  of  Battle— McClellan 
hoped  to  fight  on  the  Fifteenth — The  Advantage  he  would 
have  had — Advance  of  Patrick's  Brigade — Antietam  and  its 
Bridges — Sharpsburg  and  its  Surroundings — Position  of  Rebel 
Army — Lee's  probable  Designs — Straggling — Appearance  of  Suc 
cess — Obliged  to  fight  to  withdraw — Circumscribed  Position 
— First  Corps  across  the  Antietam — Shot  and  Shell — Position  of 
Union  Troops— McClellan's  Plan— Faulty^Hooker's  Attack  on 
Seventeenth— A  Strange  Oversight— The  Twentieth  in  Support 
of  Campbell's  Battery — Major  Hardenburgh  in  Command  of  Left 
Wing — Captures  Rebel  Colors  and  recovers  a  Union  Flag — Enemy 
try  to  take  Battery — Repulsed  with  great  Slaughter — Loss  of  the 
"  Twentieth  "—Rebel  Losses— The  Battle  at  other  Points- 
Mansfield  killed — Hooker  wounded — Sumner  assumes  Command 
— What  he  said — Sedgwick's  Gain  and  Loss — The  "  Sunken 
Road  " — Burnside's  Assault  and  Success— Rebels  Re-enforced 
— Burnside  driven  back — The  Battle  ended — Some  Comments.  .  308 

CHAPTER  XXIV. 

After  the  Battle — Pollock  and  his  Dog — Union  Re-enforcements — Lee 
withdraws  —  Losses  —  McClellan's  Dispatch — Criticised — Griffin 
captures  a  Rebel  Battery — Porter  Ambushed — Lee's  Position — 
McClellan's  Stationary — Gives  his  Reason — Some  Comments 


i  CONTENTS. 

thereon — Losses  of  different  Corps — Correspondence  between 
Halleck  and  McClellan — A  little  Irony — Relative  Condition  of 
the  two  Armies — Disadvantage  of  Federal  System — Again  on  the 
March — McClellan  removed — Burnside  appointed — A  just  Esti 
mate  of  himself — News  of  Col.  Pratt's  Death — Order  thereon — 
Resolutions  by  Officers — General  Patrick  resigns  Command  of 
Brigade — General  Paul  his  Successor.  .  ...  .  325 


CHAPTER  XXV. 

What  was  expected  of  Burnside — Must  Act  quickly — Position  of 
Lee — Burnside  acceptable  to  Army — What  he  should  have 
done — What  he  did  do — Armies  move  on  parallel  Lines — Lee 
ahead — A  Muddle  about  the  Pontoons — A  Blunder  at  the  Outset 
— Burnside  alone  responsible — Burnside's  Mistake  at  Fredericks- 
burg — Operations  preceding  the  Crossing — Fruitless  attempt  to 
lay  the  Bridges — Signal  Guns — Bombardment  of  Fredericksburg 
— Crossing  in  the  Pontoon  Boats — The  Rebel  Sharp-shooters  dis 
persed — The  Bridges  laid — The  Army  crosses  the  River — Posi 
tion  and  Strength  of  Lee's  Army — Three  Hundred  Cannons — 
The  Slaughter  of  the  13th  December— Fighting  by  Driblets- 
Franklin's  Orders — What  a  zealous  General  would  have  done — 
Operations  on  the  Right — Burnside  inexorable — Night,  at  last — 
The  Losses — Burnside's  Statement — Burnside  assumes  all  Re 
sponsibility — President  interdicts  Movement  by  Left — Inter 
ference  by  Subordinates — What  Burnside  intended  to  do — What 
he  did  do — The  Mud  Campaign — His  Order  against  certain 
Officers — He  himself  relieved — Hooker  succeeds  him — The  "  Ul 
ster  Guard  "  in  the  Battle — Its  Movements  down  to  the  End  of  the 
Year — Its  Casualties  during  the  Year.  .....  340 


CHAPTER  XXVI. 

Gloomy  Winter — Rebel  Raiders — Deserters  and  Absentees — Improved 
Morale  under  Hooker — Opening  of  Campaign — Strength  of  Ar 
mies — Rendezvous  at  Chancellorsville — What  it  was — Congratu 
latory  Order — Advantage  of  the  Initial  Success  lost — Hooker 
Surprised  that  Lee  did  not  retreat — A  Campaign  of  Manoeuvres 
— Lee  studying  the  Chess-board — Makes  his  Move — Why  did 
Hooker  tarry  in  the  Wilderness — Moves  out  and  returns — Hook 
er's  Statement  of  it — Hooker  believes  Lee  is  Retreating  when  he 
is  Marching  to  attack  him — The  Error  of  returning  to  the  Wilder 
ness — Hooker  forms  line  of  Battle.  .  357 


CONTENTS.  XJX 

CHAPTER  XXVII. 

Jackson's  March — Sickles  strikes  his  Column — Follows  Jackson — 
Where  he  went — Devens  on  extreme  right — Jackson  falls  upon  him 
— The  Result — Howard  to  Devens — Lee  attacks  the  Left  and  Cen 
tre — Fearful  Confusion — Hooker  in  the  Saddle — "Receive  theEne- 
my  on  your  Bayonets" — Pleasonton — Major  Keenan — "  General,  I 
will  do  it  " — Pleasonton  checks  the  Advance — Saves  the  Army — 
Ward's  Attack — Jackson  mortally  hurt — His  Character.  .  .  .  372 

CHAPTER  XXVIII. 

The  Eleventh  Corps  made  the  Scape-goat — Is  it  just? — General  Sickles' 
Statement — Fallacy  of  Hooker's  Statement — Reynolds  ordered  to 
the  Right — Sedgewick  ordered  to  march  to  Chancellorsville — Dif 
ficulties  in  the  Way — Carries  Marie's  Hill — Marches  on — What  hap 
pened  Meantime  at  Chancellorsville — Lee  sends  M'Laws  to  meet 
Sedgwick — Sunday's  Fight  at  Salem  Church — Hooker's  Opportu 
nity — Monday's  Fight  at  Salem  Church — Sedgwick  crosses  the  Riv 
er — Lee  prepares  to  renew  Attack  on  Hooker — Latter  crosses  Rap- 
pahannock — Unequal  to  the  Command — Hooker's  Order — Sophis 
tical — Stoneman's  Operations — Lee's  Order — Losses — Hooker.  .  382 

CHAPTER  XXIX. 

Relative  Condition  of  Armies — Lee  moves  North — Howe's  Reconnois- 
sance — Rebel  Cavalry  at  Culpepper— Pleasonton  goes  to  look  after 
them — Well  done — A  dash  across  the  Potomac — Milroy  in  the  Val 
ley — Overwhelmed — Hooker  starts  North — Rebels  at  Chambers- 
burg — Hooker  across  the  Border — Levying  Tribute — French  at 
Maryland  Heights — Halleck  refuses  to  send  him  to  Hooker — The 
latter  resigns — His  order  thereon — General  Meade  appointed — Dif 
ference  in  character — Meade'sOrder — Is  given  Command  of  French 
— Meade  moves  towards  the  Enemy — A  Cavalry  Encounter — Lee 
gathers  his  Anny  around  Gettysburg — Lee  was  obliged  to  fight — He 
could  not  afford  to  wait — Stuart  astray — Order  of  March  on  Night 
of  Thirtieth  of  June— What  it  shows 396 

CHAPTER  XXX. 

Gettysburg — Rebels  hovering  around  it— Reynolds  on  Marsh  Creek — 
Hill  and  Longstreet  near  by — Question  as  to  Strength  of  Armies- 
Did  either  Commander  know  of  the  other's  Proximity? — Lee  did 
not  expect  to  fight  at  Gettysburg — Neither  Lee  nor  Meade  knew  of 
strategic  Advantage  of  Gettysburg — Reynolds  knew  the  Enemy 
were  in  considerable  Force  near  him — Pleasonton — Buford — 
Devens .  410 


*X  CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER  XXXI. 

The  first  day  at  Gettysburg — The  Cavalry  meet  and  check  the  Enemy 
— Approach  of  first  Corps — Position  of  Wadsworth's  Division — 
Messages  to  Sickles  and  Howard — Reynolds  killed — A  Word  about 
him — Archer's  Brigade  captured — Changes  in  Commands  resulting 
from  Reynolds'  Death — Doubleday  in  Command  of  the  Field — No 
thing  could  be  better — Wadsworth — Chapman  Biddle — Fourteenth 
Brooklyn,  Ninety-Fifth  N.  Y. — Sixth  Wisconsin  capture  two  Mis 
sissippi  Regiments — Robinson's  Division  in  Reserve — Doubleday's 
Division — Arrives  on  the  Left — Captains  Baldwin  andCunningham 
hold  the  Harman  House — The  Van  of  Elwell's  Corps  arrives — 
Eleventh  Corps  arrives — Heavy  fighting  on  the  Right  and  Centre — 
Splendid  Fighting  by  First  Corps — Eleventh  Corps  overcome  by 
Rodes  and  Early 423 

CHAPTER  XXXII. 

First  Day  at  Gettysburg  continued — Ulster  Guard  in  Biddle's  Brigade 
on  extreme  Left — Fighting  on  that  part  of  Field — What  Mr.  Bates 
says  about  it — Right  of  First  Corps  gives  way — Situation  on  the 
Left — Evidences  of  Coolness — Left  falls  back  to  Seminary — 
Colonel  Biddle  wounded — No  Disorder  or  Confusion  on  the  Left 
— Left  Brigade  Retires — Ulster  Guard  Covers  Movement — Time 
Embraced  by  these  Operations — What  Messrs.  Swinton,  Lossing 
and  Jacobs  say — A  Letter  from  General  Doubleday — Enemy's 
Demonstrations  in  Evening — The  Van-Guard  of  the  Federal  Army 
had  accomplished  its  Mission — Professor  Bates'  Comments  on  the 
first  Day's  Fight — "  Where  was  the  Rest  of  the  Army  ?" — Losses 
in  First  and  Eleventh  Corps — The  Hills  and  Round  Tops  were 
ours — "  On  the  Left  at  Gettysburg."  .  .  .  440 


CHAPTER  XXXIII. 

An  anxious  Night— In-pouring  of  the  Union  Army— Rebel  Talk  in 
Gettysburg — Arrival  of  General  Meade — Posting  the  Army — 
Newton  assigned  to  First  Corps — Roads  and  Topography — Third 
Corps  swings  out  of  Line — Brings  on  a  Battle — Break  through 
Sickles'  Left — Push  for  Round  Top — What  Warren  did — Terrible 
Fighting — Rebels  driven  from  Round  Top — Federals  forced  back 
along  the  low  Ground — Attack  on  Slocum's  Line — Rebels  make 
a  Lodgment — Ulster  Guard  in  Front  Line — Night  and  Quietness — 
A  Walk  over  the  Battle-Field — Lieutenant  W.  J.  Cockburn — 
Colonel  C.  R.  Westbrook— Preparations  for  the  Morrow.  .  453 


CONTENTS.  xxf 

CHAPTER  XXXIV. 

Third  Day  at  Gettysburg — Expulsion  of  last  Night's  Intruders — 
Position  of  Ulster  Guard  and  One  Hundred  and  Fifty-First 
Pennsylvania — Stannard's  Brigade — Artillery  Fire — Cessation  of 
Hostilities — Stannard's  men  build  a  Breastwork — Leave  opening 
on  Right  of  Ulster  Guard — A  terrific  Bombardment — The  Infantry 
come  forward — Opening  of  Musketry  Fire — The  Enemy  face  to 
the  Left — Corresponding  Movements  by  Ulster  Guard  and  One 
Hundred  and  Fifty-first— The  Fight  for  the  Bluff— Enemy  re 
pulsed — Heavy  Loss  in  Killed,  Wounded  and  Prisoners — Colonel 
Hodges — Fourteenth  Virginia — Losses — Letter  to  General  Double- 
day — Mr.  Bachelder's  Map  incorrect — General  Doubleday's  Reply 
— Letter  from  General  Hardenburg — Operations  of  First  day — 
Second  and  Third  Days— The  Eagle  from  the  Ulster  Guard  Color 
Staff — A  ridiculous  pretence — A  promise  to  investigate  that  was 
not  kept — General  Doubleday's  order.  .....  462 


CHAPTER  XXXV. 

The  Retreat  from  Gettysburg — Union  Losses — Confederate  Losses — 
Armies  in  Virginia — Manoeuvres — Winter  Quarters — Morale  of 
Union  Army — Lieutenant-General  Grant — A  new  System  to  be  in 
augurated — Grant  makes  his  Headquarters  with  Army  of  Potomac 
— Delicate  Treatment  of  General  Meade — General  Meade's  Order — 
Army  cuts  loose  from  its  Base — From  the  Rapidan  to  the  James — 
Fight  in  the  Wilderness — Wads  worth  killed — Spottsylvania  Court 
House — Sheridan's  Operations— Butter's  4-bortion — Corked  up  at 
Bermuda  Hundred — Cold  Harbor — Reach  the  James — Losses  on 
the  Way.  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  475 


CHAPTER  XXXVI. 

In  front  of  Petersburg — The  Mine — The  Fuse  goes  out — Lieutenant 
Douty  and  Seargeant  Rees  re-light  it — The  Mine  explodes — Led- 
lie's  Division  in  the  Crater — Troops  withdrawn — Heavy  loss — 
Women  of  Petersburg — Demoralization  of  Lee's  Army — He  de 
signs  to  retreat — Assaults  Fort  Steadman — Carries  it  and  is  driven 
out — Heavy  Loss — The  Right  of  the  Confederate  Works  carried — 
Federals  capture  Guns  and  Prisoners — Confederates  driven  to  their 
inner  Line — They  retreat — A  Petersburger's  Account  of  the  last 
Scenes  .  484 


XXII  CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER   XXXVII. 

Jefferson  Davis — Lee's  Dispatch  to  him — A  weeping  Congregation — 
Lee's  Flight — Explosion  and  Conflagration  in  Richmond — Lee  hopes 
to  join  Johnson — A  terrible  Disappointment — A  starving  army — 
Sheridan  and  the  Fifth  Corps  swing  across  Lee's  Line  of  Retreat — 
Prodigious  Efforts  of  Lee  to  escape — A  remorseless  Pursuit — De 
struction  of  Rebel  Trains — Capture  of  Men  and  Guns — Ewell  sur 
renders — Ruin  staring  Lee  in  the  Face — Unionists  determined  to 
bring  him  to  bay — Miserable  condition  of  Confederates — Views  of 
Lee's  Officers — Grant  sends  a  Note  to  Lee — Lee's  Reply — Grant 
writes  again — Lee's  Diplomacy — Grant's  Counter-stroke — Fight 
ing,  flying,  pursuing — Rebel  supply  Trains  captured — Lee  orders 
Gordon  to  cut  his  Way  through  Union  Lines — Fails — Sheridan 
prepares  to  charge — A  Flag  of  Truce — Lee  surrenders  his  Army — 
What  Lee  said,  and  how  he  appeared — The  two  Armies  fraternize 
— Rebels  eating  Federal  Rations — The  War  practically  ended — An 
inevitable  Ordeal— Wonderful  Vitality— Fruits  of  the  Union  Vic 
tory.  .....  .  493 


NOTES. 


NOTE  I. 

Letter  from  McD.  Van   Wagoner,  Esq.,  in  relation  to  statement  on 
page  240.  ....  ....  561 

NOTE  II. 

Additional  list  of  Officers  of  the  "Twentieth,"  prior  to  its  depart 
ure  for  the  War.  ...  .564 


APPENDICES. 


APPENDIX   A. 

Chronological  Record  containing  an  accurate  Account  of  the  Move 
ments  of  the  Regiment  during  its  entire  Second  Term  of  Service 
— Distances  marched — Places  of  Encampment  or  Bivouac — Duty 
employed  on — Details  of  Officers  and  Men — Proceedings  of  De 
tachment  on  veteran  Furlough — Visit  to  Albany — Hon.  Jacob 


CONTENTS.  xxiii 

Lefevre's  Resolution — In  the  Assembly  Chamber— Presentation 
of  Colors  to  Master  Pratt — Acceptance  by  Gov.  Seymour — Pre 
sentation  of  Colors  by  Mrs.  Kugler — Speech  of  Hon.  George  T. 
Pierce — Address  of  Regiment  to  Colonel  Gates — Colonel  Harden- 
burgh  in  Command — Regiment  to  Defence  of  Fort  Sedgwick — 
General  Collis'  Order — Regiment  in  Richmond — How  Officers  and 
Men  were  employed — General  Turner's  Order — Regiment  at  Nor 
folk — Colonel  Hardenburgh  in  Command  of  District — Mustered 
out — Colonel  Hardenburgh's  Address — Reception  and  Flag  Pre 
sentation  at  Kingston — Reorganization.  ....  512 

APPENDIX  B. 

Complete  Roster  of  the  Twentieth  Regiment,  N.  Y.  S.  M.,  from  Sep 
tember,  1861,  to  January,  1866.  .  .  .  .  .561 

APPENDIX  C. 

List  of  Killed,  Wounded  and  Missing  in  1862-3 572 

APPENDIX  D. 

Regimental  Roster  and  Strength  of  Companies  in  three  Months' 
Service.  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .581 

APPENDIX  E. 

Flag  Presentation  by  the  Ladies  of  Saugerties — Rev.  Mr.  Gaston's  Ad 
dress — Hon.  T.  R,  Westbrook's  Reply — List  of  Subscribers — 
Colonel  Gates'  Letter  on  Receipt  of  Colors  ....  583 

APPENDIX  F. 

Flag  Presentation  on  return  of  Regiment — Address  of  Mr.  Henry  H. 
Reynolds — Reply  of  Colonel  Gates — For  Description  of  Flag  and 
Incidents  of  Presentation,  see  Chronological  Record  of  Date  of 
February  22d,  1866.  .  .603 

APPENDIX  G. 

Present  Roster.  .  .  .  .  .616 

APPENDIX  H. 

Extracts  from  Reports  of  Gen.  Fowler  and  Gen.  Wadsworth.       .       .  618 


CHAPTER  I. 

THE  FEDEKAL  CONSTITUTION — ITS  INCONGRUOUS  ELEMENTS — POLITICAL 
PARTIES — GROWTH  OF  ANTI-SLAVERY  SENTIMENT — THE  CABE  STATED 
BY  MR.  LINCOLN — BY  ALEXANDER  H.  STEPHENS — THE  SOUTH  WEDDED 
TO  ITS  IDOL — STATUS  OF  THE  SLAVE — THE  SOUTH  CONTEMPLATE  SEP 
ARATION—  STATE'S-RIGHT  DOCTRINE — ITS  APPLICATION  ALWAYS  ONLY 

A  QUESTION  OF  TIME — ELECTION  OF  LINCOLN — SECESSION  ENSUES— 
ORGANIZATION  OF  CONFEDERATE  GOVERNMENT — SEIZURE  OF  FEDERAL 
PROPERTY — INAUGURATION  OF  LINCOLN — ATTACK  ON  FORT  SUMTER — 
DESTRUCTION  OF  PROPERTY  AT  NORFOLK — MERRIMAC  AND  MONITOR 
— THE  NORTH  AROUSED— SOUTHERN  LEADERS  SURPRISED  BY  UNANIM 
ITY  OF  LOYAL  SENTIMENT  AT  NORTH — THEY  CANNOT  RECEDE  IF  THEY 
WOULD — WOMEN  STRONGEST  SECESSIONISTS— THE  SWORD  THE  ONLY 
ARBITER. 

IT  WAS  impossible  for  the  Government  to  go  on  har 
moniously  for  all  time  in  the  exact  form  in  which  our 
fathers  had  constructed  it.  The  Federal  Constitution 
was  adopted  by  the  several  States  hesitatingly,  and,  in 
some  instances,  by  barely  the  requisite  vote  ;  not  more 
than  two  of  the  original  thirteen  States  cordially  ac 
cepted  ifc  as  the  fundamental  law  of  the  new  nation. 
Experience  had  taught  them  to  be  jealous  of  extraneous 
authority,  and  they  were  averse  to  stripping  their  sev 
eral  States  of  any  one  of  the  functions  of  independent 
government,  which  they  had  become  accustomed  to, 
and  conferring  them  upon  a  federal  legislature  and  fed 
eral  officers.  The  Northern  States  were  quite  as  inimi 
cal  to  the  Constitution  in  the  beginning,  as  the  South 
ern  States  were  ;  but  they  gradually  became  reconciled 
to  it,  and  cheerfully  acquiesced  in  the  later  interpreta 
tions  of  the  instrument,  which  tended  to  confer  upon 
the  General  Government  even  greater  powers  than  were 


2  POLITICAL  PARTIES. 

at  first  supposed  to  be  lodged  in  the  Congress  and  Ex 
ecutive  Department  of  the  nation. 

The  incongruity  of  a  system  of  involuntary  servi 
tude,  with  a  form  of  government  professedly  founded 
upon  the  principles  of  civil  and  x^olitical  freedom 
and  equality,  was  too  patent  to  be  overlooked  by  the 
merest  tyro  in  political  economy,  and  the  utmost  the 
framers  of  the  Federal  Constitution  would  accord  to  it 
was  a  recognition  of  its  existence,  under  the  obscure 
phrase  of  "  persons  held  to  service."  As  time  went  on 
slavery  languished,  and  finally  utterly  died  out  at  the 
North,  rather  because  it  could  not  compete  with  the 
growing  volume  of  free  labor,  and  hence  became  un 
profitable,  than  because  of  any  sentiment  that  it  was 
morally  and  politically  wrong,  in  the  mild  form  in 
which  it  existed,  and  which  amounted  to  little  more 
than  a  condition  of  involuntary  apprenticeship.  Aboli 
tion  at  the  North  had  little  moral  or  political  signifi 
cance,  because  the  motive  lying  at  the  bottom  of  it  was 
only  mercenary  ;  but  there  soon  began  to  grow  up  new 
views  as  to  the  moral  aspect  of  slavery,  and  public  sen 
timent  throughout  the  civilized  world  gradually  arrayed 
itself  on  the  side  of  human  freedom,  the  slave- holding 
States  of  this  Government  constituting  almost  the  soli 
tary  exception. 

In  this  country,  the  Whig  party — in  its  latter  days, 
and  after  its  dissolution,  the  Republican  party — were 
the  political  exponents  of  this  humanizing  idea  ;  but 
neither  organization,  as  a  party,  claimed  that  the  Gfen- 
eral  Government  had  authority  to  abolish,  or  in  any 
wise  interfere  with  the  institution  of  slavery  in  the 
States,  but  only  that  it  had  the  power,  and  that  it  was 
its  duty,  to  exclude  it  from  the  national  domain,  be 
cause  it  was  an  abnormal  condition  of  society,  inconsis 
tent  with  our  theory  of  government ;  and  that  while  it 
was  protected  under  the  Constitution  wherever  it  al 
ready  existed,  it  could  not  be  established  in  the  terri- 


CASE   STATED  BY  LINCOLN. 


tories  without  express  enactment  therefor  by  Congress, 
and  that  such  authority  ought  to  be  forever  withheld. 

As  time  went  on,  this  anti-slavery  sentiment  broad 
ened  and  strengthened,  and  surged  up  against  the 
American  Slave-holding  States,  with  no  other  effect 
upon  them  than  to  excite  the  apprehensions  of  the 
slaveholders,  as  to  the  perpetuity  of  their  cherished  in 
stitution,  and  to  stimulate  them  to  devise  and  carry 
into  execution,  so  far  as  they  could,  by  friendly  legisla 
tion,  protective  measures. 

The  position  of  the  Republican  party  on  the  ques 
tion  of  slavery  was  stated  with  great  force  and  per 
spicuity  by  Mr.  Lincoln,  in  the  course  of  his  great  de 
bate  with  Judge  Douglas,  in  these  words  : 

' '  We  have  in  this  nation  this  element  of  domestic 
slavery  ;  it  is  a  matter  of  absolute  certainty  that  it  is  a 
disturbing  element ;  it  is  the  opinion  of  all  the  great 
men  who  have  expressed  an  opinion  upon  it,  that  it  is  a 
dangerous  element.  We  keep  up  a  controversy  in  re 
gard  to  it ;  that  controversy  necessarily  springs  from 
difference  of  opinion,  and  if  we  can  learn  exactly,  can 
reduce  to  the  lowest  elements,  what  that  difference  of 
opinion  is,  we  perhaps  shall  be  better  prepared  for  dis 
cussing  the  different  systems  of  that  policy  that  we 
would  propose  in  regard  to  that  disturbing  element.  I 
suggest  that  the  difference  of  opinion,  reduced  to  its 
lowest  terms,  is  no  other  than  the  difference  between 
the  men  who  think  slavery  a  wrong  and  those  who  do 
not  think  it  wrong.  The  Republican  party  think  it  a 
wrong — we  think  it  is  a  moral,  a  social  and  a  political 
wrong.  We  think  it  is  a  wrong  not  confining  itself 
merely  to  the  persons  or  the  States  where  it  exists,  but 
that  it  is  a  wrong  in  its  tendency,  to  say  the  least,  that 
extends  to  the  existence  of  the  whole  nation.  Because 
we  think  it  wrong,  we  propose  a  course  of  policy  that 
shall  deal  with  it  as  a  wrong.  We  deal  with  it  as  with 
any  other  wrong,  in  so  far  as  we  can  prevent  its  grow- 


A.  H.  STEPHENS   VIEWS. 


ing  any  larger,  and  so  deal  with  it,  that  in  the  run  of 
time  there  may  be  some  promise  of  an  end  to  it.  We 
have  a  due  regard  to  the  actual  presence  of  it  amongst 
us,  and  the  difficulty  of  getting  rid  of  it  in  any  satis 
factory  way,  and  all  the  constitutional  obligations 
thrown  about  it.  I  suppose  that  in  reference  both  to 
its  actual  existence  in  the  nation,  and  to  our  constitu 
tional  obligations,  we  have  no  right  at  all  to  disturb  it 
in  the  States  where  it  exists,  and  we  profess  that  we 
have  no  more  inclination  to  disturb  it  than  we  have  the 
right  to  do  it.  We  go  further  than  that;  we  don't 
propose  to  disturb  it  where,  in  one  instance,  we  think 
the  Constitution  would  permit  us  ;  we  think  the  Con 
stitution  would  permit  us  to  disturb  it  in  the  District 
of  Columbia  ;  still  we  do  not  propose  to  do  that,  unless 
it  should  be  in  terms  which  I  don't  suppose  the  nation 
is  very  likely  soon  to  agree  to — the  terms  of  making 
the  emancipation  gradual,  and  compensating  the  unwill 
ing  owners.  Where  we  suppose  we  have  the  constitu 
tional  right,  we  restrain  ourselves  in  reference  to  the 
actual  existence  of  the  institution  and  the  difficulties 
thrown  about  it.  We  also  oppose  it  as  an  evil,  so  far  as 
it  seeks  to  spread  itself.  We  insist  on  the  policy  that 
shall  restrict  it  to  its  present  limits.  We  don' t  suppose 
that  in  doing  this  we  violate  anything  due  to  the  actual 
presence  of  the  institution,  or  anything  due  to  the  con 
stitutional  guarantees  thrown  around  it." 

The  views  of  so  conspicuous  a  leader  as  Alexander 
H.  Stephens,  the  Vice-President  of  the  Southern  Con 
federacy,  and  now  a  member  of  Congress  from  Georgia, 
are  in  singular  contrast  with  those  of  Mr.  Lincoln,  and 
seem  at  this  day  almost  like  irony.  Mr.  Stephens  was 
by  no  means  a  "fire-eater,"  but  belonged  to  the  more 
moderate  class  of  Southerners,  as  will  appear  from  a 
brief  quotation  from  an  address  he  delivered  before  the 
Legislature  of  Georgia,  November  14,  I860,  wherein  he 
deprecated  secession.  He  said :  "  The  first  question 


A   TRANSFORMATION. 


which  presents  itself  is,  shall  the  people  of  the  South 
secede  from  the  Union  in  consequence  of  the  elec 
tion  of  Mr.  Lincoln  to  the  Presidency  of  the  United 
States  \  My  countrymen,  I  tell  you  candidly,  frankly 
and  earnestly,  that  I  do  not  think  that  they  ought.  In 
my  judgment,  the  election  of  no  man  constitutionally 
chosen  to  that  high  office,  is  sufficient  cause  for  any 
State  to  separate  from  the  Union.  It  ought  to  stand  by 
and  aid  still  in  maintaining  the  Constitution  of  the 
country.  To  make  a  point  of  resistance  to  the  Govern 
ment,  to  withdraw  from  it  because  a  man  has  been  con 
stitutionally  elected,  puts  us  in  the  wrong.  We  went 
into  the  election  with  this  people,  the  result  was  differ 
ent  from  what  we  wished,  but  the  election  has  been 
constitutionally  held.  Were  we  to  make  a  point  of  re 
sistance  to  the  Government,  and  go  out  of  the  Union 
on  this  account,  the  record  would  be  made  up  hereafter 
against  us." 

After  the  Confederacy  was  established,  he  made  a 
speech  to  the  citizens  of  Savannah,  in  which  he  gave  an 
exposition  of  the  principles  on  which  the  new  govern 
ment  was  founded.  He  said  :  "The  new  Constitution 
had  put  at  rest  forever  all  agitating  questions  relating 
to  our  peculiar  institutions — African  slavery,  as  it  ex 
ists  among  us — the  proper  status  of  the  negro  in  our 
form  of  civilization.  Jefferson  in  his  forecast,  had  an 
ticipated  this,  as  the  '  rock  upon  which  the  old  Union 
would  split.'  He  was  right.  What  was  conjecture 
with  him,  is  now  a  realized  fact.  But  whether  he  fully 
comprehended  the  great  truth  upon  which  that  rock 
stood  and  stands,  may  be  doubted.  The  prevailing 
ideas  entertained  by  him,  and  most  of  the  leading  states 
men  at  the  time  of  the  formation  of  the  old  Constitu 
tion,  were,  that  the  enslavement  of  the  African  was  in 
violation  of  the  laws  of  nature  ;  that  it  was  wrrong  in 
principle,  socially,  morally  and  politically.  It  was  an 
evil  they  knew  not  well  how  to  deal  with  ;  but  the 


6  WEDDED  TO  ITS  IDOL . 

general  opinion  of  the  men  of  that  day  was,  that  somehow 
or  other,  in  the  order  of  Providence,  the  institution 
would  become  evanescent  and  pass  away.  This  idea, 
though  not  incorporated  in  the  Constitution,  was  the  pre 
vailing  idea  at  the  time.  The  Constitution,  it  is  true, 
secured  every  essential  guarantee  to  the  institution  while 
it  should  last,  and  hence  no  argument  can  be  justly  used 
against  the  Constitutional  guarantees  thus  secured,  be 
cause  of  the  common  sentiment  of  the  day.  Those 
ideas,  however,  were  fundamentally  wrong.  They  rested 
upon  the  assumption  of  the  equality  of  races  ;  this  was 
an  error.  It  was  a  sandy  foundation,  and  the  idea  of  a 
Government  built  upon  it  was  a  wrong.  When  the 
'storm  came  and  the  wind  blew,  it  fell.'  " 

"  Our  new  Government  is  founded  upon  exactly  the 
opposite  ideas  ;  its  foundations  are  laid  ;  its  corner-stone 
rests  upon  the  great  truth  that  the  negro  is  not  equal  to 
the  white  man  ;  that  slavery,  subordination  to  the  supe 
rior  race,  is  his  natural  and  normal  condition.  This, 
our  new  Government,  is  the  first  in  the  history  of  the 
world  based  upon  this  great  physical,  philosophical 
and  moral  truth.  This  truth  has  been  slow  in  the  pro 
cess  of  its  development,  like  all  other  truths  in  the 

various  departments  of  science." 

*  *  *  *  *  *  * 

"In  the  conflict  thus  far,  success  has  been  on  our 
side,  complete  through  the  length  and  breadth  of  the 
Confederate  States.  It  is  upon  this,  as  I  have  stated, 
our  social  fabric  is  firmly  planted,  and  I  cannot  permit 
myself  to  doubt  the  ultimate  success  of  a  full  recogni 
tion  of  this  principle  throughout  the  civilized  and  en 
lightened  world." 

The  South  readily  accepted  such  doctrines,  and  was 
practically  a  unit  on  the  question  at  issue  between  itself 
and  the  advocates  of  non-extension  of  slavery.  The 
liberal  and  modern  view  of  the  natural  rights  of  man, 
negroes  included,  obtained  no  foot-hold  among  the  plan- 


STATUS  OP  THE   SLAVE.  7 

ters,  and  found  very  little  favor  among  the  non-slave- 
holding  whites  of  the  South.  All  classes  of  whites  were 
wedded  to  the  system,  and  could  see  only  good  in  it. 
This  was  but  the  natural  result  of  the  Southerner's  edu 
cation  and  associations.  His  fortune,  often,  and  he  be 
lieved  his  happiness  and  prosperity,  were  largely  de 
pendent  upon  the  perpetuity  of  the  institution,  as  it  ex 
isted  in  the  Southern  States.  Upon  it  was  founded  the 
industrial  interests  of  his  section,  and  even  his  domestic 
establishment  seemed  impracticable  without  the  glam 
our  conferred  by  slavery. 

This  unanimity  of  sentiment  was  an  element  of 
strength  in  politics,  and  it  proved  itself  capable  of  dic 
tating  party  platforms  and  achieving  some  notable 
triumphs  in  Congressional  Legislation,  and  was  not 
without  great  influence  in  the  highest  judicial  body  in 
the  nation,  as  witness  the  national  platforms  of  the 
party  with  which  the  pro- slavery  masses  of  the  South 
acted  in  1852, 1856  and  1860  ;  the  repeal  of  the  Missouri 
compromise  measures  ;  the  Kansas -Nebraska  Legisla 
tion,  the  fugitive  slave  law  and  the  Dred  Scott  decision. 

The  institution  was  a  powerful  element  in  our  politi 
cal  fabric,  and  was  the  foundation  for  a  large  Southern 
representation  in  the  House  of  Representatives,  while, 
at  the  same  time,  our  highest  Court  had  declared  that  a 
slave  or  the  descendant  of  an  African  slave  could  not 
be  a  citizen  in  the  sense  of  the  term  as  used  in  the  Con 
stitution  of  the  United  States,  nor  could  he  have  any 
political  rights  ;  from  which  it  followed  that  the  three- 
fifth  slave  representation  was  a  property  representation. 
And  the  Southerner  insisted  that  his  slave  was  a  mere 
chattel,  and  that  his  title  to  him  rested  upon  the  same 
broad  principle  of  right,  and  was  governed  by  the  same 
laws  that  applied  to  any  other  kind  of  personal  prop 
erty,  and  that  therefore  he  had  the  absolute  right  to 
take  and  hold  this  property.  But  all  attempts  to  de- 
localize  the  institution,  finally  failed,  and  it  became 


8  ELECTION  OF  LINCOLN.  [1860. 

evident  that  the  sentiment  of  the  country  was  irrevoca 
bly  fixed  against  the  expansion  of  slavery. 

The  South  now  began  to  look  forward  to  a  possible 
separation  of  the  slave  from  the  free  States,  as  the  only 
certain  means  of  securing  the  perpetuity  of  their  cherish 
ed  institution.  With  this  eventuality  in  view,  the  old 
question  of  the  powers  vested  in  the  Federal  Govern 
ment  and  the  reserved  rights  of  the  several  States,  were 
diligently  discussed  and  industriously  propagated  by 
Southern  leaders  in  politics,  business  and  society. 
Their  theory  practically  denationalized  the  Government, 
and  left  it  the  mere  representative  of  the  co-partnership 
of  sovereign  States,  any  one  or  more  of  which  could 
withdraw  at  pleasure.  Stability  could  scarcely  be  hoped 
for,  if  the  organic  law  were  really  of  this  character. 
And  if  it  were  clearly  otherwise,  so  long  as  a  large  and 
influential  section  of  the  country  believed  its  inter 
pretation  to  be  the  true  one,  the  practical  application  of 
that  theory  was  only  a  question  of  time  and  circum 
stances,  depending  on  some  real  or  assumed  provoca 
tion. 

The  election  of  Mr.  Lincoln  in  1860  was  made  the 
pretext  for  the  inauguration  of  the  fore-ordained  experi 
ment  of  secession  of  the  Slave  States  ;  it  was  the  prac 
tical  application  of  the  doctrine  of  State's  Rights.  Pres 
ident  Buchanan  doubted  the  power  of  the  General 
Government  to  obstruct  this  process  of  disintegration, 
or  to  "  coerce  a  Sovereign  State."  The  Cabinet,  Con 
gress,  and  the  officers  of  the  Army  and  Navy,  were 
largely  in  sympathy  with  these  views,  while  many  of 
them  actively  espoused  the  Southern  cause. 

Thus  it  came  to  pass,  that  between  the  date  of  Mr. 
Lincoln's  election,  in  November,  1860,  and  his  inaugura 
tion  on  the  fourth  of  March,  1861,  secession  had  made 
formidable  progress,  and  a  so-called  Southern  Confeder 
acy  had  been  actually  established,  with  Jefferson  Davis 
at  the  head  of  it,  without  hindrance  or  obstruction 


1861.]  ATTACK  ON  SUMTER.  9 

from  the  General  Government,  The  seceding  States 
had  taken  possession,  without  opposition,  of  the  U.  S. 
Forts  at  Beaufort  and  Wilmington ;  Forts  Caswell  and 
Johnson  ;  the  Arsenal  at  Fayetteville  ;  Fort  Barrancas, 
and  the  Navy  Yard  at  Pensacola  ;  the  Arsenal  at  Little 
Rock  ;  the  U.  S.  Mint  at  New  Orleans,  and  had  practi 
cally  dispossessed  the  parent  government  of  its  property 
and  symbols  of  authority  in  a  half-dozen  Southern 
States,  while  the  Administration  of  Mr.  Buchanan  look 
ed  on  in  a  dazed  and  resistless  condition. 

In  the  meantime  the  South  had  organized  an  army 
and  prepared  for  war  ;  Sullivan' s  Island,  in  Charleston 
Harbor,  had  been  fortified,  with  works  bristling  with 
hostile  cannon  pointing  toward  Fort  Sumter,  over  which 
still  floated  the  Stars  and  Stripes,  and  which  was  gar 
risoned  by  a  small  body  of  United  States  troops,  under 
command  of  Major  Anderson,  a  loyal  Southerner.  Every 
other  Fort,  south  of  Virginia,  had  already  fallen  into 
Confederate  hands,  without  the  firing  of  a  gun,  except 
ing  only  Fort  Pickens. 

On  the  fourth  of  March,  1861,  Mr.  Lincoln  succeeded 
Mr.  Buchanan,  and  even  he  entertained  hopes  of  some 
adjustment  that  should  preserve  the  integrity  of  the 
country,  and  save  it  from  the  horrors  of  civil  war ;  but 
it  was  not  to  be.  In  the  Providence  of  God  the  time 
had  come  to  recast  and  mould  anew  this  Nation,  and  as 
the  first  gleam  of  light,  on  the  morning  of  the  12th  of 
April,  revealed  the  grim  walls  of  Sumter  to  the  anxious 
watchers  on  Sullivan's  Island,  the  boom  of  cannon  rolled 
out  from  the  brazen  throat  of  a  Confederate  gun,  and 
the  last  hope  of  a  peaceful  solution  was  crushed  by  the 
iron  hand  of  fratricidal  war.  Battery  after  battery  fol 
lowed  this  signal  gun,  until  Sumter  was  enveloped  in 
fire,  and  stone  and  mortar  trembled  with  the  roar  of 
artillery,  and  crumbled  under  the  iron  deluge  that  poured 
upon  them. 


10  THE   NORTH   AROUSED.  [1861. 

Quickly  following  this  disaster  came  a  self-inflicted 
blow  upon  our  Navy.  At  Norfolk,  were  the  powerful 
forty-gun  steam  frigate  Merrimac,  the  Cumberland,  the 
Germantown,  the  Plymouth,  the  Raritan,  the  Columbia, 
the  Dolphin,  the  huge  three-decker  Pennsylvania,  the 
Delaware  and  Columbus,  with  over  two  thousand  can 
non  ;  quantities  of  small  arms,  and  immense  supplies  of 
war  material  and  naval  stores,  valued  at  $10,000,000. 
These  vessels,  with  one  exception,  were  scuttled  and  fired, 
and  the  property  abandoned  by  Captains  McCauley  and 
Paulding,  of  our  Navy,  who  then,  at  four  o'clock  on  the 
morning  of  the  21st  of  April,  fled  from  the  scene  of  their 
suicidal  exploit,  on  board  the  Cumberland,  lighted  on 
their  way  by  the  nation' s  burning  Navy. 

As  a  thrilling  epilogue  to  this  disgraceful  abandon 
ment  of  the  most  valuable  war  material  of  the  Govern 
ment,  it  will  be  remembered  that  the  rebels  raised  the 
Merrimac,  and  converted  her  into  a  powerful  iron -clad 
ram,  and  that  on  the  8th  of  March,  1862,  the  monster 
came  out  from  Norfolk  Harbor  on  her  mission  of  de 
struction.  The  escaped  Cumberland  and  the  Congress 
fell  a  prey  to  the  fury  of  this  novel  and  uncouth  levia 
than,  whose  mailed  surface  beat  back  the  shot  and  shell 
which  our  devoted  vessels  poured  upon  it,  as  though  they 
were  rubber  pellets.  Indeed,  but  for  the  opportune 
arrival  in  the  waters  of  Hampton  Roads  of  the  little 
Monitor  and  the  gallant  Worden,  it  is  doubtful  whether 
we  could  have  held  Fortress  Monroe  against  the  as 
saults  of  this  almost  impervious  engine  of  destruction. 

These  untoward  events  alarmed  and  aroused  the 
people  in  the  non-slave-holding  States,  and  led  them, 
at  last,  to  believe  in  the  possibility  of  an  internecine 
war  between  the  Government  and  the  revolted  States. 
The  effect  was  electrical.  Party  lines  disappeared  be 
fore  the  higher  duty  of  patriotism.  The  uprising  of  the 
masses  in  favor  of  sustaining  the  just  prerogatives  of  the 


1861.]  THE  SWORD  THE  ONLY  ARBITER.  H 

Federal  Government,  and  maintaining  the  inviolability 
of  the  Union,  was  a  grand  spectacle.  The  universality 
of  this  sentiment  of  loyalty  surprised  and  disappointed 
the  Southern  leaders.  They  were  bold  and  able  men, 
and  most  of  them  were  sincere  in  their  belief  in  the  ab 
stract  question  of  the  right  of  a  State  to  secede.  Behind 
them  stood  a  constituency  who  had  inculcated  this 
dangerous  doctrine  from  their  youth,  and  who  would 
tolerate  no  suggestion  of  its  fallacy.  The  women  of  the 
South  were  even  more  tenacious  of  the  rights  of  slavery, 
and  the  ultimate  right  of  a  State  to  withdraw  from  the 
Union,  than  the  men  were,  and  the  moral  influence  they 
imparted  to  the  cause  was  tremendous.  To  recede 
would  have  been  political  and  social  ruin  to  the  leaders, 
and  it  remained  only  to  settle  the  great  issue  they  had 
thrust  upon  the  country  by  the  terrible  arbitrament  of 
the  sword. 


CHAPTER    II. 

CONDITION  OF  ARMY  AT  OUTBREAK  OF  WAR — OP  NAVY — DISLOYALTY  IN 
BOTH  BRANCHES  OF  SERVICE — CONFEDERATES  BETTER  PREPARED 
THAN  FEDERALS — STATEMENTS  OF  SOUTHERN  LEADERS  ON  THE  SUB 
JECT — SENATOR  DOUGLAS'  GLOWING  SENTENCES — THE  CAPITAL  IN 

DANGER  OF  CAPTURE — CIVILIANS  ORGANIZE  TO  DEFEND  IT — THE 
WHITE  HOUSE  AND  PUBLIC  BUILDINGS  GARRISONED — MARTIAL  WEAK 
NESS  HUMILIATING  TO  NATIONAL  PRIDE — PURPOSE  OF  SECESSIONISTS 
OPENLY  PROCLAIMED — NO  PREPARATION  ON  PART  OF  FEDERAL 
GOVERNMENT — MR.  BUCHANAN'S  NON-COERCION  VIEWS — ACTION  OF 
SOUTHERN  SENATORS — TREASON  AN  UNKNOWN  CRIME — INAUGURATION 
OF  LINCOLN— PACIFIC  ADDRESS — THE  OPENING  CANNON— THE  MILITIA 
OUR  SOURCE  OF  MILITARY  STRENGTH — MR.  LINCOLN  CALLS  THEM 
FORTH— THE  RESPONSE — A  DRAGON  IN  THE  WAY — PRODIGIOUS  ENERGY 
IN  FORWARDING  TROOPS — SOUTHRONS  SURPRISED — POLITICAL  LINES 
OBLITERATED — SOUTH  AS  UNANIMOUS  AS  NORTH — SUNDRY  DELUSIONS 
DISPELLED — EXTENT  OF  REVOLTED  STATES — NEGROES  FAITBFUL  TO 
THEIR  MASTERS — EFFECT  THEREOF. 

THE  Federal  Government  could  scarcely  have  been 
less  prepared  for  war  than  it  was  on  the  day  the 
Confederate  batteries  opened  their  fire  on  Fort  Sumter. 
The  army  contained  but  ten  thousand  seven  hundred 
and  fifty-live  officers  and  men  ;  many  of  the  former  dis 
loyal.  This  little  force  was  chiefly  distributed  in  South 
ern  States  and  the  Indian  Country.  General  David  E. 
Twiggs,  who  commanded  that  portion  of  the  army 
stationed  in  Texas,  surrendered  his  force  to  that  State, 
together  with  $12, 000, 500  worth  of  public  property,  and 
was  very  indignant  because  President  Buchanan  dis 
missed  him  from  the  army,  "for  treachery  to  the 
flag  of  his  country."  He  addressed  a  letter  to  Mr. 
Buchanan,  which  reveals  a  singular  state  of  mind  on  the 
part  of  the  writer,  as  to  his  duty  towards  the  Govern- 

12 


1861.]  DISLOYALTY   IN   HIGH  PLACES.  13 

ment  which  had  educated  and  supported  him,  and  to 
which  he  had  taken  an  oath  of  fidelity.  He  says  : 
"  Your  usurped  right  to  dismiss  me  from  the  army 
might  be  acquiesced  in,  but  you  had  no  right  to  brand 
me  as  a  traitor.  This  was  personal,  and  /  shall  treat  it 
as  such — not  through  the  papers,  but  in  person.  I 
shall,  most  assuredly,  pay  a  visit  to  Lancaster,  for  the 
sole  purpose  of  a  personal  interview  with  you.  So,  sir, 
prepare  yourself.  I  am  well  assured  public  opinion  will 
sanction  any  course  I  may  take  with  you."  Could  in 
solence  further  go  ? 

The  navy  was  as  weak  and  unavailable  as  the  army. 
The  report  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy,  July,  1861, 
showed  that  of  the  90  vessels  belonging  to  the  navy,  but 
two  of  them,  carrying  27  guns  and  280  men,  were  within 
reach,  and  likely  to  obey  the  orders  of  the  department. 
Mr.  Toucy,  Mr.  Buchanan's  Secretary  of  the  Navy,  had 
sent  5  of  our  ships  to  the  East  Indies,  3  to  Brazil,  7  to 
the  Pacific  Ocean,  3  to  the  Mediterranean,  7  to  the 
Coast  of  Africa,  and  others  to  other  remote  stations, 
where  they  were  of  no  use  in  our  great  emergency.  As 
early  as  February,  1861,  a  Congressional  Committee  had 
been  directed  to  investigate  the  conduct  of  the  Secretary, 
and  this  committee  reported  that  the  Brooklyn,  25 
guns,  and  the  store-ship  Relief,  2  guns,  were  the  only 
vessels  available  for  the  defense  of  the  Atlantic  Coast  ; 
the  latter  vessel,  even  then,  under  orders  for  Africa. 
The  committee  say  nothing  like  it  ever  occurred  before. 
Such  disposition  of  the  navy,  at  so  critical  a  period,  was 
pronounced  extraordinary.  The  committee  also  arraign 
the  Secretary  for  neglecting  to  put  in  repair  and  com 
mission  a  single  one  of  the  28  ships  dismantled  in  port, 
although  he  had  $646,639.79  of  the  appropriation  for 
repairs,  unexpended. 

Mr.  Cameron,  Secretary  of  War  under  Mr.  Lincoln 
at  the  outset  of  his  administration,  thus  speaks  of  the 
condition  of  the  War  Department,  when  it  was  turned 


14  SOUTH  WELL  ARMED.  [186L 

over  to  him  at  the  end  of  Buchanan' s  administration : 
' '  I  found  the  department  destitute  of  all  means  of  de 
fence  ;  without  guns,  and  with  little  prospect  of  pur 
chasing  the  material  of  war.  I  found  the  nation  with 
out  an  army,  and  I  found  scarcely  a  man  throughout 
the  whole  War  Department  in  whom  I  could  put  my 
trust.  The  adjutant-general  deserted,  the  quarter-master- 
general  ran  off,  the  commissary-general  was  on  his 
death  bed  ;  more  than  half  the  clerks  were  disloyal." 

The  Richmond  Enquirer  stated,  that  under  a  single 
order  Secretary  Floyd  sent,  during  the  preceding  year, 
114,868  improved  muskets  and  rifles  from  Northern  to 
Southern  Arsenals.  The  Memphis  Appeal  boasted  that 
by  the  transfers  made  by  Floyd,  and  by  the  seizure  of 
forts  and  arsenals,  and  some  purchases  abroad,  the  Con 
federate  States  had,  in  the  spring  of  1861,  707,000  stand 
of  arms,  and  200,000  revolvers  ;  a  pretty  good  out-fit. 

The  seceded  States  appropriated,  without  scruple, 
the  government's  war  material,  and  there  was  no  arm 
of  the  service  in  which  they  were  not  thus  very  well 
equipped.  The  abandonment  by  the  federal  forces  of 
the  Norfolk  Navy  Yard,  one  of  the  most  extensive  naval 
depots  in  the  country,  threw  into  the  hands  of  the  rebels 
nearly  3,000  cannon  of  the  most  formidable  and  efficient 
kinds  —  many  of  them  Columbiads  and  Dahlgrens. 
They  were  spiked,  of  course,  by  our  people,  but  that  is 
an  idle  ceremony,  except  to  avoid  immediate  use  of  the 
guns.  Shot,  shell,  revolvers,  carbines,  and  small  arms, 
in  vast  quantities,  were  cast  into  the  harbor,  to  be  fished 
out  again,  with  almost  as  much  ease  and  certainty  as 
they  were  thrown  in.  From  these  combined  sources  the 
Confederates  were  enabled  to  confront  the  Unionists,  at 
the  beginning  of  the  war,  with  a  decided  superiority, 
both  in  quantity  and  quality  of  arms. 

On  the  other  hand,  the  South  boasted  of  its  readi 
ness  for  war.  On  the  18th  of  February,  1861,  a  member 
of  the  Military  Committee  of  the  Confederate  Congress, 


1861.]  SOUTHERN  ADMISSION.  15 

said:  "  My  colleague,  however,  greatly  errs,  when  he 
states  we  are  unprepared  for  war,  and  have  no  arms, 
and  I  am  unwilling  to  let  the  assertion  go  undenied. 
Sir,  we  have  arms  in  abundance,  though  no  armories. 
Every  State  has  amply  provided  itself  to  meet  any  emer 
gency  that  may  arise,  and  is  daily  purchasing  and  re 
ceiving  cannon,  mortars,  shell,  and  other  engines  of 
destruction,  with  which  to  overwhelm  the  dastard  ad 
versary.  Organized  armies  now  exist  in  all  the  States, 
commanded  by  officers  brave,  accomplished  and  ex 
perienced  ;  and  even  should  war  occur  in  twenty  days, 
I  feel  confident  that  they  have  both  the  valor  and  the 
arms,  successfully  to  resist  any  force  whatever."  But 
in  addition  to  all  this,  the  South  was  educated  up  to  the 
undisturbed  contemplation  of  a  state  of  war  between 
itself  and  the  Federal  Government ;  and  victory,  to  the 
Southern  arms  was  the  unquestioned  and  undoubted 
result.  The  Charleston  Courier  was  disposed  to  have 
the  Confederacy  treat  the  Northern  States  as  insurgents, 
and  deny  them  recognition.  Still,  if  the  North  quietly 
acquiesced  in  secession,  the  South,  after  transferring  its 
seat  of  Government  to  Washington,  might  possibly  con 
descend  to  recognize  what  might  be  left  of  the  old  Con 
federacy,  in  order  to  enable  it  to  maintain  a  feeble 
national  existence. 

The  South  Carolina  leaders  but  expressed  the  truth 
as  to  the  state  of  the  Southern  mind  on  the  question  of 
a  separation,  when  Mr.  Inglis  said  to  his  colleagues  in 
the  convention:  "Most  of  us  have  had  this  subject 
under  consideration  for  the  last  twenty  years."  Mr. 
Keitt  said:  "I  have  been  engaged  in  this  movement 
ever  since  I  entered  political  life."  Mr.  Rhett  said  : 
"  It  (secession)  is  not  produced  by  Mr.  Lincoln's  elec 
tion,  or  the  non-execution  of  the  fugitive  slave  law.  It 
is  a  matter  which  has  been  gathering  head  for  thirty 
years." 


16  SENATOR  DOUGLAS.  [1861. 

Senator  Douglas,  in  his  great  speech  before  ten 
thousand  people  at  Chicago,  on  the  first  day  of  May, 
1861,  said  :  "There  has  never  been  a  time  from  the  day 
that  Washington  was  inaugurated  first  President  of  the 
United  States,  when  the  rights  of  the  Southern  States 
stood  firmer  under  the  laws  of  the  land  than  they  do 
now  ;  there  never  was  a  time  when  they  had  not  as  good 
cause  for  disunion  as  they  have  to-day.  What  good 
cause  have  they  now  that  has  not  existed  under  every 
administration  ? 

"  The  slavery  question  is  a  mere  excuse.  The  elec 
tion  of  Lincoln  is  a  mere  pretext.  The  present  secession 
movement  is  the  result  of  an  enormous  conspiracy, 
formed  more  than  a  year  since.  Formed  by  leaders  in 
the  Southern  Confederacy  more  than  twelve  months 
ago. 

"  But  this  is  no  time  for  the  detail  of  causes.  The 
conspiracy  is  now  known.  Armies  have  been  raised, 
war  is  levied  to  accomplish  it.  There  are  only  two  sides 
of  the  question.  Every  man  must  be  for  the  United 
States  or  against  it.  There  can  be  no  neutrals  in  this 
war  ;  only  patriots  or  traitors.  I  know  they  expect  to 
present  a  united  South  against  a  divided  North.  They 
hoped,  in  the  Northern  States,  party  questions  would 
bring  civil  war  between  Democrats  and  Republicans, 
when  the  South  would  step  in  with  her  cohorts,  aid  one 
party  to  conquer  the  other,  and  then  make  easy  prey  of 
the  victors.  Their  scheme  was  carnage  and  civil  war  in 
the  North." 

The  Richmond  Enquirer  of  April  23,  1861,  urged  an 
attempt  to  capture  Washington,  and  declared  it  entirely 
feasible ;  why  such  an  attempt  was  not  made  in  the 
spring  of  1861  is  one  of  the  unsolved  riddles  of  Con 
federate  policy.  That  such  an  enterprise  would  have 
had  many  chances  in  favor  of  its  success,  cannot  be 
doubted.  While  it  is  possible  that  such  a  movement 
would  have  inflamed  the  North,  and  extinguished  the 


1861.]  WASHINGTON   IN   DANGER.  17 

last  spark  of  sympathy  with  the  rebel  cause  in  the  loyal 
states  ;  on  the  other  hand,  it  would  have  been  likely  to 
carry  the  border  states  over  to  the  Confederates  and 
secure  to  the  Confederacy  the  recognition  of  foreign 
governments. 

Well  authenticated  facts  show  that  a  secret  organ 
ization  existed,  from  which  the  Capital  was  in  danger 
of  capture,  for  a  month  after  Mr.  Lincoln' s  inauguration. 
The  plan  involved  a  march  upon  the  city  by  3,000 
Virginians,  an  uprising  by  the  Washington  Secession 
ists  ;  while  the  Baltimore  Rebels  were  to  cut  off  the 
communication  by  telegraph  and  rail  with  the  North, 
and  march  upon  the  beleagured  city  in  such  force  as 
they  could  command.  If  this  movement  proved  suc 
cessful,  the  Confederate  government  was  to  advance  its 
troops  and  occupy  the  captured  town;  but  if  the  Federals 
developed  unlooked-for  strength  and  the  assailants  were 
repulsed,  the  Confederate  government  would  stand  in  a 
position  to  shirk  all  responsibility,  and  treat  the  affair 
as  the  exploit  of  unauthorized  partisans. 

The  Federal  government  knew  enough  of  this  scheme 
to  appreciate  the  danger  to  which  it  subjected  the 
Capital,  and  to  be  induced  to  make  such  provisions 
against  its  success  as  were  possible,  with  the  limited 
means  at  hand.  The  situation  of  the  President,  his 
Cabinet,  and  the  various  officers,  archives  and  property 
of  the  several  departments  of  the  government,  were 
anomalous.  The  population  of  the  city  was  largely  and 
bitterly  opposed  to  the  administration,  while  of  the 
clerks  in  the  departments,  about  eighty  per  cent,  were 
from  the  South,  and  nearly  every  one  of  them  was  dis 
loyal.  The  city  of  Richmond,  itself,  could  hardly  have 
been  more  hostile  to  the  administration,  and  Mr.  Lincoln 
and  his  Cabinet,  in  so  far  as  sympathy  was  concerned, 
might  as  well  have  been  set  down  in  the  latter  city. 
But  there  were  a  great  many  transient  inhabitants  in 
Washington  at  this  time — men  who  were  loyal  and 


18  MAETIAL  WEAKNESS.  [186L 

friendly  to  the  administration.  These  men  met,  by  notice 
quietly  communicated,  in  the  old  church  in  rear  of 
Willard's  Hotel,  on  the  evening  of  April  18th  ;  the  oath 
of  fidelity  was  administered,  and  the  celebrated  "Cassius 
M.  Clay  Battalion"  was  formed.  This  organization 
consisted  of  about  200  men;  they  were  from  the  best 
ranks  of  society  and  represented  the  culture  and  wealth 
of  the  land.  This  battalion  was  divided  into  squads, 
and  each  under  an  efficient  commander,  patrolled  the 
streets  of  the  Capital.  Another  party  of  three  hundred 
men  was  quietly  gathered  in  the  east  room  at  the  White 
House,  under  command  of  Gen.  Lane,  of  Kansas ;  and 
for  three  weeks  this  improvised  garrison  occupied  these 
quarters.  The  veteran  General  Scott  took  possession  of 
the  capitol  building  with  a  few  hundred  men,  and  con 
verted  the  stiucture  into  a  citadel,  which  he  supplied 
with  provisions  and  military  stores,  adapted  to  a  siege. 
The  long  bridge  across  the  Potomac  was  under  charge 
of  a  body  of  dragoons,  and  a  detachment  of  artillery  had 
its  guns  planted  on  the  Washington  side  to  sweep  the 
structure. 

All  these  preparations  were  very  inadequate  to  de 
fend  the  city  against  so  formidable  an  attack  as  was  be 
lieved  to,  and  probably  did  menace  it.  Why  the  medi 
tated  blow  was  not  struck  is  now  only  a  matter  of  con 
jecture. 

These  circumstances  revealed  a  state  of  affairs  hu 
miliating  to  a  just  national  pride,  and  endangered  for  a 
time  the  very  life  of  the  Republic.  To  see  a  govern 
ment  of  38,000,000  of  people,  rich  in  all  the  resources- 
that  tend  to  make  them  great  and  powerful,  ranking 
second  to  no  nation  of  the  earth,  so  denuded  of  its 
proper  martial  puissance  that  it  could  not  set  a  squadron 
in  the  field,  even  to  save  its  capital  from  capture,  was 
unspeakably  humbling. 

The  lesson  of  1861  ought  to  have  taught  our  national 
Legislators  that  we  are  not  so  isolated  from  the  rest  of 


1861.]  FALSE  ECONOMY.  19 

the  world,  nor  so  safe  from  internal  violence  that  we 
can  dispense  with  an  army  and  conduct  this  government 
on  high  moral  principles  alone.  But  we  are  advancing 
now  toward  the  same  condition  of  impotence  that  cov 
ered  us  with  mortification  and  imperiled  our  existence 
eighteen  years  ago.  And  still  our  u  reformers  "  demand 
a  further  reduction  of  the  army,  and  would  take  from 
the  Federal  Government  the  authority  to  control  what 
little  there  is  left  of  it. 

With  new-born  zeal  for  economy,  they  tell  us  the 
army  costs  much  money.  True,  it  does  ;  but  how  many 
tens  of  thousands  of  human  lives,  and  how  many  mil 
lions  of  dollars  has  the  non-existence  of  an  army  cost 
us  ?  Does  any  man  believe  that  the  war  of  the  rebel 
lion  would  ever  have  been  inaugurated  if  the  disloyal 
element  had  not  known  that  the  Government  was 
practically  powerless  ?  Does  any  one  believe  that  the 
war  of  the  rebellion  would  have  been  fought  if  this 
Government  had  had  an  adequate,  a  loyal  and  an  efficient 
army  in  1861  ?  NEVER  !  ! 

It  is  an  unwise  policy,  if  it  is  not  a  false  and  dishonest 
pretence,  which,  in  the  name  of  economy,  allows  our 
ships  of  war  to  rot  in  their  ports  and  our  army  to  be  re 
duced  to  a  single  corps.  Such  policy  invites  insult  and 
invasion  from  without,  disorder  and  insurrection  within. 

Not  till  those  halcyon  days  shall  come,  u  when  nations 
shall  learn  war  no  more,"  can  a  great  Government  afford 
thus  to  disarm  itself  before  the  world.  We  believe  in  all 
just  measures  of  economy,  and  in  that  reform  which 
looks  to  the  elevation  and  prosperity  of  the  whole 
country  ;  but  we  do  not  believe  in  depriving  the  Gov 
ernment  of  the  power  to  enforce,  at  home  and  abroad,  on 
sea  and  land,  on  the  plains  among  the  Indians,  or  among 
the  strikers  and  rioters  in  Harrisburg  and  Baltimore,  re 
spect  for  its  authority. 

The  thunder  of  preparation  for  war  had  rolled  up 
from  the  South  for  months.  Her  States  had  seceded 


20  NON-COERCION   VIEWS.  [1861. 

and  formed  a  new  Government.  They  had  possessed 
themselves  of  the  forts  and  war  material  of  the  nation. 
They  had  organized  armies  for  the  avowed  purpose  of 
resisting  the  authority  of  the  Federal  Government.  They 
had  erected  batteries  and  mounted  heavy  cannon  to  re 
duce  a  Federal  fort  in  Charleston  Harbor.  Their  pur 
pose  had  been  openly  declared  on  the  floor  of  Congress  ; 
in  the  Cabinet  of  Mr.  Buchanan  ;  by  words  and  deeds, 
all  over  the  country.  There  had  been  no  concealment 
of  the  rebel  purpose  since  November,  1860.  It  was  a 
dissolution  of  the  Union  and  the  erection  of  a  separate 
and  independent  Government,  composed  of  some  or  all 
the  slave-holding  States.  This  and  nothing  less,  was 
the  programme  defiantly  and  insolently  flaunted  in  the 
nation's  face,  through  all  the  winter  of  1860-1  ;  and  no 
one  called  it  treason.  Indeed,  our  form  of  Govern 
ment  seemed  to  be  either  not  a  subject  of  treason,  or 
without  power  to  punish  it. 

Mr.  Buchanan  could  find  no  authority  in  the  Consti 
tution  to  justify  an  attempt  to  arrest  the  disintegra 
tion.  His  Attorney-general  concurred  in  this  view  of 
the  question.  His  Secretary  of  the  Interior  boasted  of 
the  fact  that  he  had  telegraphed  the  rebels  at  Charleston, 
that  the  Star  of  the  West  was  on  her  way  to  re -enforce 
Major  Anderson,  and  that  "  the  (rebel)  troops  were  then 
put  on  their  guard,  and  when  the  ship  arrived  in 
Charleston  Harbor  she  received  a  warm  welcome  from 
booming  cannon,  and  soon  beat  a  hasty  retreat."  His 
Secretary  of  the  Navy  had  paralyzed  that  arm  of  Gov 
ernment  power,  as  already  shown.  His  Secretary  of 
War  had  been  equally  successful  in  neutralizing  that 
department,  and  he  even  had  the  effrontery  to  protest 
to  President  Buchanan  against  the  transfer  of  Major 
Anderson  and  his  men  from  Fort  Moultrie  to  Sumter, 
and  to  demand  that  the  President  should  allow  him  to 
issue  an  order  for  the  withdrawal  of  Major  Anderson 
from  Charleston  Harbor,  thereby  surrendering  it  to  the 


1861.]  ACTION  OF   SOUTHERN  SENATORS.  21 

rebels.  And  because  Mr.  Buchanan  refused  to  permit 
such  an  order  to  be  issued,  Floyd  resigned  his  port 
folio,  and  betook  himself  South. 

On  the  sixth  of  January,  1861,  the  Senators  from 
Florida,  Georgia,  Alabama,  Louisiana,  Arkansas,  Texas 
and  Mississippi,  then,  and  for  weeks  afterwards,  hold 
ing  their  seats  as  United  States  Senators  under  their 
oath  of  fidelity  to  the  Government,  met  together  and 
adopted  resolutions  advising  such  of  their  several 
States  as  had  not  already  done  so,  to  secede  and  form  a 
Confederate  Government,  not  later  than  the  fifteenth  of 
February,  then  next ;  the  time  being  so  fixed  "  to  en 
able  Louisiana  and  Texas  to  participate."  Senator 
Yulee,  of  Florida,  who  communicated  this  resolve  to 
his  constituents,  said  in  his  letter  accompanying  it :  "It 
seemed  to  be  the  opinion,  if  we  left  here,  (Washington) 
force,  loan  and  volunteer  bills  might  be  passed,  which 
would  put  Mr.  Lincoln  in  immediate  condition  for  hos 
tilities.  Whereas,  by  remaining  in  our  places  until  the 
fourth  of  March,  it  is  thought  we  can  keep  Mr.  Buch 
anan's  hands  tied,  and  disable  the  Republicans  from 
effecting  any  legislation  which  will  strengthen  the 
hands  of  the  incoming  Administration."  Senator  Iver- 
son,  of  Georgia,  in  withdrawing  from  the  United  States 
Senate,  said  :  ' '  Georgia  is  one  of  six  States,  which,  in 
less  than  sixty  days,  have  dissolved  their  connection 
with  the  Federal  Union.  Steps  are  now  in  progress  to 
form  a  Confederacy  of  their  own.  If  you  (the  United 
States)  acknowledge  our  independence,  and  treat  us  as 
one  of  the  nations  of  the  earth,  you  can  have  friendly 
relations  and  intercourse  with  us ;  you  can  have  an 
equitable  division  of  the  public  property  and  of  the  ex 
isting  public  debt  of  the  United  States.  But  if  you 
make  war  upon  us,  we  will  seize  and  hold  all  the  public 
property  in  our  borders,  and  in  our  reach  ;  we  care  not 
in  what  shape  or  form,  or  under  what  pretext  you  un 
dertake  coercion;  in  whatever  shape  you  make  war, 


22  INAUGURATION  OF  LINCOLN.  [1861. 

we  will  fight  you."  Still,  nobody  ventured  to  utter  the 
word  "treason."  With  the  conclusion  of  the  trial  of 
Aaron  Burr,  treason  seems  to  have  been  practically 
blotted  out  of  the  statutes  of  the  United  States. 

The  inauguration  of  Mr.  Lincoln  produced  no  im 
mediately  apparent  change  in  the  bearing  of  the  Admin 
istration  towards  the  South,  but  the  views  of  the  new 
President  were  very  carefully  expressed  on  the  great 
questions  towards  which  all  thoughts  were  directed. 
He  said :  "To  the  extent  of  my  ability  I  shall  take 
care,  as  the  Constitution  itself  expressly  enjoins  upon 
me,  that  the  laws  of  the  United  States  be  faithfully  ex 
ecuted  in  all  the  States.  The  power  confided  to  me  will 
be  used  to  hold,  occupy  and  possess  the  property  and 
places  belonging  to  the  Government,  and  collect  the  du 
ties  and  imposts  ;  but  beyond  what  may  be  necessary 
for  these  objects,  there  will  be  no  invasion,  no  using  of 
force  against  or  among  the  people  anywhere." 

This  was  the  modest  programme  of  the  new  Presi 
dent,  and  it  did  not  look  very  belligerent.  To  the 
Secessionists  he  said  :  "In  your  hands,  my  dissatisfied 
countrymen,  and  not  in  mine,  is  the  momentous  issue 
of  civil  war.  The  Government  will  not  assail  you. 
You  can  have  no  conflict  without  being  yourselves  the 
aggressors.  You  have  no  oath  registered  in  Heaven  to 
destroy  the  Government,  while  I  shall  have  the  most 
solemn  one  '  to  preserve,  protect  and  defend  it.'  I  am 
loath  to  close.  We  are  not  enemies,  but  friends  ;  we 
must  not  be  enemies.  Though  passion  may  have 
strained,  it  must  not  break  our  bonds  of  affection.  The 
mystic  chords  of  memory,  stretching  from  every  battle 
field  and  patriot  grave  to  every  living  heart  and  hearth 
stone  all  over  this  broad  land,  will  yet  swell  the  chorus 
of  the  Union  when  again  touched,  as  surely  they  will  be, 
by  the  better  angels  of  our  nature." 

Though  these  words  were  pacific,  and  held  out  the 
olive  branch  to  the  South,  yet  they  fully  covered  the 


1861.]  DEPENDENCE   UPON  THE   MILITIA.  23 

situation,  and  the  conviction  was  general  that  Mr.  Lin 
coln  would  live  up  to  his  solemn  pledge,  and  at  the 
proper  time  would  act  with  decision  and  boldness. 
Although  it  might  have  been  said  that  the  South  had 
already  committed  numerous  acts  of  war  against  the 
Federal  Government,  yet  each  side  wished  to  leave  to 
the  other  the  fearful  responsibility  of  firing  the  first 
gun,  if  war  must  come. 

As  time  went  on,  and  the  Federal  Government  ad 
hered  to  its  inoffensive  policy,  the  leaders  of  Secession 
became  apprehensive  that  the  way  to  reconciliation 
might  be  opened  or  that  the  Secession  ardor  might 
abate,  and  they,  therefore,  resolved  to  put  an  impass 
able  barrier  between  North  and  South.  To  this  end,  on 
the  morning  of  the  twelfth  of  April,  they  opened  fire  on 
Fort  Sumter,  and  the  gauge  of  battle  could  no  longer  be 
disregarded  by  Mr.  Lincoln.  The  last  hope  of  a  peace 
ful  solution  expired  with  the  reverberations  of  the  first 
cannon  that  sent  its  shot  against  the  walls  of  Sumter, 
and  aroused  the  nation  at  last  to  a  partial  conscious 
ness  of  the  imminence  of  the  danger  which  threatened  it. 

Our  fathers  regarded  the  militia  of  the  several  States 
as  the  true  source  of  military  strength  in  such  a  Gov 
ernment  as  ours,  and  the  Constitution  makes  provision 
for  calling  out  these  citizen  soldiers  for  service  under 
the  Federal  authority.  It  was  feared,  however,  that 
the  "  cankers  of  a  calm  world  and  long  peace  "  had  left 
our  militia  organizations  in  anything  but  an  efficient 
condition.  Nevertheless,  they  had  to  be  depended  upon 
in  this  great  emergency,  and,  perhaps,  the  result  af 
forded  the  highest  evidence  of  the  wisdom  and  foresight 
of  the  fathers  of  the  Constitution,  in  thus  placing  in  the 
hands  of  these  patriotic  and  voluntary  organizations 
the  ark  of  the  Federal  Constitution.  At  all  events,  they 
did  not  disappoint  any  reasonable  hopes  reposed  in 
them,  from  the  opening  to  the  end  of  the  rebellion. 


24  PRODIGIOUS   ENERGY.  [1861. 

[Some  reader  who  thinks  it  witty  or  popular  to  laugh  at 
the  militia,  (always  excepting  the  New  York  Seventh 
and  a  half-dozen  other  crack  regiments,  here  and  there) 
is  expected  to  turn  up  his  nose  at  this  general  com 
mendation,  and  ask  :  "  How  about  the  first  Bull  Run  ?" 
We  answer  unhesitatingly,  that  veterans  have  seldom 
fought  better  under  like  conditions  than  our  militia  did 
on  the  21st  day  of  July,  1861,  at  Bull  Run.  In  proof 
of  this,  we  propose  to  present,  by  and  by,  some  facts  for 
the  consideration  of  the  reader.] 

Under  the  authority  thus  conferred,  Mr.  Lincoln,  on 
the  fifteenth  day  of  April,  issued  his  proclamation,  set 
ting  forth  that  certain  States  were  engaged  in  obstruct 
ing  the  laws  of  the  United  States,  by  combinations  too 
powerful  to  be  suppressed  by  the  ordinary  course  of 
judicial  proceedings,  and  that  he  therefore  called  for 
the  militia  of  the  several  States,  to  the  aggregate  num 
ber  of  seventy-five  thousand  men. 

The  Bay  State  displayed  most  alacrity  in  responding 
to  this  call,  and  on  the  day  following  the  promulgation 
of  the  proclamation,  the  6th  Massachusetts  regiment, 
completely  equipped,  left  Boston  for  the  National  Capi 
tal.  Baltimore  lay  like  a  dragon  across  their  line  of 
march,  and  while  passing  through  that  city,  the  regi 
ment  was  attacked  by  a  furious  mob  of  rebel  sympa 
thizers,  and  several  of  its  men  were  killed  or  severely 
wounded. 

Following  this  event,  the  railroad  bridges  over  Gfun- 
powder,  Bush  and  Canton  Rivers,  between  Baltimore  and 
Havre  de  Grace,  were  burned,  and  the  Government  was 
obliged  to  find  other  routes  for  transporting  troops  and 
war  material,  from  the  east  and  north  to  the  Capital. 

Now,  however,  inflamed  nearly  as  much  by  the 
brutal  and  unprovoked  assault  on  the  6th  Massachu 
setts,  as  by  the  attack  on  Fort  Sumter,  prodigious 
energy  was  displayed  in  the  forwarding  of  troops,  and 
in  a  few  days  the  Administration  felt  that  all  danger  of 


1861.]  PARTY  LINES  OBLITERATED.  25 

its  expulsion  from  the  Capital  was  over,  and  that  the 
nucleus  of  an  army  was  encamped  around  the  city. 

Considering  the  fact  that  the  Eebellion  was  quasi- 
political,  the  uprising  of  the  masses  of  the  people  of 
the  loyal  States,  irrespective  of  party,  was  something 
wonderful  in  the  history  of  revolutionary  movements. 
The  southern  leaders  supposed  that  the  ties  of  party 
would  bind  to  their  cause  a  considerable  body  of  men 
in  every  State,  and  that  if  they  did  not  act  with  them, 
they  would  at  least  openly  sympathize  with  them.  And 
they  believed  that  this  course  would  seriously  hamper 
and  embarrass  the  administration  ;  but  instead  of  this, 
political  ties  with  the  rebel  South  were  snapped  asunder 
without  a  moment' s  hesitation,  and  Democrat  and  Re 
publican  stood  sho  alder  to  shoulder  in  support  of  the 
Government. 

The  country  had  just  passed  through  an  unusually 
heated  and  exciting  political  canvass,  and  it  was  the 
purpose  of  the  secessionists  to  strike  the  blow  for 
dissolution  before  the  blood,  warmed  up  in  the  political 
contest,  had  resumed  its  cool  and  wonted  flow.  But  its 
eifect  upon  their  political  allies  was  the  reverse  of  what 
they  looked  for,  and  really,  of  what  they  had  reason  to 
expect.  No  other  age  or  country  has  ever  presented 
the  exact  parallel  of  such  an  inflexible  line  of  demark- 
ation  as  between  the  rebel  and  loyal  States.  True,  the 
people  of  the  so-called  border  States  were  divided  on  the 
question  ;  but  passing  these,  either  way,  there  were 
no  contending  factions  ;  practically,  on  the  southerly 
side  all  the  whites  were  rebels,  and  on  the  northerly  side 
all  were  loyal. 

The  impression  that  prevailed  so  generally  at  the 
North,  in  the  early  days  of  the  war,  that  a  large  propor 
tion  of  the  whites  in  the  Southern  States  were  opposed 
to  secession  and  wanted  to  see  the  Union  preserved,  was 
a  baseless  delusion.  There  may  have  been  many,  who 
like  A.  H.  Stephens,  were  averse  to  a  separation,  but 


26  SLAVES  FAITHFUL  TO   MASTERS.  [1861. 

when  the  deed  was  done,  they,  like  him,  gave  their 
whole  souls  to  the  cause.  Exceptions  here  and  there, 
like  the  case  of  John  Minor  Botts  on  the  rebel  side,  and 
Vallandingham  on  the  Union  side,  were  striking  chiefly 
because  of  the  rarity  of  such  instances. 

It  required  a  few  months  to  effectually  dispel  another 
Northern  delusion,  in  which  the  "hope  was  father  to  the 
thought."  We  could  reason  upon  the  fall  of  Sumter 
without  necessarily  plunging  the  country  into  war,  and 
we  tried  hard  to  believe  that  when  the  South  saw  the 
government  arm  for  the  strife,  it  would  find  some 
way  by  which  diplomacy  might  avert  the  impending 
conflict,  and  restore  the  revolted  States  to  their  allegiance 
to  the  Government.  But  Bull -Run  extinguished  this  fond 
hope,  and  as  the  news  of  that  untoward  battle  sped  over 
the  country,  the  Administration  and  the  people  saw  the 
struggle  was  inevitable  and  that  it  would  assume  her 
culean  proportions,  and  it  and  they  prepared  to  meet  it. 

The  revolted  States  embraced  an  area  of  783,144 
square  miles,  with  a  white  population  of  5,672,272  and 
3,279,320  slaves.  The  slaves,  who  were  counted  upon 
in  the  beginning,  by  our  Northern  people,  as  an  element 
of  weakness  to  the  South,  really  constituted  one  of  the 
rebels'  most  useful  factors  in  carrying  on  the  war.  Their 
fidelity  to  their  masters,  under  all  the  circumstances, 
was  most  extraordinary,  and  enabled  the  white  popula 
tion  to  send  all  its  able-bodied  men  into  the  field,  while 
the  industry  of  the  negroes  provided  for  the  wants  of 
the  non-combatants,  and  very  largely  also  for  the  Con 
federate  armies.  Moreover,  the  negroes  were  employed 
by  the  Confederates  in  various  quasi-military  occupa 
tions  in  the  commissary,  quartermaster's  and  ordnance 
departments,  whereby  an  equal  number  of  whites  were 
relegated  to  the  ranks. 

This  condition  of  things  enabled  the  Confederates, 
with  a  white  population  greatly  inferior  to  that  of  the 
loyal  States,  to  rally  around  their  standards  during  the 


1861.  J  MAGNITUDE   OF   THE   WAR.  27 

first  two  years  of  the  war,  armies  quite  as  large,  and 
sometimes  larger  than  our  own. 

The  magnitude  of  the  attempt  to  coerce  these  people, 
and  constrain  them  to  acknowledge  and  respect  the 
federal  authority,  can  only  be  measured  by  the  vast 
area  of  their  territory,  the  number  and  the  circum 
stances  of  the  population,  and  the  severity  and  duration 
of  the  contest. 


CHAPTER   III. 

CONSTITUTIONAL  FORETHOUGHT  —  MILITIA  DECADENCE — THE  240TH — 
COLONEL  CHRISTOPHER  FIEKO— TWENTIETH  REGIMENT  DISTRICT- 
ROSTER — LETTER  FROM  COLONEL  FIERO — HISTORICAL  AND  BIO 
GRAPHICAL — GENERAL  SAMSON — AN  EARNEST  MAN — A  FAITHFUL 
FRIEND — AUSTERE  BUT  KIND — A  SCENE  WITH  CAPTAIN  HAULEX- 
BECK — ANOTHER  WITH  THE  OFFICER  OF  THE  DAY — REQUIESCAT  IN 
PACE. 

THE  Constitution  of  the  United  States  declares  that  a 
well-regulated  militia  is  necessary  to  the  security  of  a 
free  State.  The  Constitution  and  Laws  of  the  State 
of  New  York  provide  for  the  creation  and  maintenance 
of  a  militia  organization.  But  there  had  been  nothing  to 
arouse  the  military  ardor  of  our  people  for  more  than 
a  quarter  of  a  century  after  the  close  of  the  last  war 
with  Great  Britain,  and  our  militia  organizations 
drooped  and  degenerated  until  they  became  mere  bur 
lesques.  Long  years  of  peace  and  habits  of  thrift  and 
industry  had  practically  extinguished  the  martial  spirit, 
except  in  our  cities,  where  favorable  conditions  enabled 
the  organizations  to  flourish. 

The  war  with  Mexico  stimulated  the  military  senti 
ment  in  a  gentle  way,  but  produced  no  permanent  results. 
Again,  a  long  period  of  peace  ensued,  and  it  seemed  as 
improbable  that  war  should  visit  our  peaceful  land  as 
that  the  sun  should  cease  to  shine  upon  it,  or  that  its 
rich  soil  should  refuse  to  return  to  the  husbandman  the 
rewards  of  his  industry.  We  were  at  comity  with  all 
the  world,  and  never  dreamed  of  treason.  Why  then, 
should  our  artizans  and  farmers,  our  merchants  and 
lawyers,  play  their  brief  hour  at  soldiering  once  or  twice 
a  year  ?  Why  should  our  intensely  practical  people 
mimic  the  u  pride,  pomp  and  circumstance  of  glorious 
war/'  who  never  more  should  see  "battle's  magnifi 
cently  stern  array?" 

28 


1847.]  TWENTIETH   REGIMENTAL   DISTRICT.  29 

The  militia  organization  of  which  the  "  Twentieth  " 
was  the  successor,  was  known  in  its  day  as  the  245th 
Regiment,  and  it  did  nothing  to  impress  itself  upon  the 
annals  of  its  time.  The  very  number  it  bore  proves  its 
absurdity.  Like  its  fellows,  it  had  neither  cohesion  or 
discipline,  uniforms  or  equipments.  It  occasionally 
helped  to  amuse  the  people  at  "general  trainings," 
which  events  usually  resulted  in  a  general  train. 

This  was  not  the  fault  of  its  commanding  officer,  but 
of  the  system  upon  which  these  regiments  were  organ 
ized  and  maintained,  and  the  inevitable  demoralization 
resulting  therefrom.  The  245th  was  the  peer  of  any  of 
its  fellow  country  organizations,  and  probably  superior 
to  many. 

Colonel  Christopher  Fiero,  then  and  now  a  resident 
of  Saugerties,  Ulster  County,  was  commissioned  by 
Governor  Silas  Wright,  colonel  of  the  245th,  January 
13th,  1845,  and  continued  to  command  it  until  a  re-or 
ganization  took  place,  under  an  act  of  the  Legislature, 
passed  in  1847,  whereby  the  counties  of  Ulster  and  Sul 
livan  were  constituted  a  new  regimental  district,  to  be 
known  as  the  "Twentieth  Regimental  District,"  and 
Colonel  Fiero,  as  the  senior  commandant,  was  commis 
sioned  colonel  of  the  new  organization,  April  28th,  1848. 

The  two  counties  were  sub-divided  into  eight  com 
pany  districts,  according  to  population,  and  with  the  fol 
lowing  result :  First  Company — Saugerties  and  Wood 
stock.  Second — Kingston  arid  Shandaken.  Third- 
Hurley,  Olive  and  Marbletown.  Fourth — Rosendale, 
Esopus  and  New-Paltz.  Fifth — Rochester  and  War- 
warsing.  Sixth — Lloyd,  Plattekill  and  Marlborough, 
for  Ulster  County  ;  and  Sullivan  as  follows  :  Seventh— 
Rockland,  Neversink,  Callicoon,  Liberty  and  Falls - 
burgh.  Eighth— Cochecton,  Bethel,  Thompson  and 
Lumberland.  There  were  to  be  two  flank  companies 
raised  in  the  district  at  large,  one  of  artillery  and  one  of 
rifles. 


30  ROSTER.  [1848. 

The  first  regimental  roster  was  as  follows  :  Christo 
pher  Fiero,  Colonel ;  Henry  A.  Samson,  of  Samson- 
ville,  Lieutenant- Colonel ;  John  D.  O'Neil,  of  Falls- 
burgh,  Major  ;  John  L.  Butzel,  of  Saugerties,  Adjutant ; 
Jason  Gillespy,  of  Saugerties,  Quartermaster  ;  William 
Hornbeck,  of  Ellenville,  Paymaster  ;  Abram  Crispell, 
of  Rondout,  Surgeon  ;  Rev.  Silas  Fitch,  Rondout,  Chap 
lain. 

The  line  officers  were:  First  Company— -Francis 
Haber,  succeeded  by  Abram  H.  Martin,  Captain  ;  Sea 
man  G-.  Searing,  First  Lieutenant  ;  William  B.  Dubois, 
Second  Lieutenant.  Second  Company — George  F.  Yon 
Beck,  Captain  ;  soon  after  promoted  to  Brigade  inspector, 
and  succeeded  by  Adam  Metzger.  Nicholas  Kreitel, 
First  Lieutenant.  Third  Company — James  A.  Gillespy, 
Captain,  Stone  Ridge.  Fourth  Company — John  Van 
Ostrand,  Rosendale,  Captain.  Fifth  Company — M.  D. 
Freer,  Ellenville,  Captain.  Sixth  Company — John 
Bodine,  Modena,  Captain. 

An  additional  company  was  organized  at  Kingston, 
with  Teunis  H.  Haulenbeck  as  Captain,  T.  V.  G.  Folant 
as  First  Lieutenant,  and  George  Yan  Keuren  as  Second 
Lieutenant.  A  company  was  organized  at  Samsonville, 
of  which  James  E.  Gay  was  Captain,  J.  P.  Schoon- 
maker,  First  Lieutenant,  and  Samuel  Penneman,  Second 
Lieutenant.  Of  the  artillery  company,  Dennis  Carroll 
was  Captain,  Michael  Maher,  First,  and  James  Diamond 
and  Patrick  Kinney,  Second  and  Third  Lieutenants. 
John  Derrenbacher  was  Captain  of  the  rifle  company, 
and  Jacob  Hersch  was  First,  and  F.  G.  Horst  was  Sec 
ond  Lieutenant. 

On  the  nineteenth  of  May,  1855,  Gideon  E.  Bushnell, 
of  Clarryville,  Sullivan  County,  was  commissioned  colo 
nel,  in  place  of  Fiero,  resigned.  Colonel  Bushnell  had 
some  time  previously  been  appointed  lieutenant-colonel 
in  place  of  Samson,  who  had  been  promoted  to  the  com 
mand  of  the  eighth  brigade. 


1855.]  COLONEL  FIERO.  31 

To  show  the  interest  still  felt  in  the  organization  by 
its  first  regimental  commander,  I  take  the  liberty  to 
copy  the  concluding  paragraphs  of  a  letter  recently 
received  from  Colonel  Fiero  : 

"My  active  connection  with  the  regiment  ceased  on 
my  resignation  in  1855,  when  I  was  succeeded  by  Lieu 
tenant-Colonel  Bushnell.  Your  intimate  acquaintance 
with  the  period  immediately  succeeding,  will  no  doubt 
furnish  you  abundant  materials  for  further  details  after 
that  date. 

"I  must,  however,  be  allowed  to  express  the  great 
degree  of  satisfaction  afforded  me  in  learning  of  the 
probable  speedy  completion  of  the  story  of  the  old  20th, 
in  whose  early  history  I  indulge  a  pardonable  pride, 
which  is  intensified  by  the  fact,  that  in  its  subsequent 
career,  it  more  than  fulfilled  the  hopes  of  its  friends  and 
outdid  the  expectations  of  its  founders. 

u  It  is  a  source  of  hearty  congratulation  to  those  in 
terested  in  the  organization,  that  it  is  to  find  a  historian, 
not  only  from  among  those  who  are  familiar  with  its 
career  during  '  the  piping  times  of  peace,'  but  in  one 
who  was  actively  connected  with  it  '  in  the  days  that 
tried  men's  souls,'  and  who  was  in  a  position  to  learn  the 
facts  which  will  now  enable  him  to  do  full  justice  to  its 
merits.  Wishing  you  abundant  success  in  your  under 
taking, 

I  remain  yours  very  truly, 

CHRISTOPHER  FIERO, 
Late  Col.  20th  Retft,  N.  Y.  8.  M." 


On  the  eighteenth  of  October,  1878,  an  anonymous 
writer  published  in  the  Kingston  Journal  an  article  on 
the  early  history  of  the  Twentieth,  which  contains  so 
many  interesting  historical  and  biographical  facts,  that 
I  insert  it.  It  is  as  follows  : 

"  The  brief  history  ol  the  Twentieth  Regiment  given 


32  SAMSON— VON  BECK — CRISPELL.  [1852- 

in  a  recent  article  in  the  Journal,  in  connection  with  an 
account  of  the  reunion  of  the  veterans,  has  not  only  re 
ceived  warm  commendation  as  a  faithful  and  correct 
sketch  of  its  record  during  the  rebellion,  but  has  called 
out  reminiscences  of  the  days  before  the  war,  and  awak 
ened  interest  in  the  story  of  the  organization  of  the 
'Ulster  Guard.' 

"We  therefore  recall  some  of  the  facts  connected  with 
the  formation  of  the  regiment,  which  to  many  will  re 
vive  associations  and  call  up  recollections  of  scenes  and 
faces  once  as  familiar  as  "household  words;"  premising 
that  the  intimation  contained  in  the  previous  article, 
that  the  regiment  was  formed  in  1857,  related  to  its  con 
solidation  with  the  Twenty -eighth  Regiment,  which  up 
to  that  time  had  existed  as  a  separate  organization,  into 
a  single  command,  under  Colonel  Pratt,  rather  than  to 
the  date  when  it  assumed  the  form  and  took  the  name 
under  which  it  has  been  a  source  of  honor  and  just  pride 
to  the  citizens  of  Ulster. 

' '  The  Twentieth  Regiment  was  organized  and  estab 
lished  in  1851,  under  the  direction  of  the  State  military 
authorities,  by  Colonel  Christopher  Fiero,  then  and  still 
a  resident  of  Saugerties,  under  the  militia  law  of  1847, 
and  succeeded  a  military  organization  which  had  been 
known  as  the  Two  Hundred  and  Forty-fifth  Regiment, 
of  which  Colonel  Fiero  was  the  commandant  at  the  time 
it  was  disbanded,  and  by  virtue  of  his  rank  became 
Colonel  of  the  new  regiment,  and,  as  such,  supervised 
the  enlistment  of  the  men  and  recommended  the  ap 
pointment  of  the  officers  ;  and  in  1852  many  of  the  men 
who  were  for  a  long  time  prominent  in  social,  business 
and  military  circles,  and  some  of  whom  afterward  dis 
tinguished  themselves  at  the  front  among  the  bravest  of 
the  brave,  began  their  military  career. 

"Prominent  among  the  first  officers  was  General  Henry 
A.  Samson,  who  was  appointed  to  the  Lieutenant-Col 
onelcy,  in  which  position  he  always  took  a  most  intense 


1852.]  DERRENBACHER — BODINE.  33 

interest  in  military  affairs,  and  which  position  he  filled 
until,  at  a  later  date,  he  was  promoted  to  the  rank  of 
Brigadier-General,  commanding  the  Eighth  Brigade, 
which  included  the  old  regiment. 

"Major  George  F.  Yon  Beck  received  his  first  commis 
sion  as  Captain  of  an  infantry  company  of  the  Twen 
tieth,  which  he  was  active  in  recruiting  at  Eondout,  and 
which  he  commanded  until  appointed  Brigade-Inspector 
upon  the  staff  of  General  Samson,  with  rank  of  Major, 
thus  obtaining  the  military  title  by  which  he  was  best 
known — a  position  which  he  filled  for  a  considerable 
period. 

'  *  Dr.  Abram  Crispell  was  the  first  regimental  Surgeon, 
and  how  long  and  how  creditably  he  filled  that  office  is 
a  matter  the  recollection  of  which  is  not  confined  to 
those  alone  who  recall  the  days  before  the  war,  and  his 
connection  with  the  command  dates  from  its  infancy  to 
the  days  when  it  made  history, 

"Captain  John  Derrenbacher  was  closely  identified 
with  the  enlistment  of  one  of  the  companies,  of  which 
he  was  the  principal  promoter  and  earliest  commandant, 
while  other  companies  were  organized  at  different  points 
throughout  the  county,  including  Saugerties,  Rosendale, 
Stone  Ridge  and  Ellenville. 

' '  Among  the  company  commanders  commissioned  at 
this  time  is  Captain  John  Bodine,  who  has  since  achieved 
so  enviable  a  notoriety  as  a  representative  American 
rifleman,  and  whose  wonderful  nerve  at  Dollymount  won 
the  admiration  of  Europe  and  America.  Captain  Bo- 
dine  commanded  the  company  recruited  at  Modena,  and 
in  his  present  position  as  Division-Inspector  of  Rifle 
Practice,  doubtless  contemplates  with  no  little  pleasure 
the  proficiency  in  marksmanship  of  the  members  of  the 
Twentieth  Battalion,  when  he  recalls  the  fact  that  they 
are  the  successors  of  the  organization  of  which  he  was 
once  a  conspicuous  member. 

"  Shortly  after  the  completion  of  the  regimental  organ- 


34  BUSHNELL — GATES — PRATT.  [1856. 

ization,  Colonel  Fiero,  having  arrived  at  the  age  when 
military  service  was  no  longer  obligatory,  resigned  his 
commission,  and  was  succeeded  by  G.  E.  Bushnell,  who 
had  succeeded  to  the  Lieutenant-Colonelcy  on  the  pro 
motion  of  General  Samson.  By  this  vacancy  General  T. 
B.  Gates,  who  had  been  connected  with  the  regiment  as 
a  member  of  the  staff,  was  promoted  to  the  rank  of  Ma 
jor  ;  and  that  the  General  was  one  of  those  to  whom 
the  Twentieth  owes  much  of  its  early  progress  is  almost 
forgotten  in  view  of  the  later  events  in  its  history,  in 
which  he  figured  so  prominently  and  acquitted  himself 
so  creditably.  In  this  connection  it  may  be  appropriate 
matter  for  congratulation  that  in  him  the  regiment  is  to 
find  a  historian  who  has  personal  knowledge  of  all  the 
facts  and  circumstances  of  its  early  history,  as  well  as 
personal  experience  of  the  perils  of  the  bivouac  and  the 
field,  and  who  can  mingle  with  the  calmness  of  the  critic 
the  enthusiasm  of  the  soldier,  and  add  to  the  dignity  of 
history  the  vivid  impressions  of  a  spectator,  and  the 
correct  recollections  of  an  observer. 

"  At  a  later  date  Colonel  George  W.  Pratt,  having  re 
moved  from  the  territory  in  which  the  Twenty -eighth 
Regiment  had  been  recruited,  took  command  of  the  con 
solidated  regiments  under  the  designation  of  the  Twen 
tieth,  and  devoted  himself  to  the  drill  and  discipline  of 
the  command,  so  that  as  he  rode  down  Broadway  at 
their  head  on  the  march  to  the  front,  he  might  well  feel 
that  he  was  leading  one  of  the  crack  regiments  of  the 
Empire  State.  Yet  he  perfected  what  another  had 
planned  and  organized,  and  under  Colonel  Fiero  was 
formed  the  nucleus  of  that  splendid  corps  whose  battle- 
stained  banners  tell  so  impressive  a  tale  of  the  dangers 
and  the  triumphs  of  so  many  hard-fought  fields.  And 
it  is  enough  of  honor  to  the  memory  of  Co]onel  Pratt, 
that  with  one  of  the  finest  military  organizations  of  the 
State,  brought  to  a  high  state  of  efficiency  by  his  untir 
ing  labors,  he  led  the  way  to  the  front  while  thousands 


1857.]  CHARACTER   OP   SAMSON.  35 

hesitated,  and  enough  of  glory  that  those  who  followed 
— dying — were  worthy  of  the  baptism  of  fire  to  which 
he  led  them,  and — living — ever  cherish  the  memory  of 
the  hero  of  Bull  Run. 

"  To  the  successors  of  the  Ulster  Gfuard  is  transmitted 
all  the  responsibility  as  well  as  the  glory  of  their  bril 
liant  record,  and  it  is  safe  to  say  that  the  present  organ 
ization  can  be  fairly  expected  to  keep  up  the  reputation 
of  the  'Twentieth.'  " 

Gen.  Henry  A.  Samson,  who  was  promoted  from  the 
Lieutenant-Colonelcy  of  the  regiment  to  the  command 
of  the  Eighth  Brigade,  was  a  very  enthusiastic  militiaman 
and  a  most  energetic  officer.  It  was  through  his  influ 
ence,  chiefly,  that  the  great  encampment  was  held  near 
Kingston,  in  August,  1855.  He  always  attended  the 
parades  and  encampments  of  any  troops  of  his' brigade, 
and  exerted  himself  to  the  utmost  to  increase  the  num 
bers  and  improve  the  condition  of  the  force  under  his 
command.  He  was  a  plain,  uncultured  man,  and 
really  knew  very  little  of  military  tactics  or  science,  and 
did  not  pretend  to.  But  he  was  a  true,  earnest  man, 
faithful  to  every  enterprise  in  which  he  embarked,  and 
loyal  to  his  friends.  His  energy  was  tireless,  and  his 
disposition  was  of  that  unusual  quality  of  consistency 
that  his  attachments  for  persons  or  occupations  never 
waned.  He  had  a  great  fondness  for  the  pomp  and  pag 
eantry  of  military  life,  and  the  infrequent  occasions 
when  he  could  review  his  troops  or  go  into  camp  with 
them,  were  epochs  of  genuine  pleasure.  NOT  was  this 
a  childish  pleasure — a  mere  love  of  spectacle  ;  but  it 
was  a  pleasure  derived  from  a  consciousness  of  power— 
of  the  command  of  men.  While  he  would  assume  great 
austerity  towards  officers  who  were  remiss  in  the 
discharge  of  their  military  duty,  he  had  not  the  heart 
to  inflict  punishment.  He  would  terrify  a  delinquent 
by  the  severity  of  his  manner,  and  at  the  very  climax  of 
the  scene  would  relent  and  condone  the  offense.  On 


36  A  SCENE.  [1855. 

the  occasion  of  a  parade  of  the  "Twentieth,"  at  Kings 
ton,  in  1855,  B  Company  tarried  in  the  village,  instead 
of  reporting  at  the  parade  ground,  as  was  its  duty, 
and  Gen.  Samson  was  exceedingly  indignant.     Captain 
Teunis  Haulenbeck,  who  commanded  the  company,  was 
ordered  to  report,  forthwith,  to  General  Samson  at  the 
Kingston  hotel.     In  the  parlor  of  that  old  and  popular 
kostelry  was  seated  the  General,  belted  and  spurred, 
and  surrounded  by  his  gorgeously  uniformed  staff.     To 
these  enter  Captain  Haulenbeck,  six  feet  three  inches 
tall,  and  looking  every  inch  a  soldier,  but  as  solemn  of 
visage  as  a  Crusader  ;   he  walks  to  the  center  of  the 
room,    halts,  and  gives  the  General   a  military  salute. 
For  a  minute  or  two  no  one  speaks  or  moves,  but  the 
General  is  looking  at  the  towering  culprit  as  though  he 
was  deliberating  upon  the  various  modes  of  execution, 
with  a  view  to  select  the  one  capable  of  inflicting  the 
most  suffering  upon  the  victim.     At  length,  in  tones 
hard  as  iron,  he  demanded  of  the  Captain  the  reason  of 
his  failure  to  appear  on  the  ground  at  the  proper  time. 
The  Captain  set  up  as  his  excuse  for  his  breach  of  dis 
cipline  some  trivial  matter  of  military  etiquette,  which, 
in  his  judgment,  justified  a  disobedience  of  orders  on 
Ms  part,  but  which  really  was  of  no  force  as  a  jus  tin 
ea  tion.     The  General  then  began  what  was  intended  to 
fee  a  severe  reprimand,  but  his  heart  softened  before  he 
Md  gone  far  enough  to  hurt  the  Captain's  feelings,  and 
he  concluded  with  inviting  the  Captain  to  take  a  glass  of 
wine,  and  then  directing  him  to  march  his  company  to 
the  field. 

On  another  occasion,  and  while  the  Eighth  Brigade 
was  encamped  at  Poughkeepsie,  in  1857,  the  General 
ordered  the  field  officer  of  the  day  to  be  arrested  upon 
the  ground  that  he  had  gone  outside  the  line  of  senti 
nels  during  the  night.  The  incident  occurred  at  mid 
night,  and  the  General  and  his  staff  had  congregated  at 
the  guard  tent  to  see  the  order  executed.  The  officer  of 


1857.]  AN    APOLOGY.  37 

the  day  denied  the  justice  and  legality  of  the  order,  and 
insisted  that,  as  officer  of  the  day,  it  was  his  right,  and 
might  often  be  his  duty,  to  pass  the  line  of  sentinels, 
and  that  they  had  no  right  to  stop  him,  knowing  him 
to  be  the  officer  of  the  day.  The  General  finally  became 
convinced  that  he  was  wrong,  and  apologized  to  the 
officer  for  the  threatened  indignity,  and  there  the  mat 
ter  dropped.  The  officer  shortly  afterwards  found  a 
basket  of  champagne  deposited  at  his  house,  without 
ever  knowing  from  whence  it  came,  but  he  always  sus 
pected  General  Samson.  It  was  a  libation  in  atonement 
for  an  unintentional  offense  against  the  rules  of  the  ser 
vice,  and  was  delicately  made. 

The  General  would  have  gone  into  the  field  at  the 
breaking  out  of  the  Rebellion,  if  physical  infirmities 
had  not  disqualified  him.  In  his  death  Ulster  County 
lost  a  worthy  and  valuable  citizen,  and  the  National 
Guard  one  of  its  most  liberal  and  earnest  friends. 


CHAPTER    IV. 

COLONEL  ZADOCK  PRATT — EARLY  YEARS  OF  GEORGE  w.  PRATT — HIS  EDU 
CATION  AND  TRAVELS — A  DOCTOR  OF  PHILOSOPHY— BECOMES  A 
PARTNER  OF  GENERAL  SAMSON— HIS  HABITS — MARRIES  MISS  TIB- 
BITS— REMOVES  TO  KINGSTON— IDENTIFIES  HIMSELF  WITH  AF 
FAIRS  OF  ULSTER — A  MEMBER  OF  THE  COUNTY  HISTORICAL 
SOCIETY — PROCEEDINGS  OF  THAT  BODY  ON  DEATH  OF  PRATT — AD 
DRESSES  BY  A.  BRUYN  HASBROUCK,  HENRY  II.  REYNOLDS,  WILLIAM 
LOUNSBERY  AND  ARCHIBALD  RUSSELL — PROPOSITION  FOR  A  MONU 
MENT  TO  THE  REGIMENT — ELECTED  SENATOR — PRESIDENT  OF  STATE 
MILITARY  ASSOCIATION — PROCEEDINGS  OF  THAT  BODY  IN  HONOR  OF 
HIS  MEMORY — PROCEEDINGS  IN  ULSTER  COUNTY — HIS  LIKENESS  CUT 
IN  THE  ROCKS — PRATT  BECOMES  COLONEL  OF  THE  "  TWENTIETH  " 
IT  IMPROVES  UNDER  HIS  COMMAND — KINGSTON  AND  RONDOUT  PRE 
SENT  IT  A  STAND  OF  COLORS — W.  S.  KENYON  MAKES  A  MODEL 
PRESENTATION  ADDRESS — COLONEL  PRATT'S  REPLY— POUGHKEEPSIK 
PRESENTS  A  FLAG — OFFICP:RS  MEET  AT  THE  MANSION  HOUSE — 

PRATT'S  VIEWS — HE  is  AUTHORIZED  TO  TENDER  THE  REGIMENT— 

THE  WORK  OF  PREPARATION — THE  REBELS  FIRE  ON  SUMTEK — 
LOYAL  MEETING  AT  KINGSTON — SPEECHES  BY  JOHN  B.  STEELE, 
WILLIAM  S.  KENYON,  THEODERIC  R.  WESTBROOK,  ERASTUS  COOKE , 
GEORGE  H.  SHARPE,  WILLIAM  H.  ROMEYN  AND  WARREN  CUIPP— 
THE  BANKS  LOAN  THE  REGIMENT  $8,000 — LADIES  RELIEF  SOCIETY- 
ULSTER  MILITARY  RELIEF  COMMITTEE — DONATIONS  AND  SUBSCRIP 
TIONS — AN  ORDER  TO  REPORT  TO  THE  PRESIDENT — SURGEON  CRIS- 
PELL  DETAILED — READY  FOR  DEPARTURE. 

GEORGE  W.  PRATT  was  born  on  the  eighteenth  day  of 
April,  1830,  at  Prattsville,  Green  County,  New  York. 
His  father,  Colonel  Zadock  Pratt,  had  acquired  a  fortune 
in  the  business  of  tanning  leather,  and  had  achieved 
considerable  reputation  as  an  energetic  and  sagacious 
business  man.  He  had  represented  his  district  in  Con 
gress,  and  had  filled  various  minor  positions  of  honor 
and  trust.  Illiterate  himself,  he,  nevertheless,  appre 
ciated  the  advantages  of  education,  and  gave  his  son  the 
best  facilities  for  acquiring  a  thorough  knowledge  of 

38 


1855.]  GEORGE   W.    PRATT.  39 

books  and  men.  His  education,  begun  here,  was  com 
pleted  in  Europe.  When  but  seventeen  years  of  age 
he  traveled  over  the  larger  portion  of  his  own  country, 
and  a  year  later  crossed  the  ocean  and  made  the  tour  of 
the  Continent.  He  ascended  the  Mle,  and  spent  much 
time  on  its  historic  banks — not  in  idleness,  but  devoting 
his  opportunities  to  the  acquisition  of  knowledge,  and 
especially  in  studying  the  Arabic  language,  in  which  he 
became  proficient.  Returning  home  in  1850,  he  was 
made  a  captain  in  his  father's  regiment  of  militia,  and 
assumed  the  duties  of  cashier  of  his  father's  bank  at 
Prattsville.  A  few  months  later  he  again  went  to 
Europe  with  his  sister.  In  1850,  when  he  was  but  twen 
ty  years  old,  the  First  University  of  Mecklinburgh 
conferred  on  him  the  degree  of  Doctor  of  Philosophy. 

Young  Pratt  returned  from  his  second  European  tour 
in  1851.  His  father  observed,  on  the  occasion,  that  he 
came  back  "  in  good  health  and  much  improved.  This 
trip  and  that  previously  made  by  Captain  Pratt  cost 
about  sixteen  thousand  dollars,  but  it  was  money  well 
spent." 

On  attaining  his  majority  in  1853,  his  father  gave  him 
fifty  thousand  dollars,  and  one-half  of  the  Samsonville 
Tannery,  the  other  half  of  which  was  owned  by  General 
Samson,  and  from  that  time  until  Pratt' s  death  they 
continued  co-partners. 

Pratt  had  not  been  spoiled,  as  so  many  other  young 
men  have  been,  and  will  continue  to  be,  by  the  affluence 
which  surrounded  him,  and  the  indulgence  with  which 
he  was  treated.  His  habits  were  industrious,  and  his 
tastes  studious,  with  a  fondness  for  literary  pursuits. 
He  was  an  earnest,  tireless  worker  at  whatever  he  set 
himself  about,  and  possessed  an  ability  for  the  compre 
hension  and  arrangement  of  the  details  of  business  that 
was  as  valuable  as  it  was  unusual. 

On  the  thirty-first  of  May,  1855,  young  Pratt  was 
married  to  Miss  Anna  Tibbits,  daughter  of  Benjamin 


40  ULSTER  HISTORICAL   SOCIETY.  [1862. 

Tibbits,  Esquire,  of  Albany,  by  the  Right  Rev.  Bishop 
Potter,  of  Pennsylvania.  Soon  thereafter  he  removed 
to  Kingston,  where  he  resided  a  few  years,  and  then 
settled  upon  a  farm  which  he  purchased,  on  the  banks 
of  the  Hudson,  in  the  town  of  Esopus,  in  Ulster  County. 

From  the  moment  Pratt  took  up  his  residence  in 
Kingston,  he  identified  himself  with  the  affairs  of  the 
county,  and  was  foremost  in  all  works  of  a  public 
character,  and  especially  in  those  voluntary  movements 
designed  to  promote  the  development  of  the  historical 
riches  of  the  county — a  kind  of  study  of  which  he  was 
very  fond,  and  in  which  he  would  delve  with  tireless 
zeal.  He  was  a  member  of  the  ' '  Ulster  Historical 
Society,"  and  I  cannot  better  show  the  character  of  the 
man,  and  the  estimation  in  which  he  was  held  by  some 
of  the  best  known  and  most  distinguished  men  of  the 
county,  than  by  incorporating  into  this  work  the  pro 
ceedings  of  the  society,  at  its  meeting  held  on  the  six 
teenth  of  October,  1862 — a  month  after  Colonel  Pratt' s 
death  ;  moreover,  these  proceedings  show  in  what  esti 
mation  these  gentlemen  held  the  regiment  which  Pratt 
had  commanded,  and  what  they  proposed  to  do  to  per 
petuate  the  memory  of  its  heroic  services.  May  their 
design  be  carried  out  ere  "the  opium  of  time  deals 
with  the  memories  of  men." 

Hon.  A.  Bruyn  Hasbrouck,  LL.D.,  President,  in  the 
chair ;  Reuben  Bernard,  Esq.,  Treasurer  and  acting 
Secretary.  After  the  transaction  of  necessary  prelimin 
ary  business,  Henry  H.  Reynolds  arose  and  said : 

"  ME.  PRESIDENT  :  Limited  as  may  seem  to  some 
to-day  our  historic  field  of  labor  and  the  interest  taken 
by  others  in  our  efforts,  none  here  are  unconscious  of 
the  events  passing  about  us,  making  up  a  momentous 
history,  in  many  respects,  of  sad  and  solemn  impor 
tance.  One  of  these  is  upon  all  our  hearts  to-day,  as  we 
contemplate  a  vacant  place,  never  so  before,  but  at  the 
call  of  patriotism  or  duty.  Of  him  who  filled  it,  the 


1862.]  H.  n.  REYNOLDS'  ADDRESS.  41 

lips  of  the  strongest  among  you  were  too  tremulous 
first  to  speak,  for  such  knew  him  best  and  longest,  and, 
therefore,  loved  him  most.  So  it  has  not  seemed  pre 
sumptuous  in  me  to  accept  the  charge  in  offering  the 
resolutions  I  am  about  to  present.  JNo  one  who  has 
known  our  history  or  him  for  whom  we  mourn  this 
day  will  deem  these  resolves  a  mere  formality,  or 
doubt  the  deep  emotion  with  which  we  seek  to  add  one 
more  wreath  to  his  grave,  one  more  tribute  to  his 
memory.  We  could  have  said  far  more  in  like  sin 
cerity,  nor  blush  in  after  years  to  speak  of  it  to  each 
other,  for  to  no  other  man  has  this  Society  owed  so 
much.  The  efforts  of  others  have  been  earnest  and 
effective  ;  the  desire  to  do  honor  to  your  noble  ancestry 
has  prompted  to  honorable  labors  and  sacrifices,  and 
yet  amidst  them  all,  again  and  again,  as  you  have 
marked  the  unwearied  and  unselfish  perseverance  of 
our  noble  comrade,  and  responded  to  his  earnest  and 
courteous  appeals,  you  have  freely  passed  to  him  the 
tribute  of  commendation  offered  to  all,  and  claimed 
only  for  yourselves,  that 

"  '  The  trophies  of  Miltiades  will  not  let  me  rest.' 

"  It  is  too  early  yet  for  us  to  speak  to  each  other  of 
the  nature  and  extent  of  our  loss  ;  and  besides  there  is 
too  much  that  is  sorrowful  and  sad  in  this  and  other 
events  about  us  to  permit  us  to  do  more  than  cheer 
and  encourage  one  another.  And  so  we  need,  in  some 
degree,  to  antedate  our  consolation  as  we  strive  for  sub 
mission  to  the  Divine  allotment.  As  the  captive  tribes 
of  Israel,  amid  all  the  depression  or  the  prosperity  of 
their  Babylonish  condition,  ever  left  some  part  of  their 
dwellings — palace  or  hovel — unfinished  or  broken,  to 
remind  of  the  desolation  of  Jerusalem,  we  shall  not  be 
without  mementos  of  our  loss,  and  do  best  for  the 
past,  the  present  and  the  future,  by  recognizing  in  them 
the  hand  that  writes  all  history. 


42  H.  H.  REYNOLDS'  ADDRESS.  [1862. 

"  Eight  hundred  years  ago,  in  a  cause  then  deemed 
more  sacred  than  the  love  of  country,  a  mixed  multi 
tude  went  forth  from  Southern  Europe  to  rescue  the 
Temple  and  the  Sepulchre.  In  the  market-place  of 
Clermont  the  eloquence  of  Urban  awoke  from  an  hun 
dred  thousand  lips  the  shout,  almost  of  triumph, 
'  God  wills  it !  God  wills  it !'  and  so  that  host  went  forth 
to  the  field  of  conflict  and  of  death.  That  unearthly 
battle-cry  is  the  utterance,  though  far  more  sad  and 
low,  that  with  muffled  voice  and  sobbing,  here  and 
elsewhere,  speaks  of  our  wise  counselor  and  faithful 
fellow-laborer.  It  is  the  assurance  of  our  consolation 
in  the  day  when  we  may  dare  to  speak  of  the  great  in 
heritance  of  which  we  are  co-heirs — the  memory  of  such 
a  life,  the  witness  of  such  a  death.  Nor  even  now  may 
we  forget,  that  as  on  the  forms  of  ancient  Christian 
martyrs — Andronicus  and  his  fellow-sufferers — a  fond 
tradition  said  the  stars  came  down  to  rest ;  so  were 
such  a  witness  given  to  our  honored  dead — not  those 
alone  that  on  his  country's  banner  told  its  past  history 
and  advancing  glory  would  be  there,  but  those,  to  our 
tearful  vision,  the  brighter  for  its  darkness — that  gem, 
a  crown  more  unfading  and  enduring  than  the  laurel. 

' '  To  our  own  section  of  land  he  loved  so  well  he  gave 
no  small  portion  of  the  earnest  sympathies  and  labor  of 
his  most  active  life  ;  to  the  whole  of  that  land  he  gave 
the  sacrifice  of  that  life  ;  and  thus  to  both  a  memory 
more  enduring  than  either,  and  beyond  which  neither 
shall  have  a  trophy  of  history  more  priceless. 

"  '  They  never  fail  who  die 

In  a  great  cause — though  years  elapse, 

And  others  share  as  dark  a  doom ; 

They  but  augment  the  deep  and  sweeping  thoughts 

Which  overspread  all  others,  and  conduct 

The  world  at  last  to  freedom.'  " 

"Mr.  Reynolds  then  submitted  the  following  resolu 
tions  : 


1862.]  A.  B.  HASBROUCK'S  ADDRESS.  43 

' '  Resolved,  That  the  Historical  Society  may  well 
claim  a  place  among  the  multitude  of  mourners  over  the 
honored  grave  of  Colonel  George  W.  Pratt,  its  late 
Secretary,  and  record  its  sense  of  the  great  loss  sustained 
in  that  of  one  to  whose  ardent  and  unwearied  labors  in 
its  behalf,  it  owes  much  of  its  prosperity,  if  not  its  very 
existence. 

"  Resolved,  That  while  we  bow  in  sorrowing  submis 
sion  to  the  Divine  dispensation  which  has  removed  from 
the  midst  of  us  a  scholar  and  patriot,  we  would  recog 
nize,  with  devout  gratitude,  his  unsullied  example,  as 
an  incentive  to  earnest  effort,  as  well  in  our  especial  field 
as  in  every  other  of  usefulness  and  philanthropy. 

"Resolved,  That  such  efforts  in  behalf  of  institutions 
so  dear  to  him,  will  be  among  the  best  tributes  we  can 
render  to  his  commanding  excellencies,  and  best  wit 
nesses  of  the  respect  and  affection  with  which  he  was 
regarded  by  all  who  knew  him. 

"Resolved,  That  the  Executive  Committee  be  re 
quested  to  obtain  a  portrait  of  Colonel  Pratt,  suitable 
for  preservation  among  our  archives." 

The  President,  A.  BRUYN  HASBROUCK,  said : 

"  GENTLEMEN  :  It  is  known  to  the  members  of  the 
Society,  that  a  memoir  of  the  life  and  character  of 
Colonel  Pratt  was  in  preparation  to  be  read  to  us  at 
this  meeting.  Our  associate,  the  Rev.  Mr.  Temple,  who 
had  kindly  undertaken  the  task,  was  obliged  to  decline, 
from  not  being  able  in  due  time  before  this  meeting  to 
procure  such  particulars  of  the  earlier  life  of  Colonel 
Pratt  as  he  deemed  necessary  for  the  completion  of 
his  work.  I  cannot  but  hope,  however,  that  the  rever 
end  gentleman  will,  at  an  early  day,  favor  the  Society 
and  the  friends  of  Colonel  Pratt  with  the  result  of  his 
inquiries,  which  cannot  fail  to  be  both  interesting  and 
instructive.  As  it  is,  we  are  left  to  review  the  character 
of  Colonel  Pratt  only  in  its  more  general  aspect,  as  it 
was  exhibited  in  his  brief  intercourse  with  the  world 


44  A.  B.  ITASBROUCK'S  ADDRESS.  [1862. 

and  in  his  connection  with  this  Society.  Enough,  how 
ever,  remains  to  confirm  the  opinion  of  his  friends  and 
of  those  who  intimately  knew  him,  that  he  was  no  or 
dinary  man  ;  to  justify  the  warm  eulogium  expressed 
in  the  resolutions  now  offered  for  adoption,  and  the 
many  public  demonstrations  of  regard  which  have  been 
made  since  his  death.  I  might,  perhaps,  after  what 
has  already  been  said  by  Mr.  Reynolds,  have  contented 
myself  with  a  mere  cordial  assent  to  the  passage  of 
these  resolutions.  But  it  seems  to  me  that  the  pro 
prieties  of  the  office  I  have  the  honor  to  hold  among 
you  require  something  more  than  a  silent  vote  ;  that 
my  official  and  personal  relations  with  Colonel  Pratt 
demand  some  open  demonstration  of  my  regard,  some 
outspoken  expression  of  sympathy  with  the  Society  in 
the  loss  it  has  sustained.  I  have  often  been  struck  at 
Masonic  funerals  with  the  simple  ceremony  I  observed 
there,  where  each  member  of  the  Order  throws  a  sprig 
of  evergreen  into  the  grave  of  a  departed  brother. 
Without  understanding  the  meaning  of  this  act,  I  can, 
at  least,  catch  its  spirit ;  and  I  would  now,  with  all  of 
the  recollections  of  the  past,  with  all  of  the  regard  and 
of  the  hope  which  it  seems  to  imply,  venture  to  offer 
to  the  memory  of  our  departed  associate  the  poor 
tribute  of  my  reverence. 

u  It  was  my  melancholy  gratification,  with  some  of 
the  members  of  this  Society,  as  its  representatives,  and 
with  many  citizens  of  Ulster,  to  be  an  attendant  at  the 
funeral  of  Colonel  Pratt.  And  as  the  procession  moved 
from  the  church  to  the  distant  cemetery,  with  muffled 
drum  and  solemn  dirge,  through  the  crowded  streets  of 
the  Capital,  amid  ranks  of  soldiers,  at  mournful,  mili 
tary  rest  upon  their  arms,  past  long  lines  of  sympathiz 
ing  members  of  the  Masonic  brotherhood,  I  could  not 
but  recall  the  familiar  line,  which,  though  poetry,  I  then 
felt  to  be  no  fiction — 

"  '  The  paths  of  glory  lead  but  to  the  tomb.' 


1862.]  A.  B,  HASBROUCK'S  ADDRESS.  45 

But  after  the  last  sad  rites  had  been  performed,  and  as 
the  mourners  went  about  the  streets,  each  carrying  to 
his  home  the  lesson  of  mortality  taught  by  the  occa 
sion,  when  the  sun,  on  the  very  verge  of  the  horizon, 
suddenly  shone  through  the  clouds  and  illumined  the 
whole  western  sky  with  the  rich  tints  of  an  autumnal 
evening,  I  forgot  the  despondent  sentiment  of  the  elegist 
in  remembering  the  equally  familiar  but  exultant  strains 
of  the  Christian  poet  : 

"  '  See  truth,  love  and  mercy,  in  triumph  ascending, 
And  Nature  all  glowing  in  Eden's  first  bloom  ; 
On  the  cold  cheek  of  Death  smiles  and  roses  are  blending, 
And  beauty  immortal  awakes  from  the  tomb. ' 

"  Yes,  it  is  indeed  consoling  to  know,  that  here  is 
not  the  end  of  our  being — that  the  grave  is  but  the  portal 
to  another  world.     For  we  have  an  assurance,  which  has 
sustained  many  a  stricken  mourner  and  been  a  balm  for 
many  a  wounded  heart — which  will  exert  its  influence, 
too,  till  the  battle  of  the  warrior  is  no  more  heard,  and 
garments  are  no  longer  seen  rolled  in  blood ;    an  as 
surance  higher  than   the  inspiration   of    mere  human 
poetry — a  Divine  assurance,  that  this  corruption  must 
put  on  incorruption,  and  this  mortal  must  put  on  im 
mortality.     In  the  providence  of   God,   the   Angel  of 
Mercy  is  thus  made  to  move  swiftly  on  the  footsteps  of 
the  Destroyer,  and  survivors  are  consoled  and  cheered 
in  knowing  and  believing,  that  all  our  friend' s  graces 
of  character  which  so  attracted  our  admiration  ;  that  all 
his  amiable  qualities,  which  so  won  and  fixed  our  re 
gard  ;    that  all  his   talents   and  acquirements,    which 
blossomed  so   thickly  'in  the  dew  of  his  youth,'  and 
gave  such   '  hopes  of  unaccomplished  years  ;'  that  all 
his  ardor  of  patriotism,  which  shrunk  from  no  sacrifice, 
even  of  life  itself,  have  not  been   consigned  to  lie  in 
the  cold  obstruction  of  the  grave  ;  but  that  they  will 
awake  from  the  tomb,  to  be  clothed  upon  with  immor 
tality. 


46  A.  B.  JIASBROUCK'S  ADDRESS.  [1862. 

"  Among  the  personages  of  a  former  period,  whom 
history  has  delighted  to  honor,  and  around  whose  mem 
ory  are  clustered  the  choicest  tributes  of  eloquence,  of 
poetry  and  romance,  stands  conspicuous  the  name  of 
Sir  Philip  Sidney.  I  trust  I  shall  not  be  suspected  of 
an  undue  or  exaggerated  estimate  of  our  friend' s  merits, 
when  I  say,  that  I  find  much  in  his  life  and  character  to 
remind  me  of  that  distinguished  man.  Both  possessed 
of  the  advantages  of  wealth  and  high  social  position  ; 
both  passing  through  early  life,  amid  the  dangers  and 
temptations  incident  to  such  a  condition  (so  often,  alas  ! 
fatal  to  young  men),  with  untainted  morality  and  habit 
ual  virtue  ;  both  dying  at  an  age  when  most  men  have 
but  just  put  on  harness  and  are  yet  hesitatingly  tread 
ing  the  arena  of  action  ;  honored  in  their  day  and  gen 
eration,  and  mourned  at  their  death,  beyond  the  meas 
ure  accorded  to  few  of  their  years  ;  with  habits  and 
pursuits  nearly  identical,  and  talents  and  acquirements 
different  only  in  degree  ;  both,  amid  the  love  of  books 
and  the  calmer  pursuits  of  polite  literature,  still  intent 
upon  the  knowledge  of  tactics  and  the  study  of  all  the 
arts  of  war  ;  both  tearing  themselves  away  from  troops 
of  friends,  the  caresses  of  society,  and  the  endearments 
of  home  to  endure  the  privations  of  the  camp,  and  to 
meet  the  stern  realities  of  war  on  the  perilous  edges  of 
battle — falling,  wounded  on  the  battle-field,  at  precisely 
the  same  age,  and  alike  carried  away  by  sympathizing 
soldiers  to  die  of  their  wounds  at  no  distant  day,  among 
kindred  and  friends  ;  it  needs  but  the  touching  incident 
of  the  cup  of  cold  water  declined  by  Sir  Philip  in  the 
extremity  of  his  distress,  and  proffered  to  a  dying  soldier 
at  his  side,  to  complete  the  parallel.  From  what  we 
know  of  Colonel  Pratt' s  character  and  the  impulses  of 
his  nature,  we  may  be  sure,  had  the  occasion  presented 
itself,  that  the  cup  of  cold  water  and  the  generous  offer 
would  not  have  been  wanting  still  more  to  strengthen 
the  resemblance. 


1862.]  A.  B.  HASBROUCK'S  ADDRESS.  47 

"  I  need  not,  surely,  remind  the  members  of  this 
Society,  how,  with  his  whole  heart,  Colonel  Pratt  de 
voted  himself  to  its  interests.  One  of  its  founders,  its 
first  and  hitherto  its  only  Secretary,  he  labored  to  give 
it  character  at  home  and  a  name  abroad,  with  a  degree 
of  success  that  outstripped  the  exertions  of  the  best  of 
us.  Coming  to  reside  among  us,  almost  an  entire 
stranger ;  descended  from  a  family  that  had  never 
struck  root  or  fibre  in  the  soil  of  our  county  since  its 
earliest  settlement,  he  yet  labored  with  the  zeal  of  a  na 
tive  to  explore  its  early  history,  and  to  exalt  its  charac 
ter.  He  came  to  seat  himself,  at  once,  with  the  fa 
miliarity  of  kindred  and  descent,  at  what  the  poet  has 
called  '  the  fireside  of  our  hearts  ;'  and  lis  tening  there, 
with  filial  interest,  to  the  tales  and  misty  traditions  of 
former  times,  he  garnered  up  his  materials,  not  to  grati 
fy  an  idle  curiosity,  or  to  enrich  the  pages  of  some 
future  romance,  but  for  profit  and  instruction  ;  to  pre 
sent  them  to  us  in  the  nakedness  of  truth — to  fix  them 
in  the  dignity  of  history.  His  paper,  published  in  our 
collections,  on  the  expeditions  of  General  Vaughan  up 
the  Hudson,  and  the  consequent  destruction  of  Kingston 
by  the  troops  under  his  command,  has  been  pronounced 
by  those  best  qualified  to  judge,  a  highly  valuable  con 
tribution  to  the  History  of  the  Revolutionary  War.  I 
can  myself  bear  witness  to  the  patience  he  exhibited, 
amidst  much  doubt  and  perplexity,  in  the  preparation 
of  that  work  ;  to  his  liberal  expenditure  of  time  and 
money,  and  to  the  earnestness  with  which  he  sought  to 
verify  every  statement  he  made — extending  his  in 
quiries  even  to  the  paper  offices  in  London— all,  at  last, 
to  result  in  a  narrative  of  charming  detail,  and  un 
doubted  authenticity — honorable  to  himself  and  to  this 
Society.  In  my  sober  judgment,  if  Colonel  Pratt  had 
no  other  claim  ;  if  there  were  no  faithful  discharge  of 
duty,  no  generous  public  spirit,  no  patriotism,  no  loss 
of  life  in  his  country's  service  to  speak  of,  his  interest 


48  A.  B.  HASBROUCK'S  ADDRESS.  [1862. 

in  this  Society  and  his  contributions  to  it  would  alone 
entitle  him  to  the  lasting  gratitude  of  the  people  of 
Ulster. 

"  Gentlemen  :  It  is  no  light  thing  to  tell  of  a  man 
after  he  has  gone  ;  it  is  something  that  will  '  blossom  in 
his  grave  and  smell  sweet '  in  after  days  that,  amid  the 
occupations  of  a  busy  life  and  in  a  period  of  great  po 
litical  anxiety,  he  could  turn  aside  to  devote  his  time 
and  talents  to  rescue  from  neglect  the  piety,  the  suffer 
ings,  the  bravery  and  the  patriotism  of  an  humble  and 
almost  forgotten  generation  ;  that  he  illustrated  in  his 
own  conduct,  even  to  the  bitter  end,  the  love  of  liberty 
and  the  devoted  ness  to  his  country,  which  he  found 
exhibited  there.  That  he  taught  us  by  his  example,  in 
the  words  of  his  own  chosen  motto  of  our  Society— 
Qederikt  aen-de-dagen-van-ouds — to  remember  the  days 
of  old  ;  that  we,  too,  might  learn  there,  lessons  of  con 
duct,  and  gather  courage  and  hope  in  the  troubles  that 
so  thickly  beset  us  now. 

' '  Gentlemen  :  Colonel  Pratt' s  course  is  finished  ; 
'  his  warfare  is  accomplished.'  Having  himself  passed 
into  history,  let  us  do  for  him  what  he  has  done  for 
others ;  let  us  enroll  his  name  among  the  worthies  of 
the  country.  Let  the  resolutions  be  entered  on  our 
minutes,  that  those  that  are  to  follow  us,  in  these  our 
labors  of  love,  may  know  how  highly  we  esteemed  our 
associate — how  truly  we  revered  his  memory,  as  a  man, 
a  citizen  and  patriot  soldier.  For  he  was,  indeed,  an 
embodiment  of  Shakspeare's  conception  of  a  finished 
man : 

"  '  His  years  but  young,  but  his  experience  old  ; 
His  head  unmellowed,  but  his  judgment  ripe, 
And  in  a  word, 

Complete  in  feature  and  in  mind, 
With  all  good  grace  to  grace  a  gentleman. ' 

"  Mr.  William  Lounsbery,  having  been  requested, 
from  his  acquaintance  with  Colonel  Pratt' s  public  life, 


1862.]  ADDRESS  OP  W.    LOUNSBERY.  49 

seconded  the  Resolutions.     He    advocated  their  adop 
tion  as  follows  : 


"  MR.  PRESIDENT  :  The  Ulster  Historical  Society,  at 
this  day  of  its  assembling,  commemorates  the  burning  of 
Kingston,  and  the  sufferings  of  our  early  settlers  in  their 
first  struggle  for  independence.  The  resolutions  which 
have  been  proposed  are  equally  suggestive  of  patriotic 
sacrifice,  and  strike  us  with  a  closer  sympathy.  They 
commemorate  the  loss  of  one  of  our  founders,  who  has 
lately  fallen  in  another  contest  to  preserve  the  liberties 
and  Government  handed  down  to  us  by  the  heroism  of 
our  ancestors.  This  Society  would  be  unequal  to  its 
trust,  if  it  passed  by  in  silence  a  loss  so  vital  to  the 
country  and  itself. 

"It  is  with  no  ordinary  feelings  that  I  have  under 
taken  to  respond  to  the  resolutions  just  offered,  and  to 
utter  an  appropriate  tribute  to  the  worth,  enterprise 
and  heroism  of  our  late  secretary,  Colonel  George  W. 
Pratt. 

"  Government  is  the  work  of  mortal  man.  The  social 
fabric  is  sustained  and  held  together  by  the  enterprise 
of  individuals.  And  when  a  man  of  intelligence  and 
active  virtues  falls,  either  by  the  ordinary  decay  of  age, 
or,  more  suddenly,  by  violence  and  war,  we  feel  the 
structure  crumbling,  and  see  the  beauties  of  the  edifice 
defaced.  In  the  death  of  Colonel  Pratt  a  column  has 
fallen  in  the  temple  of  liberty.  The  decorations  which 
art  and  learning  and  civilization  have  added  to  it,  have 
been  marred  and  mutilated,  and  are  not  to  be  quickly 
repaired. 

u  Some  lives  do  not  perform  very  vital  functions  in 
the  community.  A  retiring  or  selfish  nature  works  in 
quiet — out  of  sight  of  associates,  and  does  not  mingle 
in  such  efforts  as  society  puts  forth  for  its  advancement 


50  HISTORICAL    SOCIETY.  [1862. 

by  the  combination  of  multitudes.  I  do  not  say  that 
such  are  useless,  but  their  death  is  not  so  much  felt. 
Their  little  circle  of  action  revolves  upon  itself,  and  its 
destruction  does  not  jostle  and  unhinge  the  public  as 
pirations,  or  break  up  the  social  progress.  They  are 
not  missed  from  the  world — their  death  is  not  counted 
by  so  large  a  value.  So  many  of  such  do  not  seem  to 
die.  The  poet  utters  this  conviction  when  he  says  : 

"  '  The  good  die  first,  and  those 

Whose  hearts  are  dry  as  summer  dust , 
Burn  to  the  socket.' " 

'"  Colonel  Pratt  was  a  man  of  active  and  busy  enter 
prise.  He  had  the  inspiration  of  a  genius  that  works 
and  accomplishes.  He  set  to  work  and  did  not  look 
back.  He  had  the  elements  of  a  great  man,  which  only 
failed  to  ripen  into  eminence  by  the  accident  of  his 
early  death. 

"  I  recollect  when  the  plan  to  form  this  Society  was 
first  revolved  in  his  mind.  I  think  it  originated  with 
him,  though  the  materials  for  the  work  were  not  lack 
ing  either  as  to  the  field  of  operations  or  the  workers 
that  were  called  out.  He  saw  that  Ulster  County  was  a 
rich  field  for  historical  research,  and  he  undertook  to 
lead  and  stimulate  the  action  of  the  people  in  that  di 
rection. 

"  I  was  one  who  distrusted  the  project  and  express 
ed  the  fear  that  a  society,  organized  simply  for  plod 
ding  among  dusty  records,  or  turning  up  memorials  of 
the  past,  could  not  be  sustained  by  a  practical  and 
working  people,  however  intelligent.  This  was  sug 
gested  to  him  when  we  were  going  in  company  to  attend 
the  meeting  to  organize  this  Society.  He  thought  dif 
ferently,  and  it  is  proved  that  he  was  right.  The  half- 
dozen  that  assembled  in  the  Dutch  Church,  at  New 
Paltz,  have  grown  into  an  organization  that  has  made 
its  mark  upon  the  literary  character  of  the  age.  How 


1862.]  ADDRESS  OF  W.    LOUNSBERY.  5^ 

much  of  this  is  due  to  the  personal  efforts  of  Colonel 
Pratt,  the  members  of  the  Society,  here  assembled,  are 
the  witnesses.  He  was  ably  seconded  by  men  of  a  high 
order  of  intelligence  and  spirit,  but  the  organization  and 
direction  of  the  enterprise  were  his,  and  its  present  pros 
perity  is  a  part  of  the  glory  that  clusters  about  his 
memory. 

"The  spirit  in  which  this  enterprise  was  accom 
plished  was  only  a  type  of  his  other  efforts.  The  Ulster 
County  Regiment  was  organized  and  equipped  into  a 
military  corps,  and  when  the  war  broke  out  he  marched 
at  the  head  of  his  men  by  the  side  of  the  regiments  of 
New  York  City.  It  was  his  glory  and  the  glory  of  his 
country,  that  he  took  to  the  field  the  only  regiment  of 
the  State  Militia,  outside  of  New  York  and  Brook 
lyn,  and  the  one  equipped  under  the  eye  of  the  State 
authorities,  at  Albany. 

"  In  the  years  1858-9,  Colonel  Pratt  represented 
Ulster  County  in  the  State  Senate.  At  that  time  the 
Senate  Library  was  being  removed  from  its  old  room  in 
the  Capitol,  to  the  new  building  erected  in  the  rear  for 
the  purpose.  The  work  of  arranging  the  State  collec 
tions  was  entrusted  to  a  committee  of  the  Senate,  of 
which  Colonel  Pratt  was  the  working  head. 

"  I  have  lately  had  occasion  to  admire  his  work  in 
the  arrangement  of  the  invaluable  archives  there  col 
lected  by  our  great  State.  It  shows  the  master  hand  of 
a  faithful  and  intelligent  worker,  and  will  furnish  for 
ages  a  curious  testimonial  of  his  genius. 

"After  the  return  of  the  Ulster  County  Regiment 
from  its  three  months  campaign,  I  visited  Colonel  Pratt 
at  his  new  residence  in  Esopus.  He  pointed 'out  to  me 
his  future  plans  in  reference  to  beautifying  the  grounds 
of  his  new  home.  I  took  in  the  picture  which  his  own 
fancy  was  painting  for  coming  years.  The  happy 
family  circle  of  his  wife  and  children — the  surroundings 
of  fields  and  shaded  walks — the  landscape,  with  the 


52  HISTORICAL   SOCIETY.  [1862. 

beautiful  river  in  front — his  library,  so  full  of  the  learn 
ing  of  which  already  he  had  imbibed  so  much — and 
wealth  to  furnish  every  rational  comfort — were  all  his. 

u  In  view  of  this  picture,  I  asked  if  it  was  his  in 
tention  to  take  command  of  his  regiment  for  the  re 
mainder  of  the  war.  I  felt  then  impressed  with  the 
extent  of  the  calamity,  if  his  life  were  sacrificed  by  such 
a  resolution.  I  knew,  too,  that  lie  was  impressed  with 
the  fearful  nature  of  the  hazard.  His  wife  had  plead, 
with  tears  of  regret,  all  she  dared  urge  against  her 
country.  His  children  and  his  plans  of  home  and 
home  comforts  had  been  busy  in  dissuading  him.  And 
his  reply  was  impressive  for  its  earnest  sadness.  'I 
shall  go  again,'  he  said.  He  made  the  sacrifice — and 
oh,  how  great ! 

"Who  can  replace  the  fallen  column?  Who  can 
repair  the  mutilated  ornament,  or  restore  to  beauty  this 
shattered  ruin  ?  Who  can  again  fill  the  place  in  that 
widow's  blighted  heart  ?  Who  can  heal  an  aged  father's 
sorrow  ?  Who  can  take  up  the  noble  aspirations  that 
were  blossoming  into  bright  fruition  ? 

"  Death  hath  stricken  us  all.  Country,  society  and 
friends  have  suffered  a  common  calamity,  and  have  a 
common  sorrow.  The  grave,  so  arbitrary  in  its  deal 
ings,  hath  taken  him  in  the  beginning  of  usefulness. 
His  youth  and  virtue — too  glorious  for  a  common 
death,  have  given  him  a  sacrifice  to  our  Constitution 
and  liberties,  and  insured  for  his  name  an  illustrious 
immortality." 

After  the  passage  of  the  resolutions,  Archibald 
Russell,  of  Esopus,  submitted  a  resolution  proposing 
the  erection  of  monuments  commemorative  of  the  ser 
vices  of  the  gallant  soldiers  of  Ulster. 


"ME.  PRESIDENT  :  During  the  crisis  of  our  country's 
history,  it  is  proper  that  the  Ulster  Historical  Society 


1862.]  ADDRESS  OF  A.    RUSSELL.  53 

should  consider  whether  any  duties  devolve  peculiarly 
upon  it,  and  take  efficient  measures  to  discharge  them. 
Our  attention  is  so  apt  to  be  diverted  from  the  occur 
rences  around  us  to  the  war-stirring  news  from  other  sec 
tions  of  the  country,  that  we  allow  the  materials  of  his 
tory  to  be  lost,  and  forget  to  take  proper  measures  to 
ensure  their  preservation.  Already  this  county  has  sent, 
in  connection  with  Greene,  three  regiments  into  the  field  ; 
and  I  question  if  we  have  in  our  archives  the  roster-roll 
of  any  of  them.  It  is  evident,  however,  that  it  is  the 
duty  of  this  Society  to  pay  diligent  attention  to  the  part 
which  our  neighbors  are  taking  in  the  great  drama  en 
acting  around  us.  Our  sons — our  young  men — are  leav 
ing  us  amid  the  sound  of  martial  music,  and  with  confi 
dent  step  marching  to  defend  the  liberties  of  their  coun 
try  ;  but  how  many  of  them  shall  return  to  recount 
their  deeds  and  tell  of  their  toils  and  sufferings,  and  to 
be  cheered  by  the  Christian  amenities  of  the  domestic 
hearth,  after  the  rough  experience  of  the  battle-field  \ 
The  blood  of  Ulster  tinges  the  sod  along  the  Annapolis 
Railroad  ;  it  can  be  traced  upon  the  bank  of  the  Poto 
mac,  and  on  Upton' s  Hill  ;  it  crimsons  the  field  of  Man- 
assas,  and  mingles  in  the  bloody  stream  which  swelled 
the  waters  of  Antietam  !  And  shall  the  Historical  So 
ciety  sit  silent  and  make  no  fitting  record  of  the  victims 
who  may  have  fallen,  or  of  the  gallant  survivors  who 
may  return  ?  It  is  fortunately  not  too  late  for  us  to  ob 
tain  most  of  the  information  which  it  is  important 
should  be  preserved  ;  and  I  most  respectfully  urge  upon 
the  officers  of  this  Society,  not  to  lose  the  opportunity 
of  doing  so.  It  is  proper  that  the  names  and  positions 
of  all  who  enlist  should  be  recorded  with,  as  far  as  pos 
sible,  some  brief  biographical  sketch.  I  would  suggest 
that  suitable  books,  strong  and  durable,  should  be  pro 
vided  ;  that  a  page  should  be  appropriated  to  each  in 
dividual,  and  a  small  fee  paid  to  a  neat  penman  for 
entering  such  particulars  as  might  be  furnished  con- 


54  HISTORICAL   SOCIETY.  [1862. 

earning  each.  Few  are  so  friendless  as  not  to  have  some 
one  who  would  be  interested  in  having  recorded  some 
traits  of  their  character  and  some  events  of  their  his 
tory  ;  and  their  surviving  comrades  would  furnish  the 
particulars  of  their  death.  In  after  ages,  when  blessed 
with  the  peace  for  which  we  waged  this  war,  how  grate 
ful  will  it  be  to  all  connected  with  its  martyrs,  to  be 
able  to  turn  to  our  archives  and  trace  the  part  the  fore 
fathers  took  in  the  National  struggle  for  the  preserva 
tion  of  the  Union. 

"  But  while  we  thus  make  a  record  of  the  services 
of  the  sons  of  Ulster,  the  manner  in  which  I  propose 
having  it  done  is  necessarily  private  and  devoid  of  pub 
licity.  We  should  not  be  satisfied  with  this — we  should 
at  the  same  time  attempt  to  raise  some  public  and  en 
during  tribute,  which  in  all  future  time  will  perpetuate 
the  self-denying  efforts  which  our  friends  have  made. 
Each  regiment  should  have  a  commemorative  pillar 
erected  on  some  conspicuous  place,  to  give  prominence 
to  its  services,  and  recall,  as  time  rolls  on,  the  memor 
ies  of  the  past.  I  am  sorry  to  see  so  many  bodies, 
marred  and  maimed  amid  the  carnage  of  the  battle 
field,  returned  to  their  homes,  to  be  buried  in  the  private 
grounds  and  cemeteries  of  the  land.  It  is  a  practice 
injurious  alike,  I  think,  to  the  living  and  the  dead — to 
the  living,  as  exposing  to  contagion  those  brought  in 
contact  with  remains  which  have  lain  exposed  and  be 
come  corrupt ;  to  the  dead,  the  most  appropriate  rest 
ing  place  of  the  soldier  being  the  battle-field. 

"  Tranquil  amidst  alarms, 

It  finds  them  on  the  field  : 
The  veterans  sleeping  on  their  arms, 
Beneath  a  blood-stained  field. " 

"  But  though  many  are  brought  back  to  be  buried 
among  their  relatives,  more  sleep  beneath  the  sod  of  the 
battle-field,  or  lie  in  the  hastily  dug  trench,  to  wait  with 
their  comrades  in  arms,  the  dawn  of  the  Christian's  hope. 


1862.J  ADDRESS   OP   A.    RUSSELL.  55 

"  It  is  not  only  to  those  who  fall  that  I  would  sug 
gest  a  commemorative  pillar,  but  to  those  who  have 
breasted  successfully  the  tide  of  battle,  and  return  to 
tell  how  fields  were  won.  To  the  Regiment  as  such,  to 
all  who  went  out  to  crush  the  rebellion,  this  tribute  is 
due,  and  I  hope  will  be  gratefully  paid  by  their  friends 
and  countrymen. 

"  Of  the  regiments  that  have  been  raised  among  us, 
one  only  has  as  yet  been  actively  engaged  in  service. 
Under  the  leading  of  as  true,  modest  and  conscientious 
a  colonel  as  ever  marshalled  his  men  and  led  them  into 
battle,  it  went  out  one  thousand  strong.  It  stood  the 
rude  shock  of  war,  and  still  maintains,  with  one- fourth 
of  its  number,  its  proud  pre-eminence.  But  the  sur 
vivors  mourn  the  loss  of  their  gallant  colonel  ;  the  staff 
and  commissioned  officers  miss  many  of  their  number  ; 
and  the  men  cluster  around  their  war-worn  standards  a 
mere  handful.  Shall  we,  who  cheered  them  on  their  de 
parture  and  reap  the  benefits  of  their  sufferings,  coldly 
and  calmly  hear  of  their  loss,  and  not  raise  a  tribute  of 
respect  ere  *  the  opium  of  time  (as  Sir  Thomas  Browne 
terms  it)  deals  with  the  memories  of  men  3 ' 

"  The  most  appropriate  method  of  perpetuating  the 
remembrance  of  the  heroic  services  of  the  Twentieth 
Regiment  would  be  to  erect,  on  some  of  the  prominent 
mountain  tops  which  abound  in  this  picturesque  county, 
a  simple  stone  column,  massive,  substantial  and  plain, 
dedicated  to  the  Regiment.  As  the  county  is  so  large 
and  is  intersected  by  several  mountain  chains,  it  would  be 
impossible  to  select  one  spot  that  could  be  seen  from  all 
its  towns  ;  but  if  a  similar  monument  were  raised  to  each 
regiment,  and  judiciously  placed,  there  would  be  few 
districts  which  would  not  be  within  sight  of  one  of 
them.  Such  a  silent  monitor,  erected  on  the  top  of  a 
commanding  height,  with  its  outline  sharply  cut  against 
the  sky,  braving  the  storms  of  winter  and  heedless  of 
the  alternations  of  our  climate,  would  tell  to  all  time 


56  HISTORICAL    SOCIETY.  [1862. 

the  grateful  estimate  which  we,  the  loyal  people  of 
Ulster,  placed  upon  the  devoted  services  of  the  War  of 
the  Rebellion. 

"  Should  this  proposal  be  deemed  worthy  of  adop 
tion,  I  would  suggest  that  the  monument  of  the  Twen 
tieth  Regiment  should  be  erected  on  the  top  of  Shap- 
pawnic,  as  it  overlooks  the  home  of  the  gallant  Colonel 
who  has  sealed  with  his  blood  his  devotion  to  his 
country's  cause.  There  are  few  points  of  land  in  the 
country  that  are  more  generally  seen.  Situated  about 
ten  miles  south  of  Kingston,  and  about  one  mile  from 
the  Hudson,  it  commands  a  view  in  almost  every  direc 
tion.  To  the  east,  the  valley  of  the  Hudson  stretches 
far  into  the  distance,  and  any  monument  erected  on 
Shappawnic  would  attract  the  notice  of  the  tens  of 
thousands  who  daily  throng  this  great  national  high 
way.  To  the  north,  the  view  is  unbroken  till  the  eye 
rests  upon  the  Catskills,  and  easily  discerns  Rondout, 
Kingston,  and  innumerable  smaller  towns  and  villages. 
To  the  west,  it  overlooks  the  valley  of  the  Esopus.  and 
Shandaken  and  Olive  seem  to  be  at  its  feet.  To  the 
south,  it  looks  upon  New  Paltz  and  the  other  settle 
ments  of  the  earlier  Huguenots.  It  is  also  of  easy 
access  by  a  good  mountain  road,  which  would  greatly 
facilitate  the  transportation  of  all  the  material  required 
in  its  construction. 

"  When  we  consider  the  number  of  small  but  expen 
sive  monuments  that  will  be  erected  over  the  remains  of 
those  connected  with  this  Regiment,  and  the  very  ephe 
meral  character  of  all  these  structures,  the  severity  of 
the  climate  soon  damaging  the  most  elaborate  carvings 
and  effacing  in  a  few  years  all  the  inscriptions,  it  would 
seem  that  a  simple,  unadorned  and  effective  column, 
built  of  rough  mountain  stone,  and  made  enduring  for 
all  ages,  would,  in  connection  with  the  records  of  the 
Regiment  already  suggested,  be  the  most  appropriate 
method  of  perpetuating  the  memory  of  our  national  de 
fenders. 


1862.]  MONUMENT   TO    "TWENTIETH."  57 

"  I  would  after  this  statement  respectfully  move  : 

"  1.  That  a  committee  be  appointed,  with  power  to 
raise  funds  and  carry  the  following  resolutions  into 
effect : 

"  2.  To  procure  suitable  books,  in  which  to  record  the 
names  and  a  brief  biographical  sketch  of  all  the  mem 
bers  of  the  Twentieth  Regiment  who  went  to  the  war  ; 
to  make  arrangements  for  the  engrossing  of  the  sketches 
and  the  preservation  of  the  records. 

"3.  To  obtain  a  suitable  site  on  which  to  place  a 
monument  to  the  Twentieth  Regiment,  and  to  erect  the 
same  in  an  enduring  and  permanent  manner." 

These  resolutions  were  unanimously  passed,  and 
the  following  committee  appointed  : 

ARCHIBALD  RUSSELL,  A.  BRUYN  HASBROUCK, 

JOSHUA  FIERO,  Jr.,  RUFUS  H.  KING, 

JAMES  FITCH,  HENRY  H.  REYNOLDS, 

REUBEN  BERNARD,  THOMAS  CORNELL, 

HENRY  A.  SAMSON,  JAMES  L.  HASBROUCK, 

EDMUND  ELTINGE. 

In  November,  1857,  Pratt  was  elected  State  Senator 
from  the  counties  of  Ulster  and  Greene,  which  composed 
the  Tenth  Senatorial  District.  He  was  a  Democrat  in 
politics,  but  of  liberal  views,  and  his  personal  popularity 
secured  him  a  large  Republican  vote.  His  majority  in 
the  district  was  1,493. 

While  in  the  Senate  he  did  much  to  promote  the  in 
terest  of  the  State  militia,  and  he  was  recognized  as  one 
of  the  most  earnest,  judicious  and  influential  friends  of 
the  organization.  The  State  Military  Association  elected 
him  its  President,  and  he  held  that  office  at  the  time  of 
his  death.  At  the  meeting  of  the  Association,  in  Janu 
ary,  1864,  the  following  proceedings  were  had  in  refer 
ence  to  the  deceased  President : 


58  MILITARY   ASSOCIATION.  [1864. 

Upon  taking  the  chair.  General  Elias  A.  Brown  ad 
dressed  the  Association  as  follows  : 

"  GENTLEMEN  : 

' '  In  the  orderings  of  Providence  I  am  called  upon 
for  a  second  time  to  preside  over  this  Association  at  its 
annual  meeting.  At  the  last  annual  meeting,  you  will 
recollect  that  we  could  scarcely  count  a  quorum,  owing 
to  the  absence  of  our  members  filling  their  positions  in 
our  armies  in  the  field,  including  our  president.  It  is 
with  diffidence  that  I  assume  this  official  station,  con 
scious  as  I  am  of  the  high  qualities  of  the  man  whose 
position  I  occupy,  though  I  cannot  ^supply  his  place. 
Indeed,  there  are  few  who  can  command  the  respect  and 
lay  fast  hold  on  the  esteem  of  this  Association,  in  the  de 
gree  and  measure  of  our  late  chief.  He  will  ever  hold 
a  chosen  place  in  the  memory  of  all  who  knew  his  worth 
His  deeds  have  built  him  a  monument  for  all  time  ;  and 
the  simple  inscription  which  says  :  '  Here  lies  GEORGE 
W.  PKATT,'  will  be  legend  enough  for  posterity.  His 
name  stands  resplendent  in  the  galaxy  of  those  heroes 
given  by  his  native  State  to  their  country's  cause,  and 
who  have  gone  to  a  rest  only  to  be  broken  by  the 
reveille  of  the  last  day." 

Capt.  Roosa  moved  the  appointment  of  a  committee 
to  draft  resolutions  expressive  of  the  feelings  of  this 
Association  toward  their  late  president,  prefacing  his 
motion  with  the  following  remarks  : 

"In  proposing  a  befitting  expression  by  this  Associ 
ation  of  their  regard  for  their  late  president,  I  trust  I 
may  be  indulged  in  a  few  remarks.  There  are  very 
many  here,  doubtless,  who  knew  and  valued  Col.  Pratt 
aright — comrades  in  arms  and  intimate  friends,  who 
would  pay  a  fitting  tribute  to  his  memory  in  more  elo 
quent  terms  than  I,  who  am  no  public  speaker.  But 
I  was  honored  with  his  warm  personal  friendship  for 
years  ;  he  was  our  county  commandant,  at  the  head  of 


1864.]  ADDRESS  OF   CAPTAIN  ROOSA.  59 

the  Twentieth  Regiment,  N.  Y  S.  M.,  which,  long  before 
it  had  won  the  proud  name  it  now  has  achieved  in  the 
history  of  this  war  and  the  Army  of  the  Potomac,  was 
one  of  the  few  militia  regiments  of  the  whole  North, 
disciplined  and  ready,  with  full  ranks,  animated  with 
the  right  spirit,  to  march  at  the  first  call  to  the  defence 
of  our  threatened  National  Capital.  And  that  regiment, 
'Ulster  Guard,'  was  a  part,  arid  the  best  part,  of  the 
Brigade  upon  whose  staff  it  has  been  my  pride  and 
pleasure  to  serve  for  many  years.  You  will  therefore, 
I  am  sure,  gentlemen  of  the  Association,  pardon  me  if 
there  is  any  undue  assumption  on  my  part  in  moving 
this  tribute  of  respect  to  the  memory  of  Col.  Pratt. 

"  It  may  be  said  that  I  speak  here  for  the  Twentieth 
Regiment  and  for  the  Eighth  Brigade,  and  for  the  county 
of  Ulster  as  well,  which  has  a  just  pride  in  the  unspotted 
name  and  unsullied  fame  of  the  leader  of  its  veteran 
regiment,  who  fell  at  its  head  in  the  very  fore-front  of 
the  battle.  We,  who  have  more  intimately  known  all 
his  worth,  are  better  able  to  feel  to  the  full  what  we 
have  lost  in  his  fall ;  and  we  can  say,  in  the  fulness  of 
our  hearts,  and  without  fear  of  challenge,  that  in  the 
proud  roll  of  the  heroic  who  have  given  their  lives  for 
the  salvation  of  their  country,  there  is  not  a  name  which 
more  vividly  recalls  and  illustrates  all  the  high  quali 
ties  which  are  demanded  to  make  the  true  hero  and 
patriot,  than  that  of  George  W.  Pratt. 

"  It  is  certainly  not  claiming  too  much  for  Col.  Pratt 
to  say,  that  he  was  among  the  first  to  feel,  to  the  full, 
the  responsibilities  and  duties  of  the  commandant  of  a 
regiment  in  the  military  force  of  this  his  native  State. 
Most  of  us  can  remember  how  the  '  cankers  of  a  calm 
world  and  long  peace '  had  eaten  into  and  sapped  the 
very  vitality  of  the  military  system  and  array  of  the 
most  powerful  State  of  the  Union.  Here  and  there 
were  company  and  even  regimental  organizations,  which 
showed  a  discipline  and  spirit  only  rendering  the  gen- 


60  MILITARY  ASSOCIATION.  [1864. 

eral  indifference  and  apathy  more  striking.     From  the 
close  of  the  war  of  1812,  the  nation  seemed  to  have  sub 
sided  into  the  pleasurable  delusion  that  we,  of  all  the 
polities  of  the  civilized  world  alone,  had  '  fought  our 
last  fight  and  won  our  last  battle,'  and  that  '  no  sound 
would  awake  us  to  glory  again.'     We  never  realized 
accurately,  till  within   three   years,    the   tenure  upon 
which  we  held  our  very  existence  as   a  nation.     The 
Mexican  war,  so  brief,  brilliant,  and  remote,  was  hardly 
felt  by  the  nation  at  large,  and  certainly  failed,  and 
haply   did    not    need,  to   call  out    the   resources  and 
strength   of   the   country.       Our   boundary  difficulties 
now  and  then  darkening  our  national  horizon  with  the 
ominous  'cloud,   no  bigger  than  a   man's  hand,'    but 
which  might,  perhaps,  bear  in  its  bosom  the  tempest  of 
war  with  our  ancient  foe  and  the  most  powerful  nation 
of  Europe,  gave  us  a  passing  warning,  now  and  then,  of 
our  duties  and  needs.     But  one  by  one  our  impending 
storms  passed  away,  and  serene   skies  lulled  us  into 
fancied  security  and  indifference.     Our  regular  army 
dwindled  to  a  mere  skeleton,  barely  supplying  meagre 
garrisons  for  the  outposts  of  our  extensive  frontiers  ; 
and  our  militia,  as  a  whole,  half  enrolled  and  miserably 
equipped,  had  barely  discipline  and  numbers  sufficient 
to  maintain  a  nominal  existence,  and  to  get  up  a  few 
parades  and  nominal  inspections.     There  is  no  wrong 
in  speaking  the  plain  truth  of  our  wretched  and  inade 
quate  military  system,    or    lack   of  system,  when  its 
solemn  weight   has  been  impressed  so  deeply  by   the 
severe  lesson  following  the  startling  outbreak  of  the 
rebellion  of  1861,  at  once  dispelling  our  dreams  and 
arousing  us  from  our  slumbers.     We,  in  the  dark  and 
drear  days  of  that  sad  year,  realized  in  bitter  severity 
which  we  can  now  lay  to  heart,  that  we,  as  a  people, 
had  failed  in  our  duty  to  our  country  in  one  of  the  most 
important  responsibilities.      We  had  not  prepared  in 
peace  for  the  contingency  of  war,  always  regarded  as 


1864.]  ADDRESS  OP  CAPTAIN   ROOSA.  gl 

among  the  imminent  probabilities  of  a  nation's  life  by 
the  sagacious. 

"  Among  those  who,  years  before  we  had  so  startling 
an  arousal  to  our  duty,  took  a  comprehensive  and  clear 
view  of  our  full  duties  to  ourselves  and  posterity,  was 
Col.  Pratt.     And  his  foresight  was  not  shown  by  idle 
words.     He  was  ever  eminently  practical,  and  this  was 
more  especially  shown  in  his  whole  military  career.    He 
never  regarded  the  State  force  as  a  mere  machine  for 
idle  show  and  recurrent  displays.     He  replied,  when  a 
friend  complimented  him  on  the  appearance  and  skill 
ful  evolutions  of  his  regiment,  many  years  before  it  was 
called  into  service,  that  he  '  wished  that  every  nominal 
regiment  in  the  State  were  at  least  as  well  disciplined 
and  organized  ;  but,  superior  as  it  was  to  most  of  the 
New  York  Militia  on  that  score,  the  20th  Regiment,  as 
well  as  every  other  in  the  State  force,  was  far  below  the 
true  standard  of  thorough  efficiency.     The  nation,'  he 
added,  prophetically,  '  would  pay  dearly,  and  that  at  no 
distant  day,  for  permitting  its  sole  reliance  for  defence 
to  fall  so  far  in  arrear  of  the  times.'     And  he  remarked 
to  the  same  point,  one  day,  that  'one  thing,  at  least,  he 
had  learned  in  his  travels  in  the  Old  World,  and  that 
was,  how  far  we  were  behind  the  foremost  European 
nations  in  military  science.    We  have  men  and  material 
enough,'  he  remarked,  %but  where  is  the  military- pride 
and  spirit,  and  the  discipline  and  organization  which 
they  generate  ? ' 

"Col.  Pratt' s  first  exertions  to  do  his  share  toward 
arousing  his  countrymen  to  a  due  sense  of  duty  on  this 
score  were  made  in  his  native  county,  Greene.  We  all 
know  that  he  succeeded  there,  as  he  subsequently  did 
in  Ulster,  in  arousing  in  the  people  something  of  the 
required  military  spirit,  and  had  not  the  accidents  of 
party  prevented  his  continuance  in  the  position  of  Ad 
jutant-General,  to  which  he  was  called  for  a  brief  term, 
there  is  every  reason  to  believe  that  he  would  have  given 


62  MILITARY  ASSOCIATION.  [1864. 

a  new  and  needed  turn  to  the  military  system  and  array 
of  the  whole  State,  and  imbued  it  with  something  of  his 
own  spirit  and  energy. 

4 'When  Col.  Pratt  took  the  command  of  the  20th 
Regiment,  it  had  little  more  than  a  nominal  existence. 
But,  entering  at  once  upon  a  vigorous  discharge  of  his 
trust,  he  brought  it  up  to  the  full  measure  of  efficiency, 
according  to  the  standard  before  the  war.  That  regiment 
was  ready  at  the  first  word  ;  and  was  the  foremost  regi 
ment  north  of,  or  outside  of,  the  city  of  New  York,  to 
march  to  the  Potomac.  At  the  close  of  its  first  three- 
months  term,  the  20th  re-enlisted  for  three  years.  Its 
share  in  the  conflicts  which  have  made  Virginia  historic 
ground,  you  well  know  ;  and  the  price  paid  for  its  name, 
in  the  life-blood  of  so  many  under  its  colors,  is  written 
in  the  history  of  the  nation.  At  the  head  of  the  regi 
ment  which  he  had  in  a  great  measure  created,  Colonel 
Pratt  received  his  death-shot ;  and  its  colors,  rent  and 
torn  in  the  storm  of  battle,  are  now  among  the  trophies 
of  the  State,  and  will  ever  recall  the  remembrance  of 
the  gallant  leader  who  fell  in  their  defence. 

"  In  this  brief  history  of  the  20th  Regiment,  N.  Y. 
S.  M.,  you  have  almost  the  entire  record  of  Col.  Pratt' s 
military  life,  which  was  bound  up  and  identified  with 
that  corps.  Had  he  survived,  there  was  doubtless  be 
fore  him  a  higher  position  and  more  conspicuous  career. 
But  he  could  not  have  achieved  a  higher  place  in  the 
regard  of  all  who  knew  his  sterling  qualities,  or  have 
closed  an  honorable  life  by  a  more  heroic  death,  than 
that  which  met  him  in  the  very  flush  and  vigor  of  man 
hood. 

"The  older  members  of  this  Association  will  unite 
with  me  in  a  due  estimate  of  the  talent  and  patriotism 
of  Col.  Pratt.  He  ever  regarded  this  body  as  one  of  the 
most  promising  and  efficient  agencies  toward  rendering 
our  State  force  what  it  should  be,  and  was  most  earnest 
in  every  word  and  work  to  promote  its  interests.  We 


1864]  RESOLUTIONS.  63 

hoped  much  from  his  executive  ability  when  called 
upon  to  preside  over  this  Association.  But  it  was  de 
creed  otherwise,  and  we  can  only  record  upon  his  tomb 
the  comprehensive  lines  graven  over  one  of  the  best  and 
bravest  of  another  clime  and  age  : 

"  '  Here  lies  one  without  fear  and  without  reproach  ! ' 

' ;  Mr.  President,  I  move  the  appointment  of  a  com . 
mittee  of  three  to  report  resolutions  expressive  o±  the 
regard  of  this  Association  to  their  late  president,  Col. 
George  W.  Pratt,  and  their  respect  to  his  memory." 

The  motion  was  carried,  and  Capt.  Roosa,  Gen. 
Burnside  and  Col.  Forbes  were  appointed  such  commit 
tee,  who  reported  the  following  resolutions,  which  were 
unanimously  adopted  : 

"WHEREAS,  This  Association  have  been  called  upon  since  our  last 
annual  meeting  to  mourn  the  loss  of  our  fellow-member  and  president, 
Col.  George  W.  Pratt ;  it  is 

"  Resolved,  That  we,  individually,  record  our  sorrow  at  the  loss  of  a 
friend  distinguished  for  his  intellectual  endowments  and  scholarly  attain 
ments  ;  for  his  high  moral  qualities,  his  rectitude  of  purpose  and  purity  of 
life  ;  for  his  lofty,  self-sacrificing  patriotism  and  chivalric  courage  ;  for 
his  courtesy,  generosity,  and  magnanimity,  and  for  all  the  gifts  and  graces 
combining  to  make  up  the  true  soldier  and  man. 

"Resolved,  That  as  comrades  in  the  State  service  and  companions  in 
this  body,  we  especially  feel  the  loss  of  one  whose  energy,  zeal,  military 
spirit,  and  talent  were  devoted  many  years  to  the  advancement  of  the  ef 
ficiency  of  our  State  militia  ;  one  of  the  founders  of  this  Association  ;  the 
first  colonel  in  this  State,  outside  of  the  city  of  New  York,  leading  his 
regiment  at  the  first  call  to  defend  the  capital  and  country  against  armed 
rebellion  ;  and  who  consummated  his  labors  and  sacrifices  by  laying  down 
his  life  in  defence  of  the  Union  on  the  field  illustrated  by  his  heroism. 

' '  Resolved,  That  these  resolutions  be  entered  on  the  minutes  of  this 
Association,  published  in  its  proceedings,  and  that  the  Corresponding 
Secretary  be  instructed  to  transmit  copies  of  the  same  to  the  widow  and 
father  of  our  late  friend  and  comrade." 

The  following  proceedings  were  had  in  Ulster 
County  in  honor  of  the  memory  of  Colonel  Pratt. 

At  a  special  communication  of  Kingston  Lodge  No. 
10,  of  Free  and  Accepted  Masons,  held  at  the  Lodge 


64  PROCEEDINGS  IN   ULSTER  COUNTY.  [1862. 

Room,  in  Kingston,  on  Saturday  evening,  September 
13th,  1862,  the  death  of  Brother  George  W.  Pratt  was 
announced  by  Worshipful  Brother  Warren  Chipp.  On 
motion,  it  was  resolved  that  a  committee  of  five  be  ap 
pointed  to  prepare  and  present  resolutions  expressive 
of  the  sense  of  this  Lodge  upon  the  death  of  Brother 
George  W.  Pratt.  Whereupon  the  Worshipful  Master 
appointed  Brothers  John  B.  Steele,  Henry  Van  Hoeven- 
burgh,  William  S.  Kenyon,  Henry  B.  Luther,  and 
Abraham  A.  Deyo,  Jr.,  such  committee. 

On  motion,  it  was  resolved  that  this  Lodge  attend 
the  funeral  of  Brother  George  W.  Pratt,  in  a  body,  and 
that  the  Lodge  be  draped  in  mourning  for  the  space  of 
sixty  days. 

The  committee  reported  as  follows :  which,  on  mo 
tion,  was  accepted,  and  the  preamble  and  resolutions 
were  unanimously  adopted. 

WARREN  CHIPP,  W.  M., 
[L.  s,]  ISAAC  VAN  BUKEN,  Sec.  pro  tern. 


To  the  Worshipful  Master,  Wardens  and  Brethren  of 
Kingston  Lodge  No.  10,  of  Free  and  Accepted,  Ma 
sons. 

The  undersigned,  a  committee  appointed  to  prepare 
and  present  resolutions  expressive  of  the  sense  of  this 
Lodge  upon  the  death  of  our  lamented  Brother,  George 
W.  Pratt,  respectfully  report  for  consideration  the  fol 
lowing  preamble  and  resolutions  : 

PREAMBLE. 

Upon  the  fall  of  Sumter,  as  the  report  "borne  upon  the  lightning's 
•wing,"  flashed  over  the  land,  such  an  effect  upon  loyal  citizens  was  expe 
rienced  as  might  have  been  expected  had  the  tocsin  of  war  sounded  in 
their  ears  or  the  roar  of  hostile  cannon  thundered  at  their  gates.  Here,  as 
if  the  subtile  fluid  which  transmitted  the  intelligence,  had  electrified  our 


1862.J  PROCEEDINGS   IN   ULSTER   COUNTY.  65 

people,  they  spontaneously  gathered  together  for  counsel  and  for  war. 
As  all  such  grand  impulses  need  a  definite  object  and  aim  to  become  use 
ful,  so  this  noble  outburst  of  patriotism  required  a  practical  direction. 

A  young  gentleman  of  modest  pretensions,  with  stern  and  high  resolve, 
moved  quietly  and  calmly  among  the  people.  He  was  well  known,  and  it 
seemed  that  his  appearance  had  given  direction  to  all  thoughts,  upon  the 
instant  ;  the  pent-up  feelings  found  expression  in  prolonged  cheers  for 
Colonel  George  W.  Pratt.  From  that  moment  our  course  was  taken,  and 
in  an  incredibly  short  space  of  time  our  noble  and  patriotic  20th,  with 
their  gallant  young  commander,  went  forth  to  battle.  Their  blood  has 
moistened  many  a  hard-fought  field,  and  many  a  stout  heart,  which  then 
beat  high,  is  now  cold  in  death.  The  horse  that  bore  the  leader  of  that 
gallant  band  has  returned  without  his  rider,  and  we  must  now  mourn  the 
death  of  our  well-beloved  brother,  George  W.  Pratt,  and  mingle  our  tears 
and  sympathies  with  those  who  weep  for  him. 

RESOLUTIONS. 

1st.  Resolved,  That  in  the  death  of  Colonel  George  W.  Pratt,  caused  by 
fatal  wounds  received  while  manfully  contending  for  the  honor  of  our 
flag  and  the  preservation  of  our  glorious  Union,  upon  the  recent  battle 
fields  of  Virginia,  this  Lodge  has  lost  a  much-loved  and  worthy  brother  ; 
the  community  a  most  useful  and  important  citizen  ;  his  family,  a  dutiful 
and  affectionate  son,  husband,  and  father,  in  whom  was  justly  centered 
much  of  hope  and  pride  ;  the  armies  of  our  country,  a  brave,  intelligent 
and  enterprising  officer  ;  and  the  Church  of  God,  a  highly  useful  and  con 
sistent  member. 

2d.  Resolved,  That  while  the  virtues,  talents,  and  acquirements  of  our 
deceased  brother  were  of  that  high  order  as  naturally  and  properly  to 
inspire  him  with  confidence  and  self-possession,  and  his  ample  fortune 
and  social  position  such  as  to  draw  around  him  many  to  court  and  flatter, 
yet  his  ability  was  not  more  conspicuous  than  his  modesty,  and  his  natu 
ral  simplicity  of  habits  and  manner,  genuine  goodness  of  heart,  and  firm 
integrity  of  purpose  were  proof  against  all  the  allurements  of  wealth  and 
blandishments  of  society.  In  his  legislative  career,  while  occupying  the 
position  of  State  Senator  from  this  district,  he  was,  as  in  private  life,  emi 
nently  practical  and  useful;  and  when  we  see  one  thus  gifted  stricken 
down  in  the  first  vigor  of  youthful  manhood,  we  are  constrained  to  say, 
' '  Thy  wrays,  O  God,  are  mysterious  and  past  finding  out. " 

3d.  Resolved,  That  although  we  would  not  detract  from  the  just  meed 
of  praise  due  to  any  who,  struggling  against  poverty  and  adversity,  have 
perseveringly  encountered  and  overcome  obstacles  to  success,  neither 
would  we  be  unmindful  of  the  trials  and  temptations  which  beset  the 
pathway  of  such  as  would  devote  themselves  to  a  life  of  usefulness  and 
toil,  when  possessed  of  that  wealth  and  position  which,  so  fatally  to  many, 
invite  to  a  life  of  inglorious  indolence  or  more  fatal  indulgence  ;  and  we 

5 


66  PROCEEDINGS   IN   ULSTER   COUNTY.  [1862. 

feel  a  natural  and  just  pride  in  the  example  of  our  deceased  brother,  who, 
with  every  inducement  and  facility  to  seek  his  own  enjoyment  and  ease, 
could,  in  time  of  peace,  subject  himself  to  the  severe  discipline  of  regular 
business  habits,  and  when  his  country  called  to  arms,  unhesitatingly  sur 
render  all  the  enjoyments  of  a  luxurious  home  for  the  privations  and 
hardships  of  the  camp,  and,  resisting  the  entreaties  of  a  loving  and  beloved 
-family,  offer  himself  a  willing  sacrifice  upon  the  altar  of  his  country. 

4th.  Resolved,  That  in  addition  to  the  usual  formalities,  this  Preamble 
.and  Resolutions  be  entered  in  full  upon  the  minutes  of  the  Lodge,  and 
properly  engrossed  copies  be  furnished  to  the  father  and  widow  of  the 
deceased. 

5th.  Resolved,  That  such  portion  of  the  proceedings  of  this  Lodge,  in 
reference  to  the  death  and  burial  of  our  deceased  brother,  George  W. 
Pratt,  as  may  properly  be  printed,  according  to  the  usages  and  customs 
of  the  Order,  be  furnished  to  the  newspapers  of  Albany,  Greene  and  Ulster 
bounties,  for  publication . 

All  which  is  respectfully  submitted. 
KINGSTON,  Sept.  13th,  1862. 

JOHN  B.  STEELE, 

HENRY  VAN  HOEVENBURGH, 

ABM.  A.  DEYO,  JR., 

W.  S.  KENYON, 

H.  B.  LUTHER, 

Committee. 


At  a  meeting  of  the  citizens  of  Kingston,  held  at  the 
Court  House,  Friday  evening,  September  12th,  1862, 
for  the  purpose  of  paying  a  tribute  of  respect  to  the 
memory  of  Colonel  George  W.  Pratt,  Hon.  Win.  B. 
Wright  was  chosen  Chairman,  Dr.  H.  Van  Hoevenburgh 
and  A,  B.  Preston,  Vice-Presidents,  and  H.  D.  H.  Sny- 
der  and  H.  H.  Reynolds,  Secretaries. 

After  an  address  by  the  Chairman  and  Hon.  T.  R. 
Westbrook,  on  motion  of  the  latter,  a  committee  of  five 
was  appointed  to  prepare  resolutions  expressive  of  the 
sense  of  the  meeting. 

Messrs.  T.  R.  Westbrook,  Rev.  Dr.  Hoes,  Rev.  Mr. 
Waters,  Wm.  Lounsbery  and  H.  H.  Reynolds,  Esqrs., 
were  appointed  as  such  committee. 


1862.]  PROCEEDINGS  IN   ULSTER  COUNTY.  67 

The  Committee  reported  the  following  resolutions, 
which,  after  addresses  by  Wm.  Lounsbery  and  Henry 
H.  Reynolds,  Esqrs.,  were  unanimously  adopted. 

WHEREAS,  It  has  pleased  an  All- Wise  Providence,  by  a  vicissitude  of 
war,  to  remove  from  our  midst  Colonel  George  W.  Pratt,  of  the  20th 
Regiment,  N.  Y.  State  Militia,  and 

WHEREAS,  The  deceased  was  greatly  endeared  to  and  beloved  by  us 
all  for  his  high  social  qualities  and  manly  virtues — therefore,  in  order  to 
testify  our  respect  and  love  for  the  departed,  be  it 

Resolved,  That  in  the  death  of  our  late  fellow  citizen  and  friend,  the 
•community  in  which  he  lived  has  lost  an  esteemed  and  valued  member, 
the  country  a  wise  statesman  and  gallant  soldier,  the  Church  an  earnest 
and  faithful  member,  and  his  family  an  affectionate  son,  husband  and  fond 
parent. 

Resolved,  That  we  tender  to  the  father,  widow  and  relatives  of  the  de 
ceased  our  warm  and  tender  sympathy,  in  this  the  sad  hour  of  their  be 
reavement,  and  humbly  pray  that  He  who  governs  and  does  all  things 
well  will  administer  to  them  of  His  own  rich  consolation. 

Resolved,  That  we  cannot  and  will  not  forget  that  the  deceased  laid 
down  his  life  for  the  sake  of  country  and  government,  and  though  sorrow 
ful,  we  point  with  joy  and  pride  to  his  great  sacrifice,  as  worthy  of  emula 
tion  and  imitation. 

Resolved,  That  upon  the  roll  of  our  country's  defenders,  the  name  of 
George  W.  Pratt  occupies  a  conspicuous  position  ;  that  dying,  as  a  soldier 
loves  to  die — defending  his  country  and  flag,  we  are  proud  to  know  that 
that  country  shall  cherish  his  name  and  memory  forever. 

Resolved,  That  it  be  requested  that  the  bells  of  the  village  of  Kingston 
and  of  this  Senatorial  district  be  tolled  during  the  hour  of  the  funeral  of 
the  deceased,  or  from  2  o'clock  P.M.  to  3  o'clock  P.M.  on  Sunday  next. 

Resolved,  That  a  copy  of  the  proceedings  of  this  meeting  be  sent  to  the 
father  and  family  of  the  deceased,  and  that  the  same  be  published  in  the 
papers  of  the  district 

In  connection  with  the  above,  Hon.  T.  R.  Westbrook 
offered  the  following  resolution,  which  was  unanimously 
adopted  : 

Resolved,  That  while  we  deplore  the  death  of  George  W.  Pratt,  the  gal 
lant  Colonel  of  the  20th  Regiment,  N.  Y.  S.  M.,  we  can  not  and  do  not 
forget  the  bravery  and  virtues  of  every  officer  and  private  of  that  organi 
zation,  which  go  recently  went  from  our  midst  to  defend  our  country  and 
its  institutions,  but  who  now  sleep  with  their  commander  that  sleep  which 
knows  no  waking  ;  that  to  us  their  memories  are  dear  and  precious,  and 
their  departure  is  mourned  by  this  Senatorial  District  with  sorrow,  deep, 
sincere  and  abiding. 


68  PROCEEDINGS   IN   ULSTER   COUNTY.  [1862. 

On  motion,  it  was  resolved  that  the  officers  of  the 
meeting,  and  as  many  of  our  citizens  as  can  conveniently 
do  so,  be  appointed  to  attend  the  funeral  of  Col.  Pratt. 

The  citizens  residing  at  and  about  Elmore's  Corners, 
in  the  town  of  Esopus,  convened  at  the  house  of  Wil 
liam  Atchison,  on  Saturday  evening,  September  12th, 
for  the  purpose  of  passing  resolutions  expressive  of 
their  feelings  at  the  sad  intelligence  of  the  death  of  Col. 
George  W.  Pratt,  their  late  neighbor  and  fellow-towns 
man.  Cheney  Ames  was  called  to  the  Chair,  and  John 
W.  Wheeler  and  William  Atchison  appointed  Secreta 
ries.  A  committee  was  appointed  to  draft  resolutions, 
consisting  of  Daniel  Freer,  William  Atchison,  John 
Griffiths  and  Cheney  Ames.  The  committee  then  re 
tired,  and  soon  after  reported  the  following,  which  were 
unanimously  adopted  : 

WHEREAS,  Colonel  George  W.  Pratt,  a  beloved  and  prominent  mem 
ber  of  this  community,  was  mortally  wounded  while  commanding  his 
regiment  in  one  of  the  late  battles  of  Virginia,  and  has  since  died  in  conse 
quence  of  his  wounds, 

Resolved,  That  as  members  of  the  community  from  which  he  has  thus 
been  taken,  we  regard  the  event  of  his  death  with  feelings  of  deep  and 
heartfelt  sorrow. 

Resolved,  That  in  his  death  wre,  as  individuals,  have  lost  a  good  neigh 
bor  ;  society,  a  shining  ornament  ;  the  Christian  Church,  a  faithful  mem 
ber,  and  our  country,  a  valiant  defender. 

Resolved,  That  earnestly  desiring  the  speedy  suppression  of  this  mon 
strous  rebellion  against  the  best  government  man  ever  devised,  our  mourn 
ing  for  the  loss  of  our  honored  neighbor,  is  tempered  with  the  consolation 
that  he  did  not  give  his  life  in  vain  ;  that  he  died  in  a  cause  wrhich  warmly 
commends  itself  to  our  deepest  sympathies  ;  and  that  in  his  self-sacrificing 
devotion  to  his  country  he  has  left  an  example  which  cannot  be  too  gen 
erally  imitated. 

Resolved,  That  the  sympathies  of  this  community  are  hereby  tendered 
to  the  family  of  the  deceased,  in  this  their  severe  and  irreparable  afflic 
tion. 

Resolved,  That  a  report  of  these  proceedings  and  a  copy  of  these  reso 
lutions  be  presented  to  the  family  of  the  deceased,  and  to  the  publisher  of 
the  Kingston  Argus  for  publication. 

On  the  face  of  the  rocky  ledge  that  overlooks  the 
turnpike  road,  a  half  mile  south  of  the  village  of  Pratts- 


1862.]  PRATT'S  LIKENESS  ON  THE  ROCK.  59 

ville,  Colonel  Zadock  Pratt  caused  to  be  cut  into  the 
rock  a  colossal  bust  of  his  son,  whose  right  hand  is  up 
lifted,  and  above  ft  the  motto,  "  This  hand  for  my  coun 
try,"  being  the  coat  of  arms  and  legend  adopted  by  the 
Colonel  for  the  "Ulster  G-uard."  Below  the  bust  are 
inscribed  the  words:  "  Hon.  G.  W.  Pratt,  Ph.D., 
Colonel  XX.  Regiment,  N.  Y.  S.  M.,  Ulster  County. 
Born  April  18th,  1830;  wounded  August  30th,  in  the 
second  battle  of  Manassas,  Virginia  ;  died  at  Albany, 
(N.  Y.),  September  llth,  1862.  Good— brave— honor 
able  !"  A  fond  father's  commendation  of  the  virtues  of 
his  lost  son — and  every  word  is  true.  Knowing  him  as 
few  others  did,  we  can  most  sincerely  repeat  his 
father's  words  :  "  Good — brave — honorable  !" 

Pratt  had  succeeded  his  father  as  Colonel  of  the  28th 
Regiment  of  Militia,  located  in  Greene  County,  and  after 
his  removal  to  Kingston,  the  counties  of  Ulster  and 
Greene  were  united  in  one  regimental  district,  while 
Sullivan  was  detached.  The  result  was  that  Colonel 
Bushnell,  who  resided  in  Sullivan,  was  disqualified  to 
command  the  "Twentieth,"  and  on  the  12th  of  Sep 
tember,  1857,  Colonel  Pratt  was  appointed  Colonel  of 
the  consolidated  regiment,  with  rank  from  the  1st  of 
February,  1852.  Hiram  Schoonmaker,  who  had  held 
the  position  of  Lieutenant-Colonel  since  May  19th,  1855, 
and  Theodore  B.  Gates,  who  had  been  Major  from  same 
date,  retained  their  commissions.  Henry  W.  Smuller 
was  appointed  Chaplain.  The  other  members  of  the 
staff  were  the  same  as  shown  in  Appendix  A. 

The  new  Colonel  of  the  "Twentieth"  gave  afresh 
and  wholesome  impetus  to  the  organization,  and  it  grew 
rapidly  in  his  hands.  He  was  a  good  disciplinarian  and 
an  indefatigable  worker.  He  had  the  regiment  in  camp 
for  about  a  week  every  autumn,  and  improved  such  oc 
casions  by  enforcing  order  and  devoting  the  time  to 
company  and  battalion  drills.  The  result  was  that  the 


70  "ULSTER  GUARD."  [1857. 

regiment  became  one  of  the  best  in  the  State,   and  ac 
quired  a  reputation  of  which  it  had  a  right  to  be  proud. 

Pratt  gave  the  corps  the  name  of  "  Ulster  Guard  ;" 
a  name  it  always  afterwards  bore.  The  citizens  of  Ulster 
County,  but  more  especially  the  people  of  Kingston  and 
Rondout,  took  a  lively  interest  in  the  organization,  and 
to  testify,  in  a  manner,  their  regard  for  the  regiment, 
they  united  in  presenting  it  a  stand  of  colors,  on  the 
thirty-first  of  August,  1858.  The  presentation  took 
place  on  the  green  between  the  two  villages,  afterwards 
known  as  "The  Camp  Ground,"  and  Hon.  William  S. 
Kenyon,  President  of  the  Board  of  Directors  of  the  vil 
lage  of  Kingston,  made  the  presentation  address,  and  it 
was  the  most  perfect  thing  of  its  kind  ever  spoken.  In 
thought,  in  imagery,  in  a  forecast  of  the  future,  in 
beauty  of  language,  it  has  no  peer.  It  should  be  pre 
served  among  the  most  durable  archives  of  the  "Ulster 
Guard."  I  am  glad  to  be  able  to  give  it  a  place  in  these 
pages.  Mr.  Kenyon  said  : 

"  Colonel  and  Officers  and  Soldiers  of  the  Ulster 
Guard :  The  vast  importance  to  a  free  and  independ 
ent  people  of  a  duly  organized  and  efficient  citizen  sol 
diery,  both  in  a  civil  and  political  aspect,  requires  at  our 
hands  no  proclamation.  The  Constitution  of  this  great 
State,  the  text-book  of  our  chartered  civil  and  political 
rights,  proclaims  it  by  a  recognized  equality  between 
the  civil  and  military  branches  of  the  Government.  So 
close  a  relationship  is  established  by  constitutional  par 
entage  between  those  branches,  that  the  Governor,  the 
great  civil  head,  is  declared  to  be  the  commander-in- 
chief  of  the  military  and  naval  forces  of  the  State.  A 
union  so  complete,  an  intimacy  so  vital  to  each  must  of 
necessity  prompt  a  sense  of  mutual  dependency,  and 
incite  to  an  open  expression  of  regard.  Eminently  meet 
and  natural  is  it  that  the  civil  and  municipal  authori 
ties  everywhere  should  proffer  the  right  hand  of  fellow 
ship  to  the  military,  and  testify  before  the  world  to  a 


1858.]  HON.  w.  s.  KENYON'S  SPEECH.  71 

recognition  of  a  common  origin  and  one  and  the  same 
destiny.  The  corporations  of  Kingston  and  Rondout 
here  convened  by  their  representatives,  recognizing  you 
as  an  honorable  and  distinguished  member  of  that  noble 
body  of  organized  citizens  of  which  the  Empire  State 
has  reason  ever  to  be  proud,  seize  this  opportunity  to 
tender  you  a  testimonial  of  their  high  appreciation  of 
your  merits  as  soldiers,  and  through  me  to  express  an 
abiding  sense  of  your  worth  as  citizens  and  as  men.  The 
nag  of  his  country,  emblazoned  all  over  with  an  ever-in 
creasing  galaxy  of  stars,  symbolical  of  a  prosperous 
union  of  free  and  independent  States,  which  God  grant 
may  never  be  dissolved,  must  to  the  heart  of  every  Amer 
ican  soldier  prove  a  cherished  souvenir. 

"  Receive  these  colors  at  our  hands  ;  preserve  them  in 
remembrance  of  an  occasion  so  pregnant  with  interest, 
and  of  a  scene  in  which  you  act  so  conspicuous  a  part. 
A  thousand  holy  recollections  will  forever  cluster  around 
them.  The  very  heavens  that  are  now  smiling  down 
upon  you  ;  these  old  hills  that  lie  crouching  all  about 
you  with  expansive  ear,  listening  to  catch  the  every  ac 
cent  of  this  scene  ;  the  very  ground  on  which  you  stand, 
enriched  by  patriotic  blood  and  teeming  with  savory 
memories  of  revolutionary  times,  will  at  sight  of  them 
again  and  again  start  out  before  your  mind's  eye  with 
all  the  vividness  of  the  present. 

"  Accept  them  as  they  are.  Would  that  it  were  possi 
ble  with  a  graphic  touch  to  represent  upon  them  your 
future  glories.  When  Aeneas  received  from  his  god 
dess  mother  the  shield  which  Vulcan  had  wrought  out, 
he  beheld  with  loving  eyes  all  over  it  a  prophetic  history 
of  the  future  achievements  and  glory  of  his  race.  A  wise 
Providence  has  denied  to  us  the  power  of  tearing  aside 
the  veil  which  hangs  between  you  and  the  fulfilment  of 
your  hopes.  You  will  read  upon  this  simple  gift  no 
prophetic  revelation,  but  you  will  not  fail  to  discover 


72  COLONEL  PRATT'S  REPLY.  [1858. 

on  every  fold  some  divine  memento,  traced  there  by  the 
hand  of  memory. 

u  Accept  them  and  guard  them  with  a  valiant  heart, 
and  may  they,  like  that  stand  of  heavenly  colors  flung 
out  by  Israel's  God — a  pillar  of  cloud  by  day  and  a  pil 
lar  of  fire  by  night — introduce  you  to  a  full  and  free 
fruition  of  your  dearest  hopes." 

In  accepting  the  colors,  Colonel  Pratt  spoke  as  fol 
lows  : 

"Mr.  President  and  Gentlemen:  In  behalf  of  the 
Ulster  Guard,  I  thank  you  for  this  beautiful  gift,  and 
the  kind  expressions  of  appreciation  with  which  it  is 
accompanied.  The  soldiers  constituting  my  command 
cherish  the  homes  and  firesides  of  their  country,  and  it 
needs  no  incentive  to  earn  a  pledge  of  their  protection  ; 
but  it  is  a  proud  pleasure  to  them,  that  the  municipal 
authorities  of  the  two  largest  villages  of  Ulster  have 
taken  this  occasion  to  express  their  regard.  We  appre 
ciate  the  honor  you  have  thus  done  us,  and  we  promise 
that,  if  this  land  is  ever  involved  in  war,  these  colors 
shall  wave  with  credit  and  glory  wherever  danger  is 
thickest  and  the  fight  is  warmest.  Gentlemen,  we 
thank  you,  and  as  3^011  have  alluded  to  our  revolution 
ary  sires,  we  trust  the  Ulster  Guard  will  never  be  found 
unworthy  of  the  noble  inheritance  of  honor  and  virtue 
they  have  left  us." 

Subsequent  to  this  event,  and  shortly  before  the  regi 
ment  left  for  the  war,  the  City  of  Poughkeepsie  pre 
sented  a  beautiful  national  flag  to  it — the  regiment 
going  to  Poughkeepsie  to  receive  it. 

On  the  evening  of  the  seventh  of  January,  1861, 
Brigadier-General  H.  A.  Samson,  Commandant  of  the 
Eighth  Brigade,  JN".  Y.  S.  M. ;  Major  Yon  Beck  and  Cap 
tains  Rossa  and  Davis,  of  his  staff ;  Colonel  Pratt,  Lieu 
tenant-Colonel  Schoonmaker,  Major  Gates  and  six  or 
eight  other  officers  of  the  "  Twentieth,"  whose  names  I 
cannot  now  recall,  met  in  one  of  the  parlors  of  the 


1861.]  MEETING   AT   THE   MANSION   HOUSE.  73 

Mansion  House,  at  Rondout,  to  confer  together  as  to 
the  course  the  regiment  ought  to  adopt,  in  case  of  an 
actual  outbreak  of  the  then  threatened  hostilities. 

Colonel  Pratt  addressed  the  meeting,  and  stated  that 
he  believed  war  was  inevitable,  and  if  it  came,  he  in 
tended  to  take  part  in  it  in  some  capacity,  but  that  he 
would  very  much  prefer  to  serve  with  his  regiment.  He 
foresaw  that  the  Government  would  be  obliged  to  have 
recourse  to  the  Militia  of  the  Loyal  States  in  the  first 
instance,  and  that  the  "Twentieth"  could  be  soon  put 
in  a  condition  to  take  the  field.  He  was  in  favor  of 
tendering  the  service  of  the  command  to  the  Govern 
ment,  and  he  believed  the  officers  and  men  would  ap 
prove  of  the  act. 

After  a  discussion  that  lasted  until  four  o'clock  in 
the  morning,  Colonel  Pratt  was  authorized  to  tender  the 
services  of  the  regiment  to  the  Federal  Government, 
through  the  Hon.  E.  D.  Morgan,  then  Governor  of  the 
State  of  New  York. 

From  this  time  the  work  of  preparation  went  quietly 
forward,  and  by  judicious  recruiting  the  companies  had 
been  considerably  strengthened  by  the  beginning  of 
April.  Company  drills  were  frequent,  and  the  regiment 
had  perceptibly  improved  in  numbers  and  efficiency. 

On  the  twelfth  of  April,  Beauregard's  cannon  put 
an  end  to  the  forbearance  of  the  Federal  authorities, 
and  Colonel  Pratt' s  prediction  was  verified.  The  Seces 
sionists  had  assumed  the  terrible  responsibility  of  in 
augurating  a  fratricidal  war,  with  a  wantonness  that  has 
no  parallel  in  the  history  of  nations. 

As  the  reverberations  of  their  guns  swept  over  the 
country,  loyalty  shook  off  its  lethargy,  and  made  pro 
digious  strides  in  preparing  to  defend  the  Government. 
Ignoring  party  distinctions,  Democrats  and  Republicans 
united  in  cordial  declarations  and  acts  in  support  of  the 
administration  and  in  denunciation  of  secession. 

Immediately  on  hearing  of  the  attack  on  Fort  Sum- 


74  LOYAL   MEETING    AT   KINGSTON.  [1861. 

ter,  a  mass  meeting  was  held  in  the  Court  House,  at 
Kingston,  whereat  Hon.  John  B.  Steele,  then  a  member 
of  Congress  from  that  district,  and  a  Democrat,  pre 
sided.  On  taking  the  chair,  he  said:  "It  must  never 
be  supposed  that  the  flag  could  be  desecrated  without 
touching  the  soul  of  every  genuine  American  ;  no  mat 
ter  what  it  must  cost,  the  Stars  and  Stripes  must  wave. 
But  one  heart  beats  here,  and  that  is  the  true  loyal 
American  heart."  Throughout  the  war  he  was  faithful 
to  these  sentiments.  Hon.  William  S.  Kenyon,  an  ex- 
member  of  Congress  and  a  Republican,  delivered  an  elo 
quent  and  impassioned  speech  in  denunciation  of  trea 
son,  and  in  favor  of  the  most  energetic  measures  for  its 
punishment.  Hon.  Theodoric  R.  Westbrook,  a  Demo 
crat  and  an  ex-member  of  Congress,  and  now  one  of  the 
Judges  of  the  N.  Y.  Supreme  Court,  and  who  probably 
did  more  work  and  made  more  speeches  in  behalf  of 
the  Government  and  its  soldiers  than  any  other  private 
citizen  in  the  State  of  New  York,  spoke  at  the  Kingston 
meeting,  and  among  other  things  said:  "I  lay  aside 
all  party  lines,  all  party  prejudices,  all  political  bias, 
and  stand  for  my  country  alone.  I  love  my  party,  but, 
thank  God,  I  love  my  country  better.  I  am  not  going 
to  stop  to  consider  who  is  right  or  who  is  wrong  ;  but, 
right  or  wrong,  my  country."  Grasping  the  folds  of 
the  Stars  and  Stripes,  he  said  :  "  Let  it  be  known  that 
in  the  nineteenth  century,  traitor  hands  and  traitor 
hearts  are  found  among  us  to  disgrace  that  flag,  which 
had  been  their  shield  and  protection  as  well  as  our  own. 
May  God  record  my  vow  to  stand  by,  protect,  and,  if 
need  be,  to  die  for  that  flag." 

Speeches  were  also  made  by  Messrs.  Erastus  Cooke, 
George  H.  Sharpe,  William  H.  Romeyn  and  Warren 
Chipp.  Committees  were  appointed  to  aid  in  enlisting 
soldiers  for  the  "Twentieth,"  and  for  supplying  the 
wants  of  the  families  of  those  who  needed  help  during 
the  absence  of  husband,  father  or  son. 


1861.]  A   LOAN    TO   THE   REGIMENT.  75 

The  regiment  was  deficient  in  many  things  that  were 
required  for  its  complete  equipment  and  efficiency,  and 
the  State  was  not  in  a  condition  to  supply  its  immediate 
wants.  An  application  was  therefore  made  to  the  banks 
of  Kingston  to  advance  the  necessary  funds  to  purchase 
the  needed  articles.  The  following  response  was  almost 
immediately  received : 

KINGSTON,  N.  Y.,  20th  April,  1861. 
Colonel  George  W.  Pratt: 

DEAR  SIR — At  a  meeting  of  the  officers  of  the  Banks  in  this  town,  held 
this  day,  on  the  representation  that  the  sum  of  $8,000  is  needed  to  prepare 
your  regiment  for  the  field,  it  was  unanimously, 

Resolved,  That  the  Banks  here  represented,  viz. :  Ulster  County  Bank, 
Kingston  Bank,  Bank  of  Rondout  and  State  of  New  York  Bank,  will  each 
honor  the  drafts  of  the  Regimental  Paymaster  of  the  Twentieth  Regiment 
for  the  sum  of  $2,000. 

Yours,  &c., 

A.  BRUYN  HASBROUCK, 

Chairman. 
H.  H.  REYNOLDS, 

Secretary . 

A  ' '  Ladies'  Army  Relief  Society ' '  was  organized 
about  the  same  time,  with  Mrs.  Dr.  Finch  as  chairman, 
whose  judicious  work  contributed  very  greatly  to  the 
comfort  of  the  soldiers. 

Another  of  the  agencies  organized  at  Kingston  to 
aid  the  Government  and  contribute  to  the  comfort  of 
the  soldiers,  was  the  "Ulster  Military  Relief  Commit 
tee,"  of  which  Mr.  Henry  H.  Reynolds  was  chairman. 
In  his  report  for  the  month  of  May,  1861,  he  announces 
the  following  donations  and  monthly  subscriptions.  No 
doubt  later  reports  would  show  a  very  much  larger  list, 
but  I  am  unable  to  obtain,  at  this  time,  a  subsequent 
report  : 

DONATIONS. 

J.  F.  Brower,  $1  ;  Mrs.  Samuel  Dubois,  $1 ;  John  J, 
Davis,  $1  ;  James  L.  Hasbrouck,  $10  ;  N.  A.  Houghta- 
ling,  $2  ;  Joseph  Maton,  $3  ;  Miss  E.  G.  Ostrander,  $1 ; 
William  Shaw,  $4 ;  Cash,  per  G.  Southwick,  $25  ;  Peter 


76  MILITARY  RELIEF   COMMITTEE.  [1861. 

Van  Buren,  §3 ;  A.  C.  Willis,  $1  ;  C.  H.  Coutant,  $1  ; 
Mrs.  Peter  Dubois,  50c.  ;  Isaac  Decker,  $5;  J.  S.  Joy, 
$2  ;  L.  Low,  $1  ;  P.  T.  Osterhoudt,  $1  ;  Jacob  Sahler, 
$10 ;  David  H.  Smith,  $1  ;  Wessel  Ten  Broeck,  $5  ;  H. 
Van  Steenbergh,  $1  ;  F.  L.  Westbrook,  $5. 

MONTHLY    SUBSCRIPTIONS. 

G.  W.  Pratt  (for  regimental  district),  $100  ;  Thomas 
Beekman,  $1  ;  Bradley  Burhans,  50.  ;  Reuben  Bernard, 
$5  ;  Corns.  Bruyn,  $50 ;  Thomas  C.  Broadhead,  $2  ;  H. 
Broadhead,  Jr.,  $25  ;  C.  &  J.  Burhans,  $5  ;  Edn.  Crosby, 
$5  ;  P.  J.  Davis,  $2  ;  P.  J.  Dubois,  $20 ,  G.  W.  Ewen, 
$3 ;  Mrs.  A.  E.  Post,  $1  ;  Samuel  L.  Frame,  $5 ;  J.  C.  F. 
Hoes,  $1  ;  M.  Hauver,  $2 ;  P.  Harlow,  $1  ;  J.  F.  Jen 
nings,  $5  ;  John  O.  Legg,  $1  ;  James  O.  Merritt,  $5  ; 
Augustus  Newton,  $1  ;  A.  Near,  $5  ;  Jacob  Osterhoudt, 
50c.  ;  C.  M.  O'Neil,  $1  ;  H.  H.  Reynolds,  $4  ;  Henry 
Rosenkrantz,  $2;  Rev.  W.  A.  Shaw,  $1;  W.  P.  B.  Sharp, 
$5  ;  J.  D.  Sleight,  $1  ;  C.  B.  Safford,  $1  ;  J.  H.  Trem- 
per,  $5 ;  W.  I.  Teller,  $3  ;  A.  L.  Yankenburgh,  $1  ; 
Ab'm  Van  Keuren,  $2  ;  G.  N.  Van  Deusen,  $5 ;  James 
Wells,  $4  ;  Miss  H.  Wynkoop,  $10  ;  Rev.  W.  B.  Askam, 
$1  ;  A.  H.  Bruyn,  $30  ;  Benj.  Burhans,  50c.  ;  R.  N. 
Baldwin,  $25  ;  E.  W.  Budington,  $2  ;  Joshua  Bruyn, 
$10  ;  B.  L.  Brodhead,  $2  ;  Jacob  Burhans,  $15  ;  Howard 
Chipp,  $3  ;  C.  D.  Crispell,  $5 ;  J.  H.  Dubois,  $5  ;  C.  I. 
Deyo,  $1  ;  Daniel  Eckert,  $1  ;  John  P.  Folant,  50c.  ; 
William  H.  Hamlin,  $1  ;  P.  S.  Haines,  $10;  W.  M. 
Hayes,  $3  ,  James  Joy,  $3  ;  H.  Legg,  $1  ;  Silas  Myer, 
$1  ;  Peter  Masten,  $8  ;  A.  G.  Nichols,  $2  ;  J.  E.  Ostran- 
der,  $2;  J.  P.  Osterhoudt,  $15;  A.  B.  Paynter,  $5; 
Mrs.  H.  H.  Reynolds,  $6  ;  Augustus  W.  Reynolds,  $3 ; 
William  Reynolds,  $10  ;  W.  F.  Romer,  $10  ;  George  P. 
Sharp,  $15  ;  Justis  Shaw,  $2.50  ;  Henry  Snyder,  $1 ;  W. 
P.  Swart,  $1  ;  J.  K.  Trumpbour,  $3  ;  C.  P.  Van  Deusen, 
$8  ;  John  Vignes,  $1  ;  P.  G.  Yan  Steenbergh,  $1  ;  P.  Y. 
S.  Whitaker,  50c. 


1861.]  READY   FOR  DEPARTURE.  77 

On  the  23d  of  .April  the  following  order  was  issued  : 

GENERAL  HEADQUARTERS,  ADJUTANT-GENERAL'S  OFFICE,  ) 

ALBANY,  April  23d,  1861.      j" 

General  Orders,  No.  — Major-General  John  Taylor  Cooper,  3d 
Division  New  York  State  Militia,  is  hereby  directed  to  detail  the  20th 
Regiment,  Colonel  George  W.  Pratt,  for  immediate  service,  to  report  forth 
with  to  the  President  of  the  United  States,  at  Washington,  until  relieved 
by  proper  authority. 

By  order  of  the  Commander-in-Chief, 

J.  MERIDITH  READ,  JR., 

Adjutant-  GeneraL 

On  the  same  day  General  Cooper  issued  an  order,  in 
pursuance  of  the  above,  to  Colonel  Pratt.  On  the  24th, 
General  Samson,  commanding  the  8th  Brigade,  issued 
an  order  detailing  Surgeon  Abram  Crispell  of  his  staff 
to  report  to  Colonel  Pratt  for  duty  with  the  20th. 

Regimental  orders  were  at  once  issued  for  the  com 
mand  to  prepare  to  march.  The  money  advanced  by 
the  banks  was  expended  in  partially  uniforming  recruits,, 
and  supplying  the  most  pressing  wants  of  the  regiment. 
The  outfit  of  the  regiment  was  not  as  good  or  as  com 
plete  as  the  officers  thought  it  ought  to  be,  when  going 
into  the  field.  The  uniforms  of  a  large  proportion  of 
the  men  were  old  and  worn,  and  the  arms  and  accoutre 
ments  were  of  ancient  pattern.  It  was  believed  these 
arms  and  equipments  could  be  exchanged  for  more 
modern  styles,  and  that  new  uniforms  could  be  furnish 
ed  at  New  York,  or  forwarded  to  us  in  the  field  at  an 
early  day,  and  requisitions  therefor  were  forwarded  to 
the  Adjutant-General  at  Albany,  just  before  the  regiment 
departed  from  Kingston.  These  requisitions  came  very 
near  bringing  the  career  of  the  Twentieth  to  an  untimely 
end. 


CHAPTER  Y. 

THE  DEPARTURE  FROM  KINGSTON — SCENES  AND  INCIDENTS — VOYAGE  TO 
NEW  YORK — RECEPTION  IN  THE  CITY — QUARTERED  IN  THE  CENTRE 
MARKET  ARMORY — TRANSFERRED  TO  PARK  BARRACKS — MISUNDER 
STANDINGS  BETWEEN  GOV.  MORGAN  AND  COL.  PRATT — FORMER  DE 
CLINES  TO  APPROVE  REQUISITION — MAJOR  GOES  TO  ALBANY  AND  GETS 
NECESSARY  ORDERS — ANOTHER  HITCH — ORDERED  TO  RETURN  TO 
KINGSTON — OFFICERS  AND  MEN  FURIOUS— INSIDE  HISTORY  OF  THE 
TROUBLE — TWENTY-FOUR  HOURS  OF  SUSPENSE — ORDERED  TO  PROCEED 
TO  WASHINGTON — READY  IN  TWO  HOURS — FRIENDS  TO  SEE  US  OFF — 
JOURNEY  TO  ANNAPOLIS — WHAT  WE  FOUND  THERE — GEN.  B.  F.  BUT 
LER  IN  COMMAND — THE  SIXTH  AND  THIRTEENTH  N.  Y.  8.  M. — ANNAP 
OLIS,  AND  WHAT  WE  DID  THERE. 

ON  Sunday,  the  28th  day  of  April,  the  regiment 
paraded  in  Academy  Green,  where,  surrounded  by 
thousands  of  people,  religious  ceremonies  were  con 
ducted  by  the  Kingston  clergy,  and  the  formal  leave 
takings  were  then  concluded.  When  these  were  over, 
the  regiment  marched  to  Rondout,  and  embarked  on 
board  the  steamer  Manhattan  and  a  barge,  which  were 
to  convey  the  command  to  New  York.  The  streets 
through  which  the  regiment  marched  to  reach  the  boat 
—a  distance  of  two  miles — were  thronged  with  people, 
whose  voices  filled  the  Sabbath  air  with  cheers,  while 
flags  were  waving  on  every  hand. 

As  the  boats  swung  out  into  the  stream,  the  regi 
ment  gave  its  friends  on  shore  three  rousing  cheers,  and 
then  sought  the  repose  which  the  activity  and  wakeful- 
ness  of  the  last  three  days  made  most  welcome. 

The  regiment  arrived  in  New  York  in  the  evening  of 
the  same  day,  and  marched  to  Centre  Market  Armory. 
It  was  vociferously  cheered  as  it  went  through  the 

78 


1861.]  MISUNDERSTANDING    WITH   GOVERNOR   MORGAN.  79 

streets  of  the  city,  and  its  welcome  in  the  Metropolis 
seemed  as  cordial  as  were  the  good  wishes  which  fol 
lowed  it  from  its  friends  at  home. 

It  was  found  that  no  provision  had  been  made  for 
sending  the  regiment  forward  from  New  York,  and  it 
soon  became  apparent  at  regimental  headquarters  that 
trouble  was  brewing  for  it  at  the  Adjutant-General's 
office  in  Albany. 

On  Tuesday,  the  30th  of  April,  and  while  the  regi 
ment  was  still  at  Centre  Market  Armory,  the  Major  was 
dispatched  to  Albany  to  interview  Governor  Morgan, 
and  dissuade  him,  if  possible,  from  sending  the  regiment 
back  to  Kingston,  which  was  believed  to  be  his  design. 
The  following  entry  in  my  diary,  of  Wednesday, 
May  1st,  gives  Governor  Morgan's  side  of  the  case,  as  I 
understood  it  at  that  time.  The  matter  caused  a  good 
deal  of  talk  and  newspaper  comment,  and  produced 
some  ill  feeling  : 

i(  I  found  on  reaching  Albany  that  such  a  contin 
gency  (sending  the  regiment  home)  had  been  contem 
plated,  owing  to  the  fact  that,  when  the  Governor 
ordered  the  regiment  to  march,  he  supposed,  upon  in 
formation  received  from  Colonel  Pratt,  that  it  was  all 
ready  to  take  the  field,  and  he  was  not  disabused  of  this 
idea  until  after  we  had  left  Kingston,  when  a  requisition 
arrived  for  nearly  everything  a  regiment  could  require, 
to  lit  it,  ab  initio,  for  the  field.  The  Governor  was 
astounded.  The  articles  were  not  to  be  had  at  the  mo 
ment,  and  the  circumstance  placed  the  Governor  in  a 
false  and  embarrassing  position,  as  he  understood  it. 
The  general  view  of  the  matter  would  be,  that  he  had  or 
dered  a  regiment  to  march,  and  gotten  it  a  hundred  miles 
from  home,  and  in  the  way  of  other  regiments  going  to 
the  front,  when  it  was  almost  totally  unprepared  to 
take  the  field  ;  and,  moreover,  that  it  would  cost  nearly 
as  much  to  equip  the  regiment  for  three  months  as  it 
would  to  equip  one  of  the  new  two-years  regiments  ; 


80  ORDERED   TO  RETURN   TO   KINGSTON.  [1861. 

that  New  York's  quota  of  three-months  regiments  was 
already  quite  or  nearly  full,  and  that  no  regiment  had 
made  any  such  demand  upon  the  State  for  an  outfit 
as  that  received  from  the  Colonel  of  the  Twentieth. 
Nevertheless,  the  Governor  directed  that  the  requisi 
tions  should  be  filled,  and  I  returned  to  New  York  with 
orders  to  that  effect  in  my  pocket." 

But  the  Governor  reconsidered  his  resolution,  and 
on  the  third  of  May  caused  an  order  to  be  issued,  in 
which  it  is  said :  "  The  prompt  obedience  of  orders  by 
the  organized  regiments  of  the  State  militia,  and  the 
alacrity  of  the  volunteers,  fully  meeting  the  wants  of 
the  National  Executive,  having  superseded  the  necessi 
ty  for  any  additional  regiments  of  the  organized  militia, 
no  more  regiments  of  such  organizations  can  be  received 
into  service  at  this  time.  Accordingly,  the  Twentieth 
Regiment,  commanded  by  Colonel  Pratt,  now  in  New 
York  City  en  route  to  Washington,  is  hereby  relieved 
from  that  duty,  and  it  will  be  ordered  to  repair  to 
Kingston,  in  Ulster  County,  whence  the  several  com 
panies  will  return  to  their  respective  districts.  Special 
Orders  No.  113,  directing  the  Commissary-General  to 
issue  certain  arms  and  equipments  to  that  regiment, 
are  also  countermanded.  Major-General  Sandford  is 
charged  with  the  execution  of  this  order/' 

It  will  be  seen  that  the  Governor  delicately  evaded 
the  real  ground  upon  which  this  action  was  taken,  and 
assigned  reasons  which  were  true  in  themselves,  and 
with  the  then  existing  views  of  the  emergency  were  quite 
sufficient  to  justify  the  order.  He,  no  doubt,  felt  that  a 
revelation  of  the  "bottom  facts"  would  be  unpleasant 
to  the  officers  of  the  regiment,  and  a  disagreeable  sur 
prise  to  their  friends.  He  seems  to  have  been  willing  to 
bear  a  good  deal  of  animadversion,  on  account  of  this 
order,  rather  than  to  attempt  to  justify  it  by  giving 
publicity  to  the  facts.  So  much  is  due  to  Governor 
Morgan. 


1861.]  ORDERED   TO  WASHINGTON.  gl 

Colonel  Pratt  had  forwarded  the  requisitions,  which 
caused  all  the  trouble,  with  the  very  best  of  motives, 
and  without  intending  to  have  it  understood  that  the 
regiment  could  not  take  the  field  without  the  things 
called  for  ;  and  this  is  proved  by  the  fact  that  the  regi 
ment  marched  without  these  supplies.  But  Colonel 
Pratt  and  his  officers  felt  that  the  regiment  would  be 
much  better  prepared  for  service,  if  it  could  be  furnished 
with  new  uniforms  and  arms.  Those  it  had  were  worn 
and  old  fashioned,  and  while  they  did  very  well  for 
home  duty,  were  not  just  the  outfit  for  a  regiment  to  go 
abroad  with.  Having  sent  in  the  requisitions  and  feel 
ing  that  the  regiment  was  entitled  to  the  articles  called 
for,  it  then  became  a  matter  of  etiquette  to  stand  by 
the  action  already  taken.  But  when  the  order  to 
proceed  came,  it  was  made  manifest  that  the  regiment 
could  take  the  field  in  the  condition  in  which  it  march 
ed  from  Kingston. 

Several  influential  citizens,  from  different  parts  of 
the  State,  united  with  the  officers  of  the  regiment,  in  an 
earnest  appeal  to  Governor  Morgan  to  allow  the  regi 
ment  to  proceed.  The  corps  had  made  many  friends 
during  its  sojourn  in  New  York,  and  its  drill  and  dis 
cipline  induced  the  belief  that  it  would  do  good  service 
in  the  field.  It  was  urged  upon  the  Governor,  that  to 
send  it  home  would  tend  to  discourage  other  organiza 
tions  preparing  for  the  field,  and  that  the  effect  would 
be  bad,  in  every  point  of  view.  The  result  was,  that  the 
Governor  revoked  so  much  of  the  above  order  as  direct 
ed  the  regiment  to  return  to  Kingston,  and  instead, 
ordered  it  to  proceed  to  Washington.  This  latter  order 
was  telegraphed  from  Albany,  and  reached  head-quar 
ters  about  six  o'clock  on  the  evening  of  Monday,  May 
sixth.  It  was  at  once  promulgated  to  the  regiment,  and 
the  scene  that  ensued  is  thus  described  by  the  New 
York  Commercial  Advertiser:  "When  this  news  was 
imparted  to  the  troops,  a  scene  of  genuine  enthusiasm 


82  READY   IN   TWO    HOURS.  [1861. 

ensued  ;  cheer  upon  cheer  rang  upon  the  air  ;  the  Presi 
dent,  the  Governor,  General  Scott,  Colonel  Pratt,  and  in 
fact  every  name  the  troops  could  think  of,  was  wildly 
cheered.  Colonel  Pratt  was  deeply  affected  at  the  en 
thusiasm  manifested  by  his  men,  and  took  no  measures 
to  check  their  outbursts  of  joy.  After  order  was  re 
stored,  the  commandant  made  a  few  pithy  remarks, 
thanking  his  regiment  for  the  manner  in  which  they  had 
undergone  disappointments,  and  congratulated  them  on 
the  prospect  of  having  an  opportunity  of  showing  of 
what  material  the  Ulster  County  boys  are  composed. 
He  said  that  his  regiment  would  come  back  covered  with 
glory.  He  also  exonerated  the  State  authorities  from 
all  blame  in  keeping  them  back,  and  said  that  the  prin 
cipal  reason  for  their  being  ordered  home,  was  the  great 
number  of  organized  regiments  of  militia  offering,  by 
which  the  Government  was  forced  to  decline  one-half 
the  tenders.  A  few  encouraging  words  to  the  men,  and 
the  Colonel  concluded  by  giving  orders  to  be  in  march 
ing  order,  as  soon  as  possible. 

"The  celerity  with  which  the  camp  was  placed  in 
marching  order  is  one  of  the  very  best  evidences  of 
what  might  be  expected  of  this  regiment  in  actual 
service;  the  train  could  not  leave  owing  to  the  storm, 
and  the  men  again  bivouacked.  At  reveille  the  men 
were  all  ready  in  trim,  ready  to  take  arms  and  march; 
a  hearty  and  substantial  breakfast  was  partaken  of,  and 
all  the  arrangements  made,  necessary  for  the  comfort  of 
the  troops  ;  the  order  to  form  line  was  given  at  eight 
o'clock.  After  inspection  by  the  officers  and  several 
military  celebrities,  who  had  assembled  to  witness  their 
departure,  the  line  of  march  was  taken  up,  and  the 
command  wheeled  out  of  the  west  gate  of  the  park,  and 
filed  down  Broadway  to  Cortlandt  street  ferry.  The 
officers  were  mounted  on  splendid  chargers,  and  the 
general  appearance  of  the  regiment  elicited  considerable 


1861.]  JOURNEY  TO  ANNAPOLIS.  83 

praise  from  the  spectators;  at  the  depot  a  train  was  in 
readiness  to  take  the  troops  to  Philadelphia." 

The  reporter  does  not  overstate  the  manifestations  of 
delight  with  which  the  order  to  proceed  to  Washington, 
was  received.  The  motives  of  patriotism  and  a  desire  for 
military  distinction,  had  united  in  inducing  officers  and 
men  to  set  out  upon  this  enterprise.  Some  of  them  had 
made  considerable  sacrifices,  and  all  had  taken  leave  of 
family  and  friends,  with  a  feeling  that  they  might  never 
meet  again,  that  months,  at  all  events,  and  possibly 
eternity,  lay  between  them  and  a  re-union.  And  now, 
after  a  journey  of  a  hundred  miles,  and  without  having 
crossed  the  borders  of  their  peaceful  State,  and  after  an 
absence  of  a  week,  to  march  back  to  Kingston  and 
disarm,  would  have  been  a  great  humiliation.  I  think 
if  the  regiment  had  been  fairly  out  of  the  State  when 
the  order  to  return  came,  it  would  have  gone  on,  anyhow, 
if  it  had  been  obliged  to  march  all  the  way  and  forage 
on  the  country,  but  in  New  York,  it  had  to  obey  the 
orders  of  the  Governor,  who  is  the  Commander-in-Chief . 
The  men  were  ready  to  march  within  two  hours  after  the 
final  order  came  ;  they  seemed  to  be  afraid  of  a  counter 
mand  before  they  could  get  off,  every  possible  effort 
was  made  by  the  officers  of  the  regiment  to  get  under 
way  Monday  night,  but  transportation  could  not  be 
furnished  until  next  morning. 

The  regiment  took  cars  at  Jersey  City,  and  felt,  at 
last,  that  there  could  be  no  recall.  A  number  of  Ulster 
County  friends  who  had  come  to  take  a  final  leave  of  us, 
accompanied  us  to  the  cars,  and  some  of  them  went  with 
us  as  far  as  Philadelphia,  Messrs.  Erastus  Cooke  and 
Jansen  Hasbrouck,  I  remember  as  among  the  number. 
Through  New  Jersey,  Pennsylvania,  and  even  in  little 
Delaware,  we  were  treated  with  great  courtesy  and  at 
tention.  At  many  stations  the  men  were  furnished  with 
lemonade  and  sandwiches,  and  other  refreshments,  and 
crowds  of  people  welcomed  our  arrival  with  cheers  and 


84  JOURNEY  TO  ANNAPOLIS.  [1861. 

sent  their  blessings  after  us.  Loyalty  was  burning  warm 
and  bright  in  the  hearts  of  the  people,  and  manifested 
itself  in  their  looks,  words,  and  acts. 

Nevertheless,  the  journey  from  Jersey  City  to  Perry  - 
ville,  on  the  east  side  of  the  Susquehanna  River,  was  a 
very  trying  one.  Our  train  was  an  extra,  and  we  had 
to  keep  out  of  the  way  of  the  regular  trains.  More 
over,  the  road  was  encumbered  with  troops  and  army 
store  trains,  and  our  detentions,  from  time  to  time,  were 
terribly  tedious.  We  did  not  arrive  at  Perryville  until 
one  o'clock  at  night  ;  whereas,  the  ordinary  time  for 
the  journey  is  not  more  than  six  hours.  The  Baltimore 
rebels  had  some  time  before  destroyed  the  bridges,  which 
carried  the  railroad  over  the  broad  and  deep  streams 
crossing  its  track  west  of  the  Susquehanna,  and  we  were 
obliged  to  embark  on  two  steamboats  at  Perryville,  and 
proceed  by  water  to  Annapolis.  But  our  boats  were 
not  ready  until  five  o'clock  in  the  morning,  and  I  think, 
to  most  of  us,  it  was  the  worst  night  we  had  ever  spent. 
The  novelty  of  the  situation  had  ceased  to  divert,  and 
the  wit  and  humor  that  had  amused  and  entertained  us 
for  many  weary  hours,  were  exhausted.  Patience  and 
quiet  submission  to  fatigue  and  discomforts,  habits 
which  we  by  and  by  acquired,  had  not  yet  impressed 
themselves  upon  officers  or  men  sufficiently  to  smother 
all  expressions  of  discontent,  and  there  was  a  slight  im 
itation  of  the  bad  habit  of  "  our  army  in  Flanders." 

But  as  a  bright  April  sun  dispersed  the  gloom  and 
fogs  of  night,  so  also  it  restored  cheerfulness  and  con 
tentment  to  our  tired  and  sleepy  men.  The  waters  of 
the  Susquehanna,  which  has  its  source  in  Otsego 
County,  New  York,  discharge  into  Chesapeake  Bay 
three  miles  below  Perryville.  We  were  soon  on  the 
broad  waters  of  the  Chesapeake,  and  after  steaming 
about  fifty  miles,  entered  the  Severn  River,  and  drew 
up  in  front  of  the  grounds  of  the  Naval  Academy,  at 
Annapolis,  Maryland. 


1861.]  WHAT  WE  FOUND   THERE.  35 

Disembarking,  we  were  directed  to  occupy  certain  of 
of  the  Academic  buildings,  and  we  were  soon  in  very 
comfortable  quarters.  The  buildings  extend  in  a  long 
row  across  the  upper  part  of  the  grounds,  and  are  fur 
nished  with  gas,  water,  bath-rooms,  and  all  the  conve 
niences  of  a  city  house.  The  grounds  are  extensive, 
and  slope  in  a  beautiful  lawn  to  the  Severn,  on  the  east, 
and  the  Chesapeake  on  the  south.  The  grounds  are 
handsomely  laid  out,  and  adorned  with  fine  trees.  A 
granite  shaft  reminds  the  visitor  of  the  gallant  Hern- 
don,  while  a  white  marble  monument  testifies  to  the 
merits  of  various  other  naval  heroes.  The  view  from  the 
Academy  grounds  was  exceedingly  pleasant,  embracing, 
as  it  did,  luxuriant  fields  of  grass  and  grain  ;  the  waters 
of  the  Severn  and  the  bay,  and  the  green-robed  forests 
covering  the  islands  and  the  shores  across  the  Chesa 
peake.  The  Academy  grounds  are  separated  from  An 
napolis  by  a  high  wall,  and  no  one  was  allowed  egress 
or  ingress,  without  a  pass  from  the  proper  authority. 
The  post  is  called  "  Fort  Severn."  At  the  breaking  out 
of  the  war,  the  Academy  had  seven  professors  and  some 
eighty  midshipmen  and  students. 

The  city  of  Annapolis,  which  lies  just  outside  the 
Academy  walls,  contained  less  than  4,000  inhabitants,  a 
considerable  proportion  of  whom  were  negroes.  The 
city  is  the  capital  of  Maryland,  and  of  Ann  Arundel 
County,  and  is  about  38  miles  south  of  Baltimore,  The 
Annapolis  and  Elkridge  Railroad  connects  the  town 
with  the  Baltimore  and  Washington  Railroad  at  An 
napolis  Junction,  fourteen  miles  to  the  northwestward. 
Annapolis  is  an  old-fashioned  place,  but  it  has  been 
famous  in  its  day.  Its  streets  radiate  from  three  cen 
tres,  which  are  the  sites  of  the  three  principal  build 
ings  in  the  place — the  State  House,  St.  John's  College, 
and  St.  Ann's  Church.  These  buildings  are  not  re 
markable  for  architectural  effects,  but  they  are  con 
sidered  very  important  edifices  by  Marylanders.  Dur- 


86  GENERAL    BUTLER    AND    COLONEL    SMITH.  [1861. 

ing  the  Revolutionary  War  the  American  Congress  held 
some  of  its  sessions  in  the  State  House,  and  the  closing 
scene  in  that  great  drama  was  enacted  in  the  senate- 
chamber  of  that  building,  and  the  room  and  the  appear 
ance  of  many  of  the  actors  have  been  transmitted  to  us 
with  reasonable  accuracy,  in  the  picture  representing 
Washington  in  the  act  of  resigning  his  commission  to 
Congress.  This  room,  in  honor  of  that  great  event,  has 
been  preserved,  in  just  the  condition  it  then  was.  St. 
John's  College  was  founded  in  1784,  and  just  before  the 
war  it  had  a  president,  five  professors,  twelve  or  thir 
teen  hundred  alumni,  eighty  students,  and  a  library  of 
4,000  volumes. 

We  found  at  Annapolis  the  Thirteenth  N.  Y.  S.  M., 
(from  Brooklyn),  Col.  A.  Smith,  who  commanded  the 
post.  Across  the  Severn  was  the  Sixth  N.  Y.,  Colonel 
Pinckney.  Along  the  railroad,  from  Annapolis  to  the 
Junction,  with  headquarters  at  the  latter  place,  was 
the  Fifth  N.  Y.  Volunteers,  Colonel  .  General 

Benjamin  F.  Butler  commanded  the  Department,  with 
headquarters  at  Baltimore. 

Our  stay  at  Annapolis  was  brief,  yet  there  were 
some  incidents  connected  with  it  that  impressed  them 
selves  very  strongly  upon  my  mind  ;  one  of  these  was, 
that  Colonel  Smith  imposed  all  the  guard  and  fatigue 
duty  upon  the  Twentieth,  and  that  some  ot  the  latter 
work  was  exceedingly  onerous,  consisting  in  the  re 
moval  of  some  heavy  pieces  of  ordnance.  We  were 
required  to  furnish  a  daily  detail  for  guard  duty  of  250 
men,  with  a  field  officer  of  the  day.  The  second  night 
after  our  arrival  one  of  our  men  was  stabbed  while 
strolling  through  the  grounds,  and  the  circumstance 
caused  great  excitement  and  indignation  among  our 
officers  and  men.  Fortunately,  the  man  was  not  seri 
ously  wounded.  About  midnight — the  same  night,  we 
were  aroused  by  the  "  long  roll"  at  Colonel  Pinckney' s 
post,  across  the  Severn,  followed  by  the  discharge  of 


1861.]  WHAT   WE   DID   THERE.  87 

fire-arms.  Our  regiment  prepared  to  turn  out,  but  soon 
the  concerted  rocket  signal  of  "all  right"  was  given, 
and  the  residue  of  the  night  passed  without  further 
disturbance.  These  events  would  have  seemed  trivial  oc 
currences  to  us  some  months  later,  but  at  that  time  they 
were  exciting.  Colonel  Pinckney  reported  next  day 
that  a  small  body  of  mounted  men  attacked  a  picket 
post,  and,  exchanging  shots,  without  damage  to  his 
men,  rode  away,  themselves  apparently  uninjured. 

On  the  morning  of  the  eleventh  of  May  we  received 
an  order  from  General  Butler,  to  march  from  Annapolis 
at  12  o'clock,  and  to  relieve  the  Fifth  along  the  line  of 
the  railroad,  from  Annapolis  to  the  Junction,  and  es 
tablish  headquarters  at  the  latter  place.  We  were  not 
sorry  of  the  opportunity  to  get  out  of  Colonel  Smith's 
jurisdiction,  and  were  soon  ready  to  march ;  but 
Colonel  Smith  had  a  large  fatigue  party  at  work,  and 
although  advised  of  the  order,  and  the  necessity  of  re 
lieving  the  men,  he  omitted  to  do  so  until  General  But 
ler,  who  fortunately  arrived,  sent  him  a  peremptory 
order  to  relieve  them. 


CHAPTER     VI. 

FROM   ANNAPOLIS  TO   THE   JUNCTION — CAMP   REYNOLDS— PASSING   TROOPS — 

ACQUAINTANCES REMINDERS    FROM     HOME ARMY    RATIONS DUTY 

PERFORMED  BY  REGIMENT PICKET  POSTS  —ALARMS EXCITING  RU 
MORS—A  SCARED  CHAPLAIN — EXPEDITIONS — THURLOW  WEED — RAIL 
ROAD  TRACK  THREATENED ARRIVAL  OF  MR.  REYNOLDS SLEEPY 

SENTINELS — INVOICE   OF  CLOTHING — IMPEDIMENT  A— LIEUT,    COLONEL 

SCHOONMAKER      RESIGNS AN      ELECTION DEATHS FUNERAL    IN    A 

THUNDER  STORM — EFFORTS  TO  GET  THE  REGIMENT  SENT  TO  THE 
FRONT — ORDERED  TO  BALTIMORE. 

AT  twelve  o'  clock,  on  the  eleventh  of  May,  we  took  up 
our  line  of  march  for  Annapolis  Junction.  The  An 
napolis  and  Elkridge  Railroad  had  been  disabled  by  the 
local  Secessionists,  at  about  the  same  time  the  bridges 
on  the  Trunk  road  were  destroyed  ;  but  a  regiment 
which  preceded  us  had  repaired  it.  We  established  ten 
picket  posts  along  the  line  of  the  road,  with  a  signal 
system  between  posts,  and  arrived  at  the  Junction,  with 
the  main  body  of  the  regiment,  in  the  evening.  The 
Fifth  New  York  Volunteers  departed  as  we  arrived, 
leaving  their  tents  standing  for  our  occupation.  The 
regiment,  with  the  line  officers,  took  possession  of  the 
abandoned  camp,  while  the  Field  and  Stalf  secured 
quarters  in  the  "  Annapolis  Junction  Hotel,"  which, 
with  the  railroads,  constituted  Annapolis  Junction. 
Captain  D.  T.  Van  Buren,  of  the  Engineers,  procured 
a  straight  sapling,  35  feet  long,  which  was  erected  in  the 
front  centre  of  the  camp.  Colonel  Pratt  issued  the  fol 
lowing  order  :  "  The  '  Stars  and  Stripes'  will  be  hoisted 
on  the  flagstaff  at  half -past  three  o'clock,  and  the  camp 
will  be  known  as  Camp  Reynolds,  in  compliment  to  the 
zealous  and  active  friend  of  the  Ulster  Gfuard,  Henry  H. 
Reynolds,  of  Kingston,  N.  Y."  The  flag  was  run  to  the 

88 


1861.]  REMINDEKS  PROM  HOME.  89 

peak  at  the  appointed  time,  amid  the  cheers  of  the  regi 
ment.  Camp  Reynolds  was  located  in  an  open  field, 
near  to  and  in  full  view  of  the  railroad.  The  men  went 
to  work  to  beautify  their  quarters,  and  the  front  of  the 
tents  were  soon  adorned  with  evergreens,  which  afforded 
a  pleasant  shade,  and  added  greatly  to  the  comfortable 
appearance  of  their  quarters.  The  grounds  were  kept 
as  clean  as  a  house  floor,  under  strict  police  regulations, 
and  the  camp  was  a  very  pretty  canvas  village.  Above 
it  floated  an  American  flag,  seventeen  feet  in  length, 
and  around  the  borders  of  the  camp  constantly  patrolled 
a  line  of  sentinels. 

Meantime,  the  railroad  communication  on  the  Great 
Trunk  line  between  New  York  and  Washington  had 
been  re-opened,  and  Annapolis  Junction  had  become  a 
scene  of  constant  animation.  It  was  a  watering  station, 
and  almost  every  train  stopped  there.  Trains  were  fol 
lowing  each  other  in  rapid  succession,  laden  with  troops, 
on  their  way  to  the  National  Capital.  They  invariably 
cheered  Camp  Reynolds,  and  the  men  within  it  gave 
back  a  hearty  response.  The  officers  at  headquarters 
found  acquaintances  in  nearly  every  New  York  regi 
ment,  going  to  the  front,  and  pleasant  interviews  and 
little  acts  of  hospitality  were  the  agreeable  episodes  of 
every  day.  Numerous  civilian  friends  from  the  East 
visited  us,  and  we  were  always  glad  to  welcome  them . 
Boxes  and  bundles,  for  officers  and  men,  were  constantly 
arriving,  reminding  us  of  the  thoughtfulness  and  zeal 
of  those  who  had  bidden  us  "God  speed  "  on  our  de 
parture  from  Kingston.  It  would  require  pages  to 
enumerate  the  various  articles  thus  received  while  we 
were  at  this  post.  At  the  risk  of  being  deemed  invidi 
ous,  I  will  mention  a  few  instances  of  the  kind  referred 
to.  Colonel  Zadoc  Pratt,  of  Prattsville,  Green  County, 
and  Mr.  Henry  Dowey,  Andes,  Delaware  County,  N.  Y., 
sent  us  a  large  quantity  of  excellent  butter  of  their 
own  make.  Messrs.  Wales,  Van  Deusen,  Knapp  and 


90  DUTY   PERFORMED.  [1861. 

Deyo,  of  Rondout,  N.  Y.,  forwarded  a  large  and  well- 
assorted  supply  of  medical  stores.  From  the  Esopus 
people,  a  bountiful  donation  of  under-clothing.  A  like 
donation  from  the  ladies  of  Wilbur.  Blankets,  clothing, 
and  a  large  dry-goods  box  of  delicacies  for  the  table, 
from  the  ladies  of  Kingston.  Some  grumbler  in  the 
regiment  had  written  home,  complaining  of  the  army 
ration,  both  as  to  quantity  and  quality,  and  our  friends 
were  led  to  apprehend  that  we  were  on  starvation  allow 
ance.  To  relieve  their  minds  on  this  subject,  Colonel 
Pratt  caused  the  adjutant  to  send  to  our  home  papers, 
the  following  statement,  which  is  reproduced  for  the 
information  it  affords,  as  to  how  our  paternal  Govern 
ment  feeds  its  defenders:  "Government  allowances  of 
rations  :  f  Ibs.  pork  or  bacon  ;  1J  Ibs.  fresh  or  salt  beef  ; 
18  oz.  bread  or  flour,  or  12  oz.  hard  bread,  or  1£  Ibs. 
corn  meal.  At  the  rate  of  100  rations,  8  qts.  beans,  or 
in  lieu  thereof,  10  Ibs.  rice,  or  in  lieu  thereof,  twice  per 
week,  150  oz.  of  desiccated  potatoes  and  100  oz.  mixed 
vegetables  ;  10  Ibs.  coffee,  or  1£  Ibs.  tea ;  15  Ibs.  sugar ; 
4  qts.  vinegar  ;  1J-  Ibs.  tallow ;  4  Ibs.  soap  ;  2  qts.  salt. 
This  is  not  exactly  the  bill  of  fare  that  an  epicure  would 
gloat  over,  but  soldiers  have  no  business  to  be  epicures. 
The  regimental  headquarters  continued  at  Annapolis 
Junction  until  the  29th  of  June.  During  this  time  the 
duty  required  of  the  corps  was  neither  arduous  nor 
dangerous.  The  picket  posts  already  mentioned  were 
maintained,  and  others  were  established,  covering  several 
miles  of  the  Baltimore  &  Washington  Railroad,  east  and 
west  of  the  junction.  Around  the  camp  was  nightly 
posted  a  strong  guard,  and  every  precaution  taken 
against  a  surprise.  Detachments  were  now  and  then 
sent  off  to  intercept  parties  reported  to  be  on  the  march 
to  join  the  rebels,  and  the  houses  of  several  notorious 
Secessionists  were  searched  for  arms.  Alarms  were  suf 
ficiently  frequent  at  the  outer  picket  posts  to  keep 
officers  and  men  on  the  gui  vive,  and  Colonel  Pratt 


1861.]  EXCITING   RUMORS.  91 

would  often  mount  his  horse  at  midnight,  or  later,  and 
accompanied  by  one  or  more  of  his  officers,  make  the 
"grand  rounds"  of  the  outer  picket  circle,  which  in 
volved  a  ride  of  five  miles,  through  fields  and  woods, 
and  which  was  a  somewhat  dangerous  pastime.  Our 
pickets  were  especially  cautioned  to  be  on  their  guard 
against  a  sudden  dash  of  cavalry,  and  on  two  occasions 
they  mistook  the  colonel's  party  for  rebel  raiders,  and 
were  on  the  point  of  firing  on  them. 

"While  the  headquarter' s  family  were  at  breakfast 
one  morning,  a  considerable  body  of  troops  were  seen  to 
be  approaching  the  junction  from  the  direction  of 
Savages.  The  Annapolis  Hotel  w^as  between  the  advan 
cing  soldiers  and  the  regimental  camp.  Attention  was 
at  once  called  to  the  column  of  troops,  and  an  officer 
designing  to  play  a  practical  joke  on  Rev.  Mr.  D.  -  — , 
the  regimental  chaplain,  whose  fear  of  an  attack  on  the 
post  was  constant  and  notorious,  sprung  from  the  table 
and  buckled  on  his  sword,  the  other  officers  at  once 
taking  their  cue,  followed  suit,  with  all  the  appearance 
of  haste  and  terror  they  could  assume.  The  chaplain 
gave  one  glance  at  the  approaching  troops,  and  one  at 
his  hurrying  comrades,  and,  springing  from  the  table, 
he  fled  from  the  house,  and  was  not  again  seen  around 
headquarters  until  late  in  the  day,  when  he  strolled  in, 
with  an  expression  of  countenance  which  seemed  to 
deprecate  any  allusion  to  the  little  incident  of  the  morn 
ing.  The  chaplain  had  learned,  meantime,  that  the 
soldiers  were  from  our  own  regiment,  and  were  return 
ing  from  a  night's  scout. 

There  was  genuine  excitement  in  our  camp  on  the 
24th  of  May,  the  Federal  troops  had  entered  Virginia  the 
night  before,  and  Els  worth  had  been  shot  in  the  Jack 
son  House,  at  Alexandria.  The  most  extravagant  and 
startling  rumors  were  pouring  into  our  camp  from  every 
passing  train.  On  the  2oth,  we  were  assured  that  heavy 
fighting  was  going  on  at  Alexandria  and  Arlington 


92  SLEEPY   SENTINELS.  [1861. 

Heights.  Among  our  informants  was  Mr.  Tlmrlow 
Weed,  who  said  he  reached  Washington  the  preceding 
evening,  and  that  he  was  then  hurrying  back  to  New 
York,  at  the  request  of  the  War  Department,  to  ex 
pedite  the  forwarding  of  troops.  At  ten  o'clock  on  the 
same  night  Colonel  Pratt  received  a  dispatch  from 
General  Cadwalader,  who  was  then  commanding  the  de 
partment,  stating  that  the  rebels  were  threatening  the 
railroad  track,  near  Laurel,  five  miles  west  of  our  post, 
and  directing  him  to  protect  it.  Lieutenant  Jacob 
Sharp,  B  Co.,  with  40  men,  was  at  once  sent  to  the 
menaced  point ;  while  Colonel  Pratt,  the  major,  and 
several  staff  officers,  made  a  personal  inspection  of  the 
locality.  On  the  same  evening,  our  vigilant  friend,  Mr. 
Henry  H.  Reynolds,  arrived  from  Kingston,  with  parcels 
and  news  from  home. 

Picket  duty  is  very  tedious,  and  green  soldiers  have 
hard  work  to  keep  awake  two  or  three  hours  on  a  quiet 
post,  especially  after  midnight.  One  night  the  colonel, 
the  major,  and  Captain  Webster,  officer  of  the  day,  were 
making  the  rounds  about  two  o'clock,  and  came  upon  a 
post  where  two  men  were  stationed.  We  found  them 
both  fast  asleep  on  the  ground.  We  quietly  took  their 
muskets,  which  were  standing  against  a  tree,  near  by, 
and  returned  to  camp.  A  detachment  of  the  guard  was 
then  sent  out  to  arrest  the  sleepers,  whom  they  found 
still  asleep,  and  brought  them  into  camp.  The  men  had 
been  guilty  of  a  very  grave  military  offence,  and  they 
were  tried  by  a  court-martial  and  sentenced. 

On  the  28th  of  May  we  received  a  supply  of  shoes, 
socks,  shirts,  &c.,  from  Washington,  but  the  United 
States  uniforms  were  not  issued  to  us  during  our  three 
months'  term  of  service.  Subsequently,  the  Twentieth, 
like  other  regiments,  was  uniformed  by  the  Federal 
Government ;  and  there  never  was  a  large  army  so  well 
fed  and  clothed  as  the  Federal  troops  were  during  the 
rebellion.  Foreign  officers  were  amazed  to  witness  the 


1861.]  IMPEDIMENTA.  93 

abundance  of  food  and  clothing  that  were  issued  to  our 
soldiers.  I  am  satified  the  men  could  have  lived  well 
on  two-thirds  of  the  Government  ration,  and  would  have 
been  comfortable  with  half  the  allowance  of  clothing. 
The  chief  reason  why  the  Confederates  often  out-march 
ed  us  was  that  they  were  nearly  always  in  "light  march 
ing  order," — probably  from  necessity  rather  than  from 
choice.  While  a  Federal  column  never  could  move  with 
out  a  cumbersome  train  of  wagons,  which  the  troops 
must  cover  and  protect.  Such  impedimenta  rendered 
celerity  of  movement  simply  impossible,  and  gave  the 
fleet-footed  men  of  Jackson  and  other  Confederate  com 
manders  great  advantage.  As  an  example  of  the  enor 
mous  encumbrance  with  which  the  Federal  armies  were 
accustomed  to  move,  I  will  take  the  army  of  the  Poto 
mac,  during  the  campaign  of  1864.  That  army  averaged 
about  125,000  effective  men.  Its  transportation  consist 
ed  of  about  4,200  wagons.  800  ambulances,  30,000  horses, 
including  cavalry,  artillery,  and  draft  horses  ;  4,500  pri 
vate  horses,  and  22,000  mules,  making  a  grand  aggregate 
of  56,000  animals,  or  nearly  \  animals  to  men.  The  ratio 
in  our  Western  armies  was  even  higher  than  this,  and 
ranged  from  £  to  f .  A  civilian  can  hardly  conceive  the 
effect  of  such  an  immense  train  of  animals  and  vehicles 
upon  the  movements  of  accompanying  troops.  Time 
and  again  the  latter  are  forced  to  stand  for  hours  and 
hours  to  allow  the  train  to  pass,  or  to  await  its  move 
ment,  while  it  must  always  have  an  adequate  guard. 
When  we  consider  that  an  army  of  125,000  men,  march 
ing  in  column  four  abreast,  with  the  usual  intervals,  ex 
tends  over  a  distance  of  35  miles,  and  that  each  six-mule 
team  occupies  about  sixty  lineal  feet,  or  ninety  teams  to 
the  mile,  we  see  how  interminable  the  line  seems  to  be, 
and  how  difficult  it  must  be  to  cover  such  a  train,  and 
protect  it  against  an  enterprising  enemy.  But,  to  pur 
sue  the  subject  a  little  further,  6,300  mule  teams  will 
extend  about  seventy  miles,  assuming  the  roads  are 


94:  LIEUTENANT-COLONEL   SCHOONMAKER  RESIGNS.  [1861. 

good  and  the  teams  are  kept  well  closed  up — otherwise 
they  will  stretch  out  a  hundred  miles.  Nine  hundred 
ambulances  will  occupy,  on  the  march,  seven  miles  ;  add 
to  these  the  space  required  for  the  artillery  (say  40  bat 
teries  of  six  pieces  each,  requiring  7  miles),  and  we  have 
a  grand  total  distance  covered  by  the  army  of  the  Poto 
mac,  with  125,000  men,  marching  in  one  line,  of  119 
miles.  When  Lee  surrendered  at  Appomattox  Court 
House,  Grant's  commissary  gave  the  20,000  starving 
Confederates  the  first  "  square  "  meal  they  had  eaten  in 
seven  days,  and  supplied  them  with  rations  to  last  them 
until  they  could  reach  their  homes.  I  have  no  doubt 
the  liberal  supplies  made  glad  the  table  of  many  a  poor 
Confederate,  after  he  got  home.  But  our  quarter 
masters  and  commissaries  always  had  enough  and  to 
spare.  It  was  this  superabundance  that  often  made 
our  armies  slow  and  unwieldy  on  the  march. 

Hiram  Schoonmaker,  of  Rondout,  who  had  been 
lieutenant-colonel  of  the  regiment  up  to  the  first  of 
June,  resigned  on  that  day  in  consequence  of  the 
pressing  demands  of  a  large  and  important  business  at- 
home,  which  had  already  suffered  greatly  in  con 
sequence  of  his  absence.  According  to  the  Militia  Law 
of  New  York,  the  field-officers  of  a  regiment  were  elec 
tive  by  a  majority  .vote  of  the  field,  staff  and  line  officers. 
Colonel  Pratt  called  a  meeting  of  these  officers,  at 
headquarters,  on  the  evening  of  the  second  of  June,  and 
communicated  the  fact  of  the  resignation  of  Lieutenant- 
Colonel  Schoonmaker,  and  asked  what  action  the  officers 
would  take  in  the  matter.  An  officer  moved  that  the 
meeting  proceed  to  fill  the  vacancy.  This  was  seconded, 
and  carried,  the  election  resulted  in  the  choice  of 
Major  Gates.  The  promotion  of  the  major  having 
caused  a  vacancy  in  the  majority,  it  was  resolved  to  go 
into  an  election  for  that  office,  and  Adjutant  Harden  - 
burgh  was  elected.  Maurice  McEntee,  1st  Sergeant  of 


1861.]  EFFORT   TO   GET   TO   FRONT.  95 

H  Co.,  was  appointed  adjutant,  in  place  of  Harden- 
burgh,  promoted. 

On  the  fifteenth,  of  June  the  first  death  occurred  in 
the  regiment,  and  was  the  result  of  an  accident.  The 
victim  was  Dunbar  Schoonmaker,  son  of  the  late  John 
M.  Schoonmaker,  of  Kingston.  Dunbar  was  with  a  de 
tachment  of  his  Co.  (B)  at  Laurel,  and  while  stooping  to 
grasp  his  musket  his  pistol  fell  from  the  pocket  of  his 
coat,  and  striking  the  musket,  was  discharged,  the  ball 
passing  directly  through  his  heart.  He  was  an  active 
and  intelligent  young  man,  and  was  much  respected  for 
his  many  good  qualities  of  head  and  heart.  His  remains 
were  taken  home  for  interment.  On  the  26th  of  June, 
John  Cooper,  private  of  E  Co.,  died  of  inflammation  of 
the  brain,  at  Annapolis  Junction.  He  was  buried  in  a 
little  oak  grove,  near  headquarters,  in  the  midst  of  a 
terrific  thunder  storm,  with  religious  and  military  cere 
monies.  John  Converse  Elmendorf,  son  of  Peter  P. 
Elmendorf,  of  Kingston,  went  home  on  sick  leave  and 
died  at  home,  June  8th.  He  was  a  bright  boy  of  13 
years  of  age,  and  a  great  favorite  in  the  regiment.  He 
was  a  drummer,  attached  to  F  Co.  His  father  was  a 
private  in  the  same  Co. 

On  the  24th  of  June  the  lieu  tenant- colonel  went  to 
Washington,  to  obtain  an  order,  if  possible,  for  the  re 
moval  of  the  regiment  into  Virginia,  where  events 
seemed  to  be  drawing  toward  a  crisis.  He  had  an  inter 
view  with  General  Scott,  but  that  chieftain  declined  to 
accede  to  the  request  to  transfer  the  regiment  to  Virginia. 
He  said  the  duty  we  were  performing  was  important, 
and  we  were  better  qualified  to  discharge  it  than  another 
regiment  new  to  the  work  would  be.  Senator  Harris 
was  finally  appealed  to,  and  thus  re -enforced  General 
Scott  was  again  urged  to  let  us  cross  the  Potomac  ;  but 
he  peremptorily  refused. 

It  was  getting  to  be  very  dull  and  monotonous  at  the 
Junction,  and  we  were  anxious  to  leave.  We  were  tired 


96  ORDERED  TO  BALTIMORE.  [1861. 

of  seeing  trains  of  troops  pass,  and  the  eternal  rumble 
of  cars  and  screaming  of  locomotives  had  become  a 
burden  and  a  nuisance.  A  bit  of  unlocked  for  good 
fortune  befell  us  at  this  stage  of  ennui,  in  the  form  of 
an  order  to  proceed  to  Baltimore,  which  reached  us  on 
the  morning  of  the  29th  of  June,  from  General  Banks, 
at  Fort  McHenry,  who  was  then  commanding  the  de 
partment.  Colonel  Pinckney,  6th  N.  Y.  S.  M.,  was 
ordered  to  relieve  us,  and  as  soon  as  he  did  so  we  took 
train  for  Baltimore,  on  the  afternoon  of  the  29th  of 
June,  rejoicing  in  the  vicissitude  which  had  delivered 
us  from  Annapolis  Junction  and  its  hotel. 


CHAPTER    VII. 

ARRIVAL  AT  MOUNT  CLAIR — AN  UNPLEASANT  INCIDENT — REPORT  TO 
GEN.  BANKS — WHAT  HE  SAID — MARCH  THROUGH  BALTIMORE — PAT 
TERSON'S  PARK— CAMP  BANKS— ANOTHER  DEATH— MARSHALL  KANE — 
ARMS  DISCOVERED — ORDERED  INTO  CITY — RECEPTION — REGIMENT  DI. 
VIDEO — QUARTERS — LOYAL  AND  HOSPITABLE  BALTIMOREANS — ARREST 
AND  RELEASE  OF  LYON — RETURN  TO  CAMP  BANKS — SEARCHING  FOR 
ARMS — ARREST  OF  A  RIOTER — REGIMENT  PAID  OFF  IN  GOLD — LONG 
ING  FOR  HOME — BULL  RUN  DETAINS  US — A  FLAG  PRESENTATION — 
COMPLIMENT  FROM  THE  BALTIMORE  AMERICAN  NEWSPAPER — CAP 
TURE  OF  SECESSION  FLAGS — MAJOR  HARDENBURGH  TAKES  KANE  AND 
OTHERS  TO  FORT  LAFAYETTE — A  MYSTERIOUS  SHOT — RETURN  HOME 
— RECEPTION  AT  KINGSTON. 

WE  were  delayed  by  various  causes  on  our  short 
journey,  and  it  was  after  dark  when  we  reached  the 
westerly  suburb  of  Baltimore,  and  debarked  at  Mouiu 
Clair.  Everybody  was  worried  and  fagged  out  by  the 
hurry  and  bustle  of  the  day,  and  ill  temper  was  the 
dominant  condition  of  officers  and  men.  Our  bivouac 
was  an  open  field,  south  of  the  railroad  track,  where 
the  regiment  was  formed,  stacked  arms,  and  prepared 
to  spend  the  residue  of  the  night.  We  did  not  know 
our  future  destination.  As  it  was  expected  we  would 
reach  Baltimore  early  in  the  afternoon,  no  rations  were 
issued  for  the  journey,  but  they  were  put  into  a  freight 
car  attached  to  our  train.  On  reaching  our  bivouac, 
Commissary  Lounsbery  proceeded  to  perform  the  diffi 
cult  duty  of  getting  his  rations  out  of  the  car,  in  the 
darkness,  and  issuing  them  to  the  several  companies,  in 
the,  established  order. 

The  field  officers  were  lying  upon  the  ground,  near 
the  right  of  the  regiment,  waiting  for  their  own  supper, 
when  their  attention  was  drawn  to  a  tumult,  near  the 
commissary  car.  Colonel  Pratt  sent  a  staff  officer  to 
learn  the  cause  of  the  disturbance,  who  soon  returned 
and  reported  that  the  officers  of  a  certain  company  were 
7  97 


98  AN   UNPLEASANT   INCIDENT.  [1861. 

insisting  that  their  men  should  be  served  out  of  their 
order,  and  threatened  to  have  their  men  take  possession 
of  the  car  and  help  themselves,  unless  the  Commissary 
at  once  gave  them  their  rations. 

Pratt  was  not  a  stickler  for  matters  of  form,  and  was 
ready  at  any  time  to  deviate  from  any  established  rou 
tine  for  the  comfort  or  convenience  of  his  command. 
But  he  was  a  resolute  enforcer  of  discipline,  and  the 
last  man  in  the  world  to  allow  one  of  his  officers  to  be 
overrun  when  in  the  proper  discharge  of  his  duty. 
He  at  once  went  to  the  scene  of  controversy,  and  found 
things  rather  worse  than  they  were  reported  to  be.  The 
Co.  in  question  had  fallen  in,  without  arms,  and  were 
quietly  awaiting  the  course  of  events ;  their  Captain 
was  greatly  excited,  and  was  applying  very  strong  and 
uncomplimentary  language  to  the  Commissary,  who  re 
ceived  it  with  his  habitual  imperturbability. 

Colonel  Pratt  ordered  the  captain  to  march  his  com 
pany  back  to  its  quarters,  and  await  his  turn  for  ra 
tions.  This  he  refused  to  do,  and  the  situation,  there 
upon,  became  delicate  and  important,  in  so  far  as  the 
discipline  of  the  regiment  was  concerned.  The  issue 
was  squarely  presented  between  the  authority  of  the 
colonel  and  that  of  a  captain.  But  Pratt  did  not  hesi 
tate  ;  he  ordered  Captain  Flynn  to  put  F  Company 
under  arms  and  march  to  the  scene  of  trouble.  When 
they  arrived  Colonel  Pratt  told  the  captain  of  the  Com 
pany  in  question,  that  if  he  did  not  return  with  his  com 
pany  to  his  quarters  at  once,  he  would  order  them  to 
tire  upon  him.  After  a  moment' s  hesitation,  the  officers 
returned  with  their  men  to  their  position  in  the  line  of 
bivouac,  while  F  Company,  relieved  from  a  disagreea 
ble  duty,  returned  to  its  place  and  stacked  arms.  The 
commissary  then  proceeded  with  his  work,  and  all  were 
finally  supplied  with  their  rations  in  proper  order,  and 
our  first  night  in  Baltimore  passed  without  further  inci 
dent  worthy  of  notice. 


1861.]  REPORT   TO   GEN.    BANKS.  99 

The  following  morning  the  lieutenant  colonel,  ac 
companied  by  the  adjutant,  rode  through  the  city,  and 
thence  to  Fort  McHenry,  and  reported  the  arrival  and 
position  of  the  regiment  to  General  Banks.  He  in 
quired  what  route  we  had  taken  to  reach  the  fort,  and 
when  informed,  he  said  we  had  had  a  dangerous  ride, 
and  directed  we  should  return  by  a  route  that  would 
avoid  the  city.  He  said  that  he  had  arrested  certain 
prominent  Baltimoreans  the  night  before,  and  that  the 
feeling  among  the  rebels  in  the  city  toward  Union 
soldiers  was  very  bitter,  and  that  we  were  liable  to  be 
shot  while  riding  through  the  streets.  He  directed  that 
the  regiment  should  march  through  the  city,  to  Patter 
son's  Park,  on  the  east  side,  and  encamp ;  the  two  offi 
cers,  in  returning  to  the  regiment,  took  General  Banks' 
advice,  and  gave  the  city  a  wide  berth. 

Fort  McHenry  is  situated  on  the  point  of  a  penin 
sula,  at  the  mouth  of  the  harbor,  and  is  famous  for 
having  sustained  a  24  hours'  bombardment  by  16  Brit 
ish  ships-of-war  on  the  13th  of  September,  1814.  While 
this  bombardment  was  going  on,  Francis  Scott  Key, 
then  a  prisoner  on  the  British  ship  Minden,  lying  near 
Soller'  s  Flatts,  eight  miles  below,  and  where  the  white 
walls  of  the  unfinished  Fort  Carroll  now  rise  above  the 
water,  composed  the  national  song  known  as  the  "  Star 
Spangled  Banner."  Baltimore  was  justly  proud  of  the 
defense  of  the  fort  and  the  city,  and  well  it  might  be, 
in  view  of  some  contemporaneous  events.  Superadded 
to  the  attack  by  the  fleet,  9,000  troops  landed  and  ad 
vanced  against  the  city.  General  Stryker,  with  the 
Baltimore  brigade  of  3,200  men,  met  the  invaders,  and 
opposed  them  so  stoutly,  killing  a  large  number,  in 
cluding  General  Ross,  their  commander,  that  they  were 
glad  to  get  aboard  their  ships  again  and  sail  away. 
Battle  Monument,  in  the  city,  commemorates  these 
events. 

We  marched  through  the  city  with  drums  beating, 


100  PATTERSON'S  PARK.  [1861. 

and  colors  flying,  greatly  to  the  disgust  of  the  secession 
element.  As  we  advanced  through  the  streets,  we 
could  see  heads  thrust  out  of  windows,  in  front,  and 
after  a  hurried  look  at  the  approaching  troops,  the 
head  would  disappear,  and  the  window  blinds  would  be 
closed.  Men  and  women  retired  to  their  houses,  and 
the  streets  and  buildings  looked  deserted.  Many  of 
the  people  secluded  themselves  because  they  were 
afraid  of  another  street  fight,  but  more  of  them  did  so 
because  they  did  not  want  to  see  Union  soldiers,  or  ap 
pear  to  take  any  interest  in  them.  Reaching  Patterson 
Park,  on  the  east  side  of  the  city,  we  went  into  camp. 

This  park  contains  56  acres,  some  portions  of  which 
are  covered  with  trees  of  large  growth,  the  shade  of 
which,  on  a  July  day,  we  found  very  acceptable.  The 
park  is  on  high  ground,  which  overlooks  much  of  the 
harbor,  canton,  and  the  surrounding  country.  The 
City  of  Baltimore  is  built  up  to  the  westerly  and  north 
erly  limits  of  the  park,  and  ten  minutes'  walk  takes 
one  into  Broadway,  one  of  the  fashionable  streets  of 
the  city.  Until  eclipsed  by  the  superior  attractions  of 
Druid  Hill  Park,  Patterson  Park  was  a  favorite  resort 
for  pleasure  seekers,  and  pedestrians  yet  resort  to  it  in 
great  numbers,  as  a  convenient  and  pleasant  breathing 
place  in  warm  weather.  It  is  so  high  it  catches  the 
breeze  from  every  direction,  while  it  affords  a  view  of 
city,  country  and  harbor  that  make  up  a  very  charm 
ing  combination  of  scenery.  An  earthen  fort  was  con 
structed  in  the  park,  as  one  of  the  means  of  defending 
the  city,  in  the  war  of  1812,  and  the  embankment  yet 
remains,  overgrown  with  sod  and  grass.  The  park  be 
longed  to,  and  was  called  after  the  Patterson  family,  of 
Baltimore,  whose  beautiful  daughter  Elizabeth  married 
Jerome  Bonaparte,  on  Christmas  Eve,  1803,  and  who 
was  deserted  by  her  husband,  in  order  to  restore  him 
self  to  favor  with  his  brother,  the  Emperor,  and  who, 
on  the  12th  of  August,  1807,  at  the  command  of  his 


1861.]  ORDERED    INTO   CITY.  101 

brother,  married  Fredrica  Catharine,  daughter  of  the 
King  of  Wurtemberg,  while  his  wife  was  clasping  to 
her  torn  heart,  his  infant  son,  in  her  father's  house,  in 
Baltimore.  In  Loudon  Park  Cemetery,  near  Baltimore, 
peacefully  repose  the  remains  of  the  child  of  that 
famous  but  unhappy  marriage.  On  an  imposing  gran 
ite  obelisk  is  this  legend  :  u  Sacred  to  the  memory  of 
Jerome  Napoleon  Bonaparte,  born  July  7th,  1805  ;  died 
June  17th,  1870,  aged  65.  Requiescat  in  pace" 

We  named  the  post  "Camp  Banks,"  in  honor  of 
the  commander  of  the  department,  Major-General  N.  P. 
Banks.  Soon  after  settling  down  we  lost  one  of  our 
men,  Dubois,  of  E  Company,  who  died 

of  brain  fever.     He  was  buried  by  his  comrades. 

On  the  evening  of  Sunday,  July  ,  Colonel  Pratt 
received  an  order  to  report  to  General  Banks,  at  Fort 
McHenry.  Returning  to  the  camp  about  midnight,  he 
ordered  the  regiment  to  be  ready  to  march  at  five 
O'clock  Monday  morning,  excepting  a  detail  of  100 
men  to  be  left  in  charge  of  the  camp. 

At  the  designated  time  on  Monday  morning  the 
regiment  marched  out  of  camp,  and  filing  into  Broad 
way,  moved  down  that  fine  street,  until  the  head  of 
column  rested  on  Bank  street,  where  we  were  directed  to 
await  orders.  The  rain  came  down  in  a  steady  drizzle. 
We  had  no  idea  what  was  expected  of  us,  but  we  saw 
we  were  giving  the  occupants  of  the  locality  a  genuine 
surprise.  As  they  arose  and  looked  from  their  win 
dows,  the  first  sight  that  greeted  their  eye  was  a  half- 
dozen  mounted  officers  and  a  good  sized  regiment  of  in 
fantry,  occupying  their  street,  and  apparently  waiting 
for  some  development.  The  rumor  soon  spread  that 
we  were  going  to  search  the  neighborhood,  and  especi 
ally  a  church  near  by,  for  concealed  arms,  and  I  think 
we  rather  fell  in  with  the  notion  ourselves. 

By  and  by  an  order  came  for  four  companies  to 
march  to  the  Custom  House,  in  Lombard  street.  Col- 


102  HOSPITABLE  BALTIMOREANS.  [1861. 

onel  Pratt  took  B,  F,  H,  and  R  Companies,  and  pro 
ceeded  to  that  destination,  leaving  the  remainder  of  the 
regiment,  A,  B,  C,  E,  &  G  Companies,  under  command 
of  the  Lieutenant-Colonel,  in  the  street.  If  our  appear 
ance  surprised  the  denizens  of  Broadway,  they  were 
soon  quits  with  us,  by  administering  a  counter- surprise, 
different  in  kind,  but  equal  in  degree.  Invitations 
were  received  by  the  Lieutenant-Colonel  from  a  num 
ber  of  families,  for  himself  and  officers  to  breakfast, 
and  they  seemed  so  cordial  and  sincere  that  they 
were  accepted  in  such  order  that  a  certain  number  of 
officers  were  permitted  to  leave  the  regiment  and  break 
fast  with  our  hospitable  neighbors,  others  following  in 
their  turn,  until  all  had  a  "  square  meal." 

Among  our  entertainers  that  rainy  morning,  and 
often  afterwards  during  our  sojourn  in  that  city, 
were  Doctor  and  Mrs.  Inloes  (the  former  of  whom  is 
now  deceased),  Mr.  Randolf,  Captain  J.  W.  Hugg  and 
family,  Mr.  Harry  Wilson  and  family,  Hon.  Mr.  Leary 
and  family,  Captain  -  -  James,  Mr.  Wollen,  Mr. 

Hunt,  Rev.  Mr.  Reese,  and  many  others,  whose  names 
I  cannot  now  recall.  They  made  our  stay  in  their  city 
very  pleasant,  and  deserve  to  have  their  names  recorded 
in  any  volume  that  tells  the  story  of  the  three  months' 
campaign  of  the  "Twentieth."  Nor  should  the  name 
of  Mr.  John  Thomas,  now  collector  of  customs  of  the 
port  of  Baltimore,  be  omitted.  A  staunch  and  influen 
tial  Union  man,  he  was  a  zealous  and  valued  friend  of 
the  corps.  Captain  Hugg  was  one  of  nature's  noble 
men,  and  his  house  was  a  second  home  to  the  writer  of 
this  history  ;  his  hospitality  was  bountiful  and  prince 
ly,  and  his  warmth  of  heart  in  keeping  with  his  grand 
physique.  On  the  departure  of  the  regiment  for  home, 
he  accompanied  it  to  the  borders  of  the  State.  When  a 
military  hospital  was  established  in  Baltimore,  his 
eldest  daughter  devoted  herself  to  the  care  of  sick  and 
wounded  soldiers. 


1861.]  A   LETTER   FROM   ONE   OF   THEM.  103 

I  cannot  resist  the  temptation  to  insert  a  letter,  writ 
ten  to  me  in  behalf  of  the  regiment's  little  friend,  Neal 
Leary,  soon  after  the  regiment  left  Baltimore.  I  know 
it  will  be  a.  pleasant  reminder  of  the  bright  lad  to  a 
good  many  of  the  officers  and  men  of  the  corps.  It  is  as 
follows  • 

BALTIMORE,  12  Aug.,  1861. 
DEAR  SIR  : — 

My  little  brother  Neal  has  just  received,  and  begs  me 

to  answer  your  pleasant  letter  of  the  9th  inst.  He  tells  me  to  write  that 
the  Wisconsin  Brigade  encamped  in  the  Park,  after  the  departure  of  the 
20th  Regiment,  and  was  without  doubt  a  good  and  patriotic  body  of  men, 
but  he  did  not  become  acquainted  with  a  single  member  of  the  Brigade, 
and  he  is  quite  sure  that  no  one  can  be  found  in  it  to  take  the  place  of 
Col.  Gates  in  his  affection. 

He  asks  me  to  write  too,  that  he  was  very  happy  to  learn  from  the 
Kingston  paper  you  kindly  sent  him,  that  the  regiment  would  re-enlist 
and  that  for  the  war,  he  will  be  very  much  disappointed  if  you  are  not 
again  ordered  to  Baltimore.  He  begs  you  to  give  his  love  to  all  the 
gentlemen  of  the  20th  that  he  knew  and  especially  to  Geddy  and  Charley 
McEntee. 

My  father,  mother  and  sisters  send  their  compliments,  and  Neal  sends 
his  photograph,  which  he  begs  you  to  keep  as  a  reminder  of  your  little 
friend  in  Baltimore. 

With  much  respect, 

I  am  yours, 

COL.  T.  B.  GATES,  P.  LEARY,  JR. 

Kingston. 

But  while  I  have  been  indulging  in  these  pleasant 
recollections  of  Baltimore  friends,  the  battalion  has 
been  standing  in  the  street.  At  nine  o'clock  Major 
Belger  arrived  with  instructions  to  the  lieutenant- 
colonel  to  take  possession  of  the  station-house  on  Bank 
street,  and  of  the  public  school  buildings  on  the  corner 
of  Bank  and  Broadway,  as  quarters,  and  they  proved 
to  be  just  adapted  to  the  purpose. 

We  had  daily  drills  in  Broadway,  which  is  a  very 
wide  street,  and  through  which  the  battalion  could 
march  in  column  of  companies.  By  a  preconcerted 
arrangement  Col.  Pratt  marched  down  from  the  Custom 
House,  one  afternoon,  with  his  battalion  and  a  section 


104  A   DIVIDED  POPULATION.  [1861. 

of  artillery,  and  made  a  feigned  attack  upon  the  post  in 
Broadway.  The  Lieut.  Col's  command  was  underarms 
and  sallied  forth  to  meet  the  foe,  quite  a  brisk  battle 
took  place  in  the  street  and  the  Col.  was  eventually 
forced  to  retreat.  A  few  days  afterwards  the  Broadway 
army  moved  down  upon  the  Custom  House  and  a  lively 
sham  fight  took  place  between  it  and  Colonel  Pratt' s 
forces,  in  presence  of  thousands  of  wondering  spectators. 
The  defense  was  so  vigorous  and  well  conducted,  we 
were  unable  to  "clean  out"  the  establishment,  and 
were  glad  to  retire  without  loss  of  colors,  guns  or 
prisoners. 

It  seems  we  were  ordered  into  the  city  in  view  of  the 
impending  battle  of  Bull  Run,  and  a  bold  aspect  of  the 
secession  element.  The  population  of  Baltimore  at  this 
time,  was  about  equally  divided  between  Unionists  and 
Secessionists,  but  the  latter  had  been  so  violent  and 
demonstrative  before  troops  were  stationed  in  the  city, 
that  they  seemed  to  be  vastly  in  the  majority.  The 
Unionists  had  not  dared  to  openly  express  their  senti 
ments,  and  the  Stars  and  Stripes  were  carefully  secluded. 
But  the  moment  they  felt  themselves  secure  from  insult 
and  violence,  by  reason  of  the  presence  of  Federal  troops, 
the  loyal  sentiment  gushed  forth  in  words  and  acts,  and 
on  the  Fourth  of  July,  the  national  colors  were  flying 
from  hundreds  of  private  houses,  where  one  would  not 
have  been  seen  if  the  troops  were  away,  or  if  they  had 
been  displayed,  they  would  have  been  torn  down  and 
their  owners  outraged.  Families  who  had  lived  side  by 
side  for  years  and  been  upon  terms  of  the  closest  inti 
macy,  had  become  estranged  by  their  differences  on  the 
great  question  of  disunion,  so  that  even  the  courtesy  of 
recognition  was  no  longer  observed  between  them,  al 
though  meeting  each  other  almost  on  their  very  door 
steps,  day  after  day.  It  was  easier  to  be  a  staunch, 
out-spoken  Union  man  in  Boston  than  it  was  in  Bal 
timore. 


1861.]  ARREST   AND  RELEASE  OF   LYON.  105 

Frequent  detachments  were  sent  out  in  search  of 
concealed  arms  designed  for  improper  purposes,  and 
large  quantities  were  from  time  to  time  seized.  A  large 
quantity  of  arms  and  munitions  of  war,  were  found 
concealed  in  the  building  occupied  by  Marshal  Kane. 
Captain  Lent's  Co.  E.  went  out  at  midnight,  on  the  24th 
of  July,  a  short  distance  from  camp,  on  the  Phila 
delphia  Road,  and  fished  out  from  under  a  hay  rick  a 
quantity  of  arms  and  war  munitions.  About  the  same 
time  Lieut.  Jervis  M' En  tee,  H.  Co.,  captured  two  seces 
sion  flags,  which  were  about  being  sent  South.  In  one 
house  where  a  search  was  made  for  arms,  was  found 
among  other  things,  a  drum  belonging  to  the  Sixth 
Massachusetts  Regiment,  and  which  had  been  cap 
tured  at  the  time  of  the  brutal  atack  upon  the  regiment 
in  the  streets  of  Baltimore.  We  took  possession  of  the 
drum  not  only,  but  also  of  its  custodian,  and  turned 
him  over  to  the  Provost-Marshal  to  explain  the  circum 
stances  under  which  the  drum  came  into  his  possession. 
It  was prima facie  evidence  of  his  connection  with  the 
rioters  who  had  attacked  the  Sixth  Massachusetts. 

Among  the  families  with  whom  pleasant  acquaint 
ance  was  formed  in  Baltimore,  was  that  of  the  Rev.  Mr. 
Lyon,  of  Philadelphia,  who  were  guests  of  Dr.  Inloes. 
A  son,  Augustus  Lyon,  had  the  misfortune  to  fall  under 
the  suspicion  of  the  Federal  authorities,  and  was 
arrested  as  a  Confederate  officer,  but  upon  application  of 
an  officer  of  the  "Twentieth,"  he  was  released  and 
escaped  incarceration  for  an  indefinite  period  at  Fort 
Lafayette.  Baltimore  was  a  bad  place  for  a  young  man 
whose  convictions  as  to  his  duty  to  his  government  were 
not  well  established.  The  young  bloods  of  the  city 
were  all  Secessionists,  and  they  were  eloquent  and  per 
sistent  advocates  of  the  cause.  The  tone  of  "  society" 
was  decidedly  disloyal,  and  Jeff.  Davis  could  hardly 
have  had  more  enthusiastic  and  persuasive  emissaries 


106  BULL  RUN  DETAINS  US.  [1861. 

than  were  to  be  found  among  the  beautiful  women  of 
the  Monumental  City. 

In  the  latter  part  of  July,  the  regiment  returned  to 
its  camp  in  Patterson  Park,  and  soon  after  was  paid  off 
in  gold.  Officers  and  men  were  glad  to  exchange  the 
burdensome  coin  for  bills.  The  three  months  for  which 
the  regiment  had  enlisted  had  now  expired,  and  many  of 
its  members  were  anxious  to  go  home.  But  the  Federal 
misfortune  at  Bull  Run  had  inspired  a  fear  of  fresh 
trouble  at  Baltimore,  and  we  were  required  to  remain. 

The  men  were  not  entirely  satisfied  with  this  ar 
rangement.  Their  term  of  service  was  up,  and  many  of 
them  had  business  and  domestic  duties  demanding  their 
attention  at  home.  Colonel  Pratt  had  the  regiment 
paraded,  and  addressed  the  men  in  an  earnest  and  im 
pressive  speech,  showing  the  necessity  for  their  remain 
ing,  and  appealed  to  them  as  patriots  and  soldiers,  to 
remain  at  their  post  until  the  present  danger  was  over. 
He  submitted  the  determination  of  the  question  to  the 
regiment,  but  it  was  not  prepared  to  act  at  once,  when 
Captain  Flynn  suggested  to  the  colonel  that  it  would  be 
well  to  let  the  men  go  to  their  company  quarters  and 
decide  the  matter  by  separate  company  action.  This 
plan  was  adopted,  and  captains  were  directed  to  report 
the  result  without  delay. 

I  followed  Company  F  to  its  quarters,  as  Captain 
Flynn  had  acted  as  the  spokesman  of  the  line  officers, 
and  I  had  some  curiosity  to  see  how  he  would  get  along 
with  his  men.  I  knew  some  of  them  were  very  anxious 
to  go  home.  When  Captain  Flynn  got  on  his  company 
ground,  he  opened  ranks  and  made  a  stirring  speech  to 
his  company.  He  told  them  that  the  Capital  was  in 
danger,  and  that  their  services  were  now  needed  as 
much  as  they  were  the  day  they  left  Kingston,  and  it 
would  be  disgraceful  to  leave.  The  captain  then  added, 
in  nearly  these  words:  "If  there  are  any  men  here 
who  are  in  favor  of  going  home  before  this  emergency 


1861.]  COMPLIMENT  FROM  THE  BALTIMORE  AMERICAN.  107 

is  over,  let  them  step  three  paces  to  the  front,  and  I  warn 
you  to  be  careful  in  doing  so,  lest  your  comrades  shoot 
or  bayonet  you  ;  and  any  man  who  goes  home  with  a 
wound  in  the  back,  will  be  justly  considered  a  traitor." 
It  is  needless  to  say  that  not  a  man  stepped  to  the  front, 
but  on  the  contrary,  by  a  unanimous  and  enthusiastic 
vote  they  resolved  to  stay  until  the  crisis  had  passed. 
The  other  companies  came  to  a  like  conclusion,  and  the 
regiment  settled  down  to  bide  its  time. 

On  the  afternoon  of  the  2d  of  July,  the  ladies  of 
East  Baltimore  presented  the  regiment  with  a  beautiful 
silk  national  flag.  Hon.  Mr.  Leary,  M.C.,  made  the 
presentation  speech,  and  Colonel  Pratt  replied  in  an 
exceedingly  felicitous  manner. 

The  Baltimore  American,  the  leading  paper  of  the 
city,  thus  spoke:  "The  Twentieth  New  York  regi 
ment,  under  command  of  Colonel  Or.  W.  Pratt,  now  en 
camped  at  Patterson  Park,  will,  it  is  expected,  shortly 
leave  this  city  on  its  return  to  the  homes  of  those  com 
posing  it.  While  in  this  city  the  regiment  has,  under 
the  strict  discipline  maintained  by  the  officers,  attained 
an  enviable  reputation,  there  being  no  such  cases  of 
interference  on  their  part  with  citizens  or  their  prop 
erty  as  unfortunately  has  been  exhibited  by  those  be 
longing  to  other  regiments  about  the  city.  The  officers, 
during  the  brief  space  of  time  in  which  they  have  so 
journed  in  this  city,  have  made  a  very  favorable  impres 
sion.  Not  only  on  those  who  are  loyal  to  the  Govern 
ment,  but  also  on  those  who  are  more  favorable  to  the 
Confederate  cause,  by  reason  of  their  scrupulous  desire 
not  to  interfere  with  private  rights.  Until  the  day  of 
their  departure,  the  officers  will  be  obliged  to  devote 
their  time  to  camp  duties,  so  that  all  who  wish  to  see 
them  must  necessarily  visit  the  camp  at  Patterson 
Park." 

By  orders  from  department  headquarters,  the  "  Twen 
tieth  "  furnished  a  guard   of  three   companies,  under 


108  REBELS   SENT   TO   FORT   LAFAYETTE.  [1861. 

command  of  Major  Hardenburgh,  to  convey  Marshal 
Kane,  the  Baltimore  Police  Commissioners,  and  a  num 
ber  of  other  Baltimore  rebels,  to  Fort  Lafayette,  in  New 
York  Harbor.  They  made  the  journey  by  steamer,  and 
the  major  delivered  his  prisoners  and  rejoined  the  regi 
ment  on  its  arrival  in  New  York. 

A  few  days  before  our  final  departure  from  Patter 
son  Park,  Simon  S.  Roos,  of  Company  C.,  was  wounded 
in  the  leg  by  a  Minie  ball  whilst  he  was  lying  upon  a 
bench,  within  a  hundred  yards  of  regimental  headquar 
ters,  and  far  inside  the  line  of  sentinels.  No  report  of 
the  gun  was  heard,  and  no  one  could  tell  from  whence 
the  shot  came.  The  direction  of  the  wound  indicated 
that  the  ball  must  have  been  fired  from  the  north  side 
of  the  camp,  and  three  companies  were  soon  scour 
ing  the  country,  but  failed  to  discover  the  would-be 
assassin. 

On  Tuesday,  the  30th  of  July,  the  welcome  order 
came  to  begin  the  homeward  march,  and  we  were  soon 
on  board  cars  and  speeding  northward.  We  arrived  in 
New  York  Wednesday  morning,  and  proceeded  to  the 
Park  Barracks,  where  the  regiment  was  mustered  out 
of  service.  A  large  delegation  of  Kingston  friends, 
with  the  regimental  band,  met  us  in  New  York,  and  ac 
companied  us  home.  Thursday  the  regiment  embarked 
on  board  the  steamer  Manhattan,  and  debarked  at  Ron- 
dout  on  Friday  morning,  August  2d. 

The  soldiers  were  met  at  the  point  of  debarkation  by 
wives,  children,  and  other  relatives  and  friends,  eagerly 
welcoming  them  home.  The  two  villages  were  all  astir 
from  the  evening  before  arrival,  hundreds  coming  in 
from  the  country  during  the  night. 

In  anticipation  of  our  coming,  a  meeting  was  held  at 
the  Court  House,  on  the  evening  of  the  30th  of  July,  at 
which  Gen.  S.  S.  Hommel  presided,  with  Messrs.  Erastus 
Cooke,  as  Vice-President,  and  L.  B.  Yan  Waganen, 
Secretary.  A  Reception  Committee  was  appointed, 


1861.]  RETURN    HOME.  109 

consisting  of  Messrs.  T.  R.  Westbrook,  J.  S.  Lang- 
worthy,  J.  S.  Burhans,  A.  A.  Deyo,  Jr.,  Erastus  Cooke, 
Samuel  Frame,  S.  S.  Westbrook,  H.  H.  Reynolds,  J.  E. 
Ostrander,  A.  M.  Low,  S.  S.  Hommel,  L.  B.  Van 
Waganen  and  A.  Schoonmaker,  Jr.  This  committee 
did  their  work  admirably. 

The  regiment  was  received  by  Brigadier- General 
Samson  and  Staff,  the  Kingston  and  Rondout  Fire  De 
partment,  the  Kingston  National  Greys,  the  Dragoon 
Company  of  the  20th,  and  a  corps  of  Juvenile  Zouaves. 
The  regiment  and  escort  were  formed  in  Abeel  street, 
Rondout,  and  forming  column,  headed  by  the  regi 
mental  band,  proceeded  up  Wurts  and  Holmes  streets 
to  the  Plank  Road,  and  thence  to  Kingston.  Arriving 
there,  the  regiment  was  formed  in  line  of  battle  in  Wall 
street,  right  resting  on  North  Front,  and  exercised  in 
the  manual,  &c.,  after  which  they  were  addressed  by 
Hon.  T.  R.  Westbrook,  who  eloquently  welcomed  them 
home,  in  the  name  of  the  citizens  of  the  regimental  dis 
trict.  Complimentary  orders  from  the  War  Department 
were  then  read  by  the  Adjutant,  when  the  regiment  was 
marched  to  Academy  Green  by  companies,  where  a 
bountiful  breakfast  had  been  spread  by  the  ladies  of 
Kingston  and  vicinity,  who  personally  attended  the 
tables.  This  over,  the  companies  were  dismissed ; 
the  soldiers  from  other  towns  hurried  homeward,  to 
be  again  welcomed  by  their  families,  neighbors  and 
friends. 

Thus  terminated  the  first  experience  of  the  "Ulster 
Guard,"  in  the  service  of  the  United  States.  It  saw  no 
fighting  and  performed  no  extraordinary  deeds  ;  but  it 
went  forth  ready  and  willing  to  do  for  its  country  what 
ever  brave  men  might  do,  and  it  was  not  its  fault  that 
it  was  not  among  the  combatants  at  Bull  Run,  or  on 
some  other  field  where  martial  honors  were  to  be  won. 
Its  officers  solicited  a  more  active  field  of  duty,  than 
that  to  which  the  regiment  was  assigned.  They  were 


HO  RECEPTION  AT  KINGSTON.  [1861. 

overruled  by  higher  authority,  and  it  was  only  left  to 
them  and  their  men  to  perform  the  more  humble  role 
which  it  has  been  the  object  of  the  preceding  chapters 
to  narrate.  Such  duties  as  were  devolved  upon  the  regi 
ment  it  discharged  with  alacrity  and  fidelity,  and  it  was 
so  fortunate  as  to  receive  the  commendation  of  its  supe 
riors,  of  the  people  among  whom  its  duties  were  per 
formed,  and  what  was  more  precious  than  either  or 
both,  of  its  friends  at  home. 


CHAPTER    VIII. 

MCDOWELL  AND  THE  FIRST  ARMY  OF  THE  POTOMAC — PLAN  OF  FIRST  BATTLE 
OF  BULL  RUN — INEXPERIENCE  OF  OFFICERS  AND  MEN — MILITIA  REG 
IMENTS — POSITION  OF  CONFEDERATES  AND  UNIONISTS— PATTERSON 
AND  JOE  JOHNSTON — MCDOWELL'S  DESIGN — BEAUREGARD's  LINE  OF 
BATTLE — HE  RESOLVED  TO  ATTACK — ORDERS  MISCARRY — MCDOWELL 
ATTACKS  HIS  LEFT — ADMIRABLE  STRATEGY  OF  UNION  COMMANDER — 
ADVANCE  OF  TURNING  COLUMN — FIRST  ENCOUNTER — DIFFICULTY  IN 
MANEUVERING  LARGE  BODIES  OF  RAW  TROOPS — GALLANTRY  OF  FOUR 
TEENTH  BROOKLYN — CONFEDERATE  LEFT  TURNED — "STONEWALL" 
— SUCCESS  OF  THE  UNIONISTS — HEAT,  DUST  AND  THIRST — CONFEDER 
ATES  FORM  A  NEW  LINE  OF  BATTLE SPLENDIDLY  OFFICERED — 

MCDOWELL'S  LINE  OF  BATTLE  AT  NOON — HAD  DRIVEN  CONFEDERATES 
A  MILE  AND  A  HALF — CONFEDERATE  VIEW  OF  THE  SITUATION — 
MCDOWELL  PREPARES  HIS  COUP  DE  MAIN — UNIFORMS  AND  FLAGS — 
MAJOR  BARRY  MISTAKES  A  CONFEDERATE  FOR  A  UNION  REGIMENT — 

FATAL  CONSEQUENCES — FEDERALS  REPULSED  FROM  THE  PLATEAU — 
LOSS  OF  RICKETTS'  AND  GRIFFIN'S  BATTERIES — FINAL  ADVANCE  OF  FED 
ERAL  LINE — INOPPORTUNE  ARRIVAL  OF  A  FRESH  BRIGADE  OF  JOHN- 
^  SON'S  ARMY — GENERAL  KEYES — MCDOWELL'S  OPPORTUNITY  GONE — 
TACTICS  AND  STRATEGY — PORTER  AND  SHERMAN — THE  RETREAT — 
WHAT  CAUSED  CONFUSION — DISORDER  NOT  GENERAL — ANY  TROOPS 
WOULD  HAVE  BEEN  DEMORALIZED  UNDER  LIKE  CIRCUMSTANCES — 
REPORTERS  AND  OTHER  NONCOMBATANTS — BONHAM  DARE  NOT  AT 
TACK  RETREATING  TROOPS— CONFEDERATES  BADLY  DISORGANIZED — 
COMPLIMENTS  TO  MILITIA  REGIMENTS — IMPUTATIONS  UPON  MCDOWELL 
— ANECDOTE  OF  LINCOLN — CHARACTER  OF  MCDOWELL — GEN.  MEIGGS — 
PUBLIC  IGNORANCE  OF  CIRCUMSTANCES  WHICH  LEAD  TO  DEFEAT — 
A  USEFUL  LESSON. 

THE  hue  and  cry  which  rang  through  the  country  im 
mediately  after  the  first  battle  of  Bull  Run,  has,  to  a 
great  extent,  given  color  to  the  various  histories  of  the 
affair,  and  every  one  of  them  leaves  the  impression  upon 
the  mind  of  the  reader  that  the  plan  of  the  campaign 
was  defective  and  the  conduct  of  the  army  pusil 
lanimous.  A  few  words  in  vindication  of  General 

111 


112  FIRST   BATTLE   OF    BULL    RUN.  [1861. 

McDowell,  under  whom  the  Twentieth  regiment  served 
so  long,  and  of  the  militia  regiments  which  were  with  him 
at  Bull  Run,  and  in  the  reputation  of  which  the  "  Twen 
tieth"  naturally  feels  that  interest  which  is  demanded 
by  a  just  pride  in  esprit  de  corps,  seem  not  out  of  place 
in  a  work  of  this  character. 

When  the  President  yielded  to  the  popular  clamor 
for  an  advance  of  the  army,  General  McDowell  was 
called  upon  to  submit  a  plan  of  campaign  against  the 
rebel  cohorts,  who  were  flaunting  their  colors  almost  in 
sight  of  the  Capitol.  McDowell  prepared  and  submitted 
to  the  President  and  his  Cabinet  such  plan.  Lieutenant- 
General  Scott,  then  General-in-Chief,  General  Charles 
W.  Sanford,  then  commanding  the  First  Division, 
N.  Y.  S.  M.,  and  Generals  Tyler,  Mansfield  and  Meigs, 
U.S.A.,  were  present.  The  plan  was  adopted  with  scarce 
ly  a  change  in  any  particular,  and  General  McDowell 
was  directed  to  carry  it  into  execution.  Many  of  the 
regiments  which  were  to  compose  the  army,  were  on  the 
east  side  of  the  Potomac,  and  some  of  them  did  not  join 
until  the  day  the  movement  began.  As  to  the  novelty  of 
the  situation  General  McDowell  said  :  "I  had  no  op 
portunity  to  test  my  machinery  ;  to  move  it  around  and 
see  whether  it  would  work  smoothly  or  not.  There  was 
not  a  man  there  who  had  ever  manoeuvred  troops  in 
large  bodies.  There  was  not  one  in  the  army  ;  I  did 
not  believe  there  was  one  in  the  whole  country  ;  at 
least,  I  knew  there  was  no  one  who  had  ever  handled 
30,000  troops.  I  wanted  very  much,  a  little  time  ;  all 
of  us  wanted  it,  we  did  not  have  a  bit  of  it."  Here, 
then,  was  an  army  of  28,000  men  thrown  together  in  a 
hurry,  none  of  whom  had  ever  been  drilled  in  evolu 
tions  of  the  line,  and  who  were  compelled  by  the  ex 
igencies  of  the  occasion,  to  advance  against  a  force  of 
at  least  equal  numbers,  holding  a  position  which  they 
had  spent  three  months  in  fortifying.  Nevertheless, 
General  McDowell  expressed  his  belief  in  his  ability  to 


1861.]  INEXPERIENCE  OF   OFFICERS  AND  MEN.  113 

defeat  Beauregard,  if  lie  should  not  be  re-enforced  by 
General  Johnson.  General  Scott  promised  McDowell 
that  if  "Johnson  joins  Beauregard,  he  shall  have  Pat 
terson  on  his  heels." 

With  this  understanding,  the  march  began  on  the 
16th  of  July,  and  as  the  Union  troops  advanced,  the 
rebels  fell  back  until  they  were  under  cover  of  their 
works  on  the  west  side  of  Bull  Run. 

On  the  18th  of  July  the  van  of  McDowell's  army 
occupied  the  Heights  of  Centreville.  Before  it,  and 
about  five  miles  distant,  flowing  in  a  southeasterly  direc 
tion,  was  the  historic  Bull  Run.  McDowell  had  organ 
ized  his  army  into  four  divisions,  commanded  respec 
tively  by  General  Tyler,  Colonel  Hunter,  U.  S.  A.,  Col 
onel  Heintzelman,  U.  S.  A.,  and  Colonel  Miles,  U.  S.  A. 
Each  division  contained  from  6,000  to  8,000  men.  The 
bulk  of  this  army  was  made  up  of  the  advance  regi 
ments  of  three  years  men,  and  some  of  these  knew 
scarcely  anything  of  company  or  battalion  drill — offi 
cers  and  men  equally  ignorant.  They  had  nobly  re 
sponded  to  their  country's  call  for  volunteers,  and,  in 
time  became  splendid  soldiers.  But  they  went  into 
their  first  battle  without  knowing  much  about  the  "  ma 
chinery  "  of  a  military  organization,  and  that  ignorance 
placed  them  at  great  disadvantage  when  maneuvering 
in  the  field,  against  an  army  in  position.  General  J.  E. 
Johnson,  the  Confederate  commander,  said  on  this  sub 
ject :  "The  Northern  army  had  this  disadvantage,  a 
great  one  to  such  undisciplined  troops  as  were  engaged 
on  both  sides,  of  being  the  assailants,  and  advancing 
under  fire  to  the  attack,  which  can  be  well  done  only 
by  trained  soldiers.  They  were  much  more  liable  to 
confusion,  therefore,  than  the  generally  stationary  ranks 
of  the  Confederates." 

General  Scott  telegraphed  Patterson  :  "If  not  strong 
enough  to  beat  the  enemy,  make  demonstrations  so  as 
to  detain  them  in  the  valley  of  Winchester."  Again: 


114  FIRST  BATTLE   OF  BULL  RUN.  [1861. 

"  Do  not  let  the  enemy  amuse  and  delay  you  with  a 
small  force  in  front,  whilst  he  re-enforces  the  Junction 
with  his  main  body."  Again,  on  July  18th  :  "I  have 
certainly  been  expecting  you  to  beat  the  enemy  ;  if  not, 
that  you  had  felt  him  strongly,  or  at  least,  had  occu 
pied  him  with  threats  and  demonstrations.  Has  he  not 
stolen  a  march  and  sent  re-enforcements  towards  Manas - 
sas  Junction  ?"  To  the  latter  telegram,  Patterson  re 
plied  :  "The  enemy  has  stolen  no  march  upon  me.  I 
have  kept  him  actively  employed,  and,  by  threats  and 
reconnoissances  in  force,  caused  him  to  be  re-enforced." 
When  this  dispatch  was  sent,  Patterson  had  not  only 
not  caused  re-enforcements  to  be  sent  to  Johnson,  but 
liad  given  him  so  little  concern,  that  on  the  19th  he  put 
his  army  in  march  to  join  Beauregard,  and  had  himself 
gone  to  Manassas.  This  was  the  result  of  Patterson's 
stupidity,  cowardice  or  treason,  whichever  it  may  have 
been,  that  had  induced  him  on  the  night  of  the  16th  of 
July  to  withdraw  from. a  position  near  Bunker  Hill, 
within  about  nine  miles  of  Winchester,  where  Johnson 
lay,  to  Charleston,  22  miles  in  rear,  and  where,  Pat 
terson  himself  says,  he  could  offer  no  obstacle  to  John 
son  joining  Beauregard,  whenever  he  chose.  General 
Charles  W.  Sanford,  who  was  in  Patterson's  army  with 
some  New  York  militia  regiments,  wanted  to  be  allowed 
to  attack  Johnson,  with  the  men  under  his  command, 
but  Patterson  would  not  consent.  The  very  day  Pat 
terson  moved  to  Charleston,  Johnson  began  to  send 
off  troops  to  Beauregard.  Patterson  gives  two  reasons 
for  falling  back  on  Charleston  ;  one  was,  he  wanted  to 
provision  his  army,  and  his  wagons  were  at  Charles 
ton,  and  he  thought  it  was  easier  to  march  to  the 
wagons  than  to  have  the  wagons  come  to  the  army.  It 
is  but  fair  to  . General  Patterson,  however,  to  say,  that 
this  reason  was  more  especially  urged  by  Fitz-John 
Porter,  who  was  Patterson's  adjutant-general.  The 
other  reason  was,  that  the  enemy  greatly  outnumbered 


1861.]  POSITIONS  OF  ARMIES.  115 

him,  and  he  was  afraid  of  being  attacked.  This  danger 
Fitz-John  Porter  considered  imminent.  He  and  Patter 
son  both  belonged  to  that  somewhat  distinguished  body 
of  officers  who  always  supposed  that  the  enemy  outnum 
bered  them,  and  whose  demands  for  re-enforcements 
were  insatiable.  Butler  was  to  watch,  and  if  necessary, 
engage  Magruder,  although  little  danger  was  appre 
hended  from  that  quarter.  Orders  covering  these  ob 
jects  were  given,  before  McDowell  set  his  army  in 
motion. 

Radiating,  like  the  spokes  of  a  wheel,  with  Centre- 
ville  as  the  hub,  are  three  roads  descending  the  slope  in 
a  westerly  direction,  striking  Bull  Run  at  points  about 
four  miles  apart,  and  some  five  miles  from  the  hub. 
The  most  northerly  of  these  roads  is  the  Warren  Turn 
pike,  which  crosses  Bull  Run  at  the  stone  bridge.  The 
middle  road  leads  to  Blackburn's  Ford,  and  is  the  di 
rect  route  to  Manassas  Junction,  ten  miles  away.  The 
most  southerly  intersects  the  run  four  miles  further 
down  the  stream.  From  Centreville  to  the  line  of  Bull 
Run  the  descent  is  gradual,  but  continuous,  and  the 
bank  along  the  east  side  of  the  stream  is  generally  low. 
The  westerly  side  presents  a  more  bold  and  difficult 
shore,  and  the  country  in  rear  of  it  rises  in  ridges,  sep 
arated  by  smooth  intervals  of  ascending  ground,  until 
it  spreads  out  into  the  plains  of  Manassas.  On  that 
side  of  the  run,  for  a  distance  of  eight  miles  along  its 
course,  the  rebels  had  spent  two  months  in  fortifying, 
and  had  covered  the  approaches  at  the  fords  and 
bridges  by  heavy  guns,  and  had  obstructed  the  roads 
on  the  west  side  of  the  stream  with  abatis.  The  cross 
ing  of  a  hostile  force,  at  either  of  these  points,  would 
have  been  attended  with  heavy  loss,  if  indeed,  it  could 
have  been  accomplished. 

McDowell's  original  design  was  to  pass  Bull  Run  at 
some  point  below  Blackburn's  Ford,  and  turning  the 
enemies'  right  flank,  seize  his  communications  with 


116  FIRST  BATTLE   OF  BULL  RUN.  [1861. 

Richmond,  and  attack  his  line  in  flank  and  rear.  But 
reconnoissances  from  Centreville  disclosed  the  fact  that 
Beauregard's  right  was  more  extended  and  stronger 
than  had  been  anticipated,  and  the  country  west  of  the 
stream  impracticable  for  the  movement  of  large  bodies 
of  troops,  and,  moreover,  the  unauthorized  demonstra 
tions  of  General  Tyler,  in  front  of  Blackburn's  Fordr 
on  the  19th,  had  lead  Beauregard  to  be  especially 
watchful  on  his  right,  and  to  concentrate  a  heavy  force 
there,  while  at  the  same  time  he  had  neglected  the  ford 
at  Sudley's,  two  miles  above  his  left.  General  J.  E. 
Johnson  states  in  his  "Narrative  of  Military  Opera 
tions,"  page  40,  that  Beauregard  had  received  informa 
tion,  through  spies,  that  the  Federal  army  was  to  ad 
vance  by  roads  eastward  of  that  leading  directly  to 
Manassas  Junction,  and  had  been  governed  by  such  in 
formation  in  posting  his  army.  On  the  morning  of  the 
twenty-first  of  July,  Beauregard's  right  rested  at  Union 
Mills,  where  the  Orange  and  Alexandria  Railroad 
crossed  Bull  Run,  and  extended  from  thence,  up  the 
stream,  about  a  mile  above  Stone  Bridge.  EwelPs  Bri 
gade  was  on  the  extreme  right,  and  was  supported  by 
Holmes'  Brigade  lying  a  short  distance  in  the  rear. 
D.  R.  Jones'  Brigade  was  on  E well's  left,  in  front  of 
McLean' s  Ford;  and  was  supported  by  Earley'  s  Brigade, 
posted  in  a  thicket  of  young  pines,  a  short  distance  in 
rear.  Longstreet's  Brigade  was  at  Blackburn's  Ford, 
supported  by  Jackson's  Brigade,  concealed  by  a  skirt 
ing  of  pines ;  and  behind  Jackson  was  Barksdale's 
Thirteenth  Mississippi  Regiment.  Along  the  edge  of 
the  pines  above  mentioned,  and  with  a  view  to  support 
any  threatened  position,  were  the  brigades  of  Bee  and 
Bartow.  In  the  front  line,  and  on  the  left  of  Long- 
street,  was  the  brigade  of  Bonham,  covering  Mitchell's 
Ford.  On  Bonham' s  left,  and  Gurding  Island,  Ball's 
and  Lewis'  Fords,  was  Cocke's  Brigade,  and  on  his  left 
was  the  brigade  of  Evans,  covering  the  crossing  at  Stone 


1861]  BKAUREGARD  RESOLVES  TO  ATTACK.  117 

Bridge,  and  a  farm  ford  a  mile  above.  Stewart's  caval 
ry  guarded  the  level  ground  extending  in  the  rear. 
From  Bonham's  left  to  Cocke's  right,  two  companies  of 
cavalry  were  posted  in  reserve,  in  the  rear  of  Mitchell's 
Ford.  Wade  Hampton's  Legion,  six  hundred  strong, 
was  held  in  reserve  near  the  Lewis  House.  This  force 
aggregated  27,833  men  and  forty  guns,  and  included 
6,000  men  who  had  arrived  the  day  before  from  Win 
chester,  a  part  of  the  army  Patterson  was  supposed  to 
be  watching. 

Beauregard  resolved  to  assume  the  aggressive  and 
attack  McDowell's  left  and  rear,  on  the  morning  of  the 
21st,  and  issued  orders  for  that  purpose.  Ewell  was  to  be 
gin  the  movement,  and  was  to  be  followed  by  the  brigades 
of  Jones,  Longstreet  and  Bonham,  with  their  respective 
reserves.  But  the  orders  were  miscarried,  and  while 
Beauregard  was  waiting,  momentarily  expecting  to  hear 
the  outburst  of  battle  on  his  extreme  right,  the  Union 
guns  opened  upon  his  centre  and  left.  He  then  coun 
termanded  the  order  for  attack,  although  Ewell  had 
finally  thrown  his  brigade  across  Bull  Run  at  Union 
Mills,  and  Jones  and  Longstreet  were  in  march  to  sup 
port  him.  In  lieu  of  the  proposed  attack,  and  to  "re 
tain  and  engross  the  enemy's  reserves  and  forces  at  and 
about  Centreville,  Ewell,  D.  R.  Jones,  Longstreet  and 
Bonham  were  ordered  to  make  demonstrations  on  their 
several  fronts."  These  demonstrations  were  continued 
during  the  battle,  although  the  forces  engaged  in  them 
were  largely  drawn  upon  to  re-enforce  the  left.  Never 
theless,  the  Confederate  troops  remaining  at  the  centre 
and  lower  fords,  were  sufficiently  numerous  to  menace 
McDowell's  communications,  and  to  compel  him  to  de 
tain  Miles'  division  and  a  brigade  of  Tyler' s  on  the  east 
side  of  Bull  Run.  The  fact  that  McDowell  did  not  bring 
these  reserves  into  action,  has  been  variously  commented 
upon,  but  the  fact  that  he  did  not,  and  the  reason  why 


118  FIRST  BATTLE   OP  BULL  RUN.  [1861. 

he  did  not,  have  been  approved  by  the  soundest  mili 
tary  critics. 

From  Centreville,  therefore,  McDowell's  operations 
were  directed  against  the  enemy's  left  flank,  instead  of 
his  right.  And  with  the  hope  of  detaining  Beaure- 
gard's  forces  in  their  then  positions  on  his  right  and 
centre,  until  the  turning  column  should  strike  him  in 
reverse,  Miles  was  directed  to  demonstrate  strongly 
against  the  lower  and  centre  fords,  with  a  part  of  his 
division,  while  the  residue  was  held  in  reserve  near  Cen 
treville.  Tyler  was,  in  a  like  manner  to  threaten  the 
position  at  Stone  Bridge.  Meantime,  Hunter  and  Heint- 
zelman  were  to  march  to  Sudley's  Ford,  about  three 
miles  above  Stone  Bridge,  in  a  direct  line,  but  twice  that 
distance  over  the  "  tortuous,  narrow  trace  of  road,  rare 
ly  used,  through  a  dense  wood  the  greater  part  of  the 
way,"  and  which  was  the  only  practicable  route  open 
to  them.  Having  crossed  Bull  Run,  they  were  to  sweep 
down  on  the  west  side  and  take  the  rebel  line  in  flank 
and  rear.  As  the  turning  column  uncovered  the  Stone 
Bridge,  by  forcing  the  enemy  out  of  his  works,  Tyler 
was  to  throw  his  division  across,  and  join  the  forces  of 
Hunter.  If,  however,  the  movement  of  Hunter  and 
Heintzelman  induced  the  Confederates  to  fall  back  from 
Blackburn's  Ford,  Miles  was  to  cross  with  a  part  of  his 
division  and  attack.  In  like  contingency,  at  Stone 
Bridge,  Tyler  was  to  push  across  and  attack  the  foe  in 
flank  and  rear. 

Tyler's  division,  which  was  lying  in  front  of  Cub 
Run,  (a  stream  rising  north  of  Centreville  and  flowing 
into  Bull  Run,  midway  between  Stone  Bridge  and 
Blackburn's  Ford),  was  ordered  to  march  at  half -past 
two  A.M.,  July  21st,  and  to  advance  to  the  vicinity  of 
Stone  Bridge.  Hunter' s  division  was  to  follow  to  a  road 
a  mile  beyond  Cub  Run,  which  leads  from  the  Warren- 
ton  Turnpike  to  Sudley's  Ford.  Thence  by  this  road 
to  Sudley's.  The  march  of  Tyler's  division  was  ex- 


1861.]  MCDOWELL'S  ADMIRABLE  STRATEGY.  119 

pec  ted  to  mark  Hunter's  column  to  the  point  where  it 
left  the  Warrenton  Turnpike,  and  from  thence,  its 
movements  would  be  screened  by  the  woods  through 
which  the  road  ran.  Heintzelman  was  to  close  in  imme 
diately  after  Hunter.  (It  should  be  stated,  by  way  of  ex 
planation  of  the  fact  that  the  rear  brigades  of  this 
turning  column  did  not  arrive  on  the  field  until  mid 
day,  that  a  column  of  troops,  marching  over  a  single 
road,  10,000  strong,  requires  five  hours  to  pass  any  given 
point.)  The  head  of  Hunter's  column  was  expected  to 
reach  the  ford  at  half -past  six  o'clock,  at  which  moment 
Tyler  was  to  open  his  batteries  at  Stone  Bridge,  as 
though  he  designed  to  force  a  crossing  there.  Hearing 
Tyler's  guns,  Miles  was  to  threaten  the  enemy  in  front 
of  Blackburn's.  While  thus  keeping  the  enemy  in 
doubt  as  to  the  real  point  of  assault,  it  was  hoped  that 
Hunter  could  make  his  flank  march,  followed  by  Heint 
zelman,  and  reach  the  vicinity  of  the  rebel  left,  before 
the  movement  should  be  discovered — or,  at  all  events, 
before  Beauregard  could  re- arrange  his  line  of  battle,  in 
time  to  meet  the  attack. 

The  plan  was  admirable,  and  is  admitted  so  to  have 
been  by  the  best  military  judges.  The  faulty  execution 
was  not  chargeable  to  General  McDowell.  He  designed 
to  begin  the  movement  at  dark  on  Saturday  night,  and 
position  his  turning  column,  after  an  easy  march,  near 
Sudley's,  ready  to  cross  at  daylight.  But  his  division 
commanders  preferred  to  remain  in  camp,  allowing  the 
men  to  sleep  the  fore  part  of  the  night,  and  start  at  such 
time  as  would  bring  them  to  their  several  positions  in 
one  march,  and,  in  their  judgment,  a  start  at  half-past 
two,  Sunday  morning,  would  be  quite  early  enough. 
Yielding  to  this  view,  General  McDowell  directed  the 
march  to  begin  at  that  hour.  Experienced  troops  would, 
doubtless,  have  met  the  expectations  of  their  command 
ers,  but  this  was  a  green  and  inexperienced  army,  and, 
however  ready  it  was  to  obey  orders,  it  could  not  do  so 


120  FIRST  BATTLE  OF  BULL  RUN.  [1861. 

with  the  facility  of  veterans.  It  was,  therefore,  long 
after  the  time  designated  when  the  march  of  Tyler's 
division  began,  and  Hunter,  who  was  obliged  to  await 
Tyler's  movement,  was  so  much  delayed  thereby,  that 
when  the  head  of  his  column  reached  Sudley's  it  was 
half -past  nine  o'clock — just  three  precious  hours  after 
the  appointed  time.  Still,  the  enemy  had  not  discov 
ered  the  march  of  the  turning  column,  but  was  absorbed 
by  the  demonstrations  of  Miles  and  Tyler,  whose  guns 
had  been  thundering  for  three  hours,  and  whose  pickets 
had  been  skirmishing  with  the  rebels  all  the  morning. 

It  may  be  said,  perhaps,  that  this  turning  column 
should  have  been  positioned  sufficiently  early  to  secure 
its  crossing  at  the  designated  time.  But  in  addition  to 
the  representations  of  the  division  commanders,  Mc 
Dowell  may  have  been  influenced  by  the  consideration 
that  its  chances  of  success  were  in  the  exact  ratio  to 
the  secrecy  of  its  movements.  That  these  operations 
were  conducted  in  the  enemy's  country,  and  that  if 
Beauregard  were  to  be  surprised,  it  must  be  by  a  sudden 
operation,  which  would  out-strip  the  willing  feet  of 
watchful  spies. 

The  road  from  Sudley's,  over  which  Hunter  was  to 
march  after  crossing  the  Run,  is  bordered  by  dense 
woods  for  about  a  mile,  and  then  passes  through  an 
open  country,  towards  Manassas  Junction,  crossing  the 
Warrenton  Turnpike,  a  mile  in  rear  of  the  left  of  the 
Confederate  lines. 

About  ten  o'clock,  Colonel  Evans,  who  commanded 
the  Confederate  left,  became  aware  of  the  approach  of 
Hunter's  forces,  and  at  once  divined  the  real  purpose  of 
the  Union  commander.  Dispatching  an  aid  to  Beaure 
gard,  with  notice  of  the  impending  attack,  and  a  re 
quest  for  re-enforcements  ;  he  at  once  took  measures  to 
oppose  the  best  front  he  could  to  the  flanking  column. 
He  immediate^  detached  a  portion  of  his  forces,  and 
put  them  in  march  for  his  left  and  rear,  and  marching 


1861.  J  FIRST  ENCOUNTER.  121 

nearly  a  mile  across  the  fields,  selected  a  position  a  lit 
tle  in  advance  of  the  intersection  of  the  turnpike  and 
Sudley  roads,  in  a  cover  of  detached  woods,  command 
ing  the  road  over  which  Hunter  must  debouch  from  the 
woods  through  which  he  was  approaching.  His  artil 
lery  was  so  posted,  that  it  could  sweep  this  avenue  of 
approach,  while  a  portion  of  his  infantry  was  within 
fifteen  hundred  yards  of  the  point  where  the  head  of 
Hunter's  column  was  expected  to  appear. 

Burnside'  s  Brigade,  composed  of  the  1st  and  2d  Ehode 
Island  Volunteer  Kegiments,  the  2d  Rhode  Island  Bat 
tery,  the  71st  N.  Y.  S.  M.,  and  the  2d  N.  H.  Volunteers, 
was  in  the  advance,  and  by  reason  of  the  density  of  the 
woods,  or  some  other  cause,  no  deployment  was  at 
tempted  until  the  open  ground  was  reached,  and  the 
men  were  actually  under  fire  of  both  infantry  and  artil 
lery.  The  manoeuvre  should  have  executed,  if  possible, 
under  cover  of  the  woods,  even  if  the  line  had  been 
disarranged  in  advancing  subsequently.  Any  manoeuvre 
which  exposes  the  sides  or  backs  of  troops  to  the  fire 
of  any  enemy  is  hazardous,  and  should  be  avoided. 
Veterans  become  unsteady  under  such  circumstances, 
and  raw  troops  must  be  composed  of  exceptionally 
good  material,  who  can  keep  their  formations  and  be 
successfully  handled  under  such  trying  conditions. 
Marshal  Bugeaud  says  :  "I  affirm  that  I  have  seen 
an  entire  division  in  column  of  regiments,  which  began 
its  deployment  within  range  of  the  enemy's  guns, 
routed  before  it  finished  its  manoeuvre."  And  he  was 
speaking  of  old  soldiers.  Burnside' s  men  were  thrown 
into  temporary  confusion  and  began  delivering  an  in 
effectual  fire.  But  they  soon  recovered  from  their  sur 
prise,  and,  completing  their  deployment,  they  advanced 
towards  the  enemy,  with  a  steady  and  well-directed  fire, 
which  told  seriously  upon  its  ranks. 

Colonel  Andrew  Porter's  Brigade,  in  which  were  the 
8th   and    14th    N.  Y.  S.  M.,    now  debouched   from    the 


122  FIRST  BATTLE  OF  BULL  RUN.  [1861. 

woods,  and  deploying  rapidly,  formed  on  Burnside's 
right,  while  Sykes'  regulars  took  position  on  his  left. 
Evans  kept  his  guns  steadily  playing  while  these 
movements  were  taking  place,  but  after  the  first  shock, 
failed  to  disconcert  the  Union  line,  although  his  fire 
was  rapid  and  effective.  Hunter  was  cut  down  almost 
at  the  first  fire,  and  Colonel  Andrew  Porter  assumed 
command  of  the  division.  Griffin's  Battery  now  dash 
ed  out  of  the  woods,  and  getting  into  position,  opened 
such  a  vigorous  and  effective  fire  on  the  rebel  cannon- 
iers,  that  they  were  forced  to  direct  their  attentions  and 
their  guns  towards  this  battery. 

But  while  the  Federals  had  been  disengaging  them 
selves  from  the  woods  and  deploying,  Evans  was  re- 
enforced  by  the  brigades  of  Bee  and  Bartow,  and  Imbo- 
den's  Battery — a  portion  of  the  army  of  the  Shenan- 
doah,  which  had  arrived  from  Winchester  the  day 
before.  Wade  Hampton's  Legion,  which  had  come  up 
from  Richmond  on  the  20th,  went  into  action  on  Bee's 
left. 

The  Confederates  had  the  advantage  of  position  and 
of  a  defensive  battle,  but  the  Federals  were  the  more 
numerous.  Now,  however,  began  to  be  experienced 
the  disadvantages  resulting  from  ignorance  of  the  evo 
lutions  of  the  line,  and  the  result  was  that  regiments, 
and  in  some  cases,  even  companies,  manoeuvred  and 
fought  on  their  own  account.  The  division,  as  a  unit, 
had  no  cohesion  when  it  once  got  into  action.  Neither 
officers  or  men  of  the  volunteer  regiments  understood 
the  gradation  of  authority,  and  would  receive  orders 
only  from  their  immediate  superiors.  As  these  circum 
stances  operated  to  take  the  troops,  to  a  great  extent, 
out  of  the  hands  of  the  division  and  brigade  command 
ers,  it  will  be  seen  at  once  that  its  effect  was  to  render 
it  impossible  to  manoeuvre  the  division,  or  even  a  brig 
ade,  so  as  to  throw  it  on  any  desired  point,  or  to  em 
ploy  one  part  to  support  another.  Colonel  Averell, 


1861.]  GALLANTKY  OF    "FOURTEENTH,"   BROOKLYN.  123 

Porter's  adjutant-general,  says  :  that  although  McDow 
ell  had  18,000  troops  across  Bull  Run,  that  there  were 
not  more  than  6,000  or  8,000  actually  engaged  at  any 
one  time.  But  there  was  no  lack  of  courage  among  the 
men,  and  they  advanced  to  the  attack  with  undaunted 
spirit.  The  rebel  line  was  well  posted,  and  its  fire  was 
well  delivered.  But  it  could  not  check  the  ardor  of  the 
assailants,  who,  although  sometimes  staggered  by  a  de 
structive  volley,  would  return  the  fire  and  push  on  for 
the  goal  to  which  the  enemy  was  clinging  so  desperate 
ly.  The  14th  JS".  Y.  S.  M.  advanced  against  a  grove  in 
which  Colonel  Bee  had  posted  the  7th  and  8th  Georgia 
Regiments.  The  enemy  allowed  the  14th  to  reach  the 
edge  of  the  woods  before  discovering  himself  to  them, 
and  then  poured  a  murderous  fire  into  their  very  faces. 
The  surprise  and  the  fatal  effects  of  the  volley,  threw 
the  regiment  into  temporary  disorder,  but  the  discipline 
of  the  men  and  the  efficiency  of  their  officers,  soon  re 
stored  the  symmetry  of  their  line,  and  pouring  in  their 
fire,  they  charged  into  the  grove,  and  put  the  Georgians 
to  flight. 

For  more  than  an  hour  the  fight  raged  fiercely  along 
this  line,  but  the  pressure  of  Hunter's  Division  became 
so  heavy  that  the  Confederates  were  gradually  pressed 
back  across  the  wide  open  valley  and  up  the  slope  on 
the  south  side  of  Young's  Branch  and  the  Warrenton 
Turnpike.  The  stone  bridge  was  now  uncovered,  and 
Tyler  ordered  Colonels  Sherman  and  Keyes  to  cross 
Bull  Run,  and  marching  in  rear  of  the  line  of  battle, 
form  on  Hunter's  right.  Meantime,  a  portion  of 
Heintzleman's  Division  had  debouched  from  the  woods, 
and  following  the  movements  of  Hunter's  line,  joined 
in  the  attack.  Rickett's  splendid  battery  of  rifled 
guns  went  into  position  on  the  right  of  Sudley  road, 
and  did  great  execution.  At  noon  McDowell  was  in 
possession  of  the  ridge  south  of  Young's  Branch,  and 


FIRST  BATTLE   OF  BULL  RUN.  [1861. 

the  Confederates  had  been  driven  back,  in  rear  of  their 
line  of  works,  a  mile  and  a  half 

Leaving  only  sufficient  troops  in  front  of  his  fords 
on  his  right  to  deter  Miles  from  an  attempt  to  cross, 
Beauregard  hurried  six  additional  brigades  to  his 
menaced  left,  and  formed  a  new  line  of  battle  on  the 
orest  of  the  plateau,  half  a  mile  in  rear  of  Evans' 
struggling  line,  while  at  the  same  time  Bonham,  Long- 
street  and  Jones  were  ordered  to  demonstrate  strongly 
along  their  front. 

The  initial  point  in  McDowell's  plan  of  battle  had 
been  handsomely  won,  notwithstanding  the  untoward 
delay  of  the  morning.  The  enemy's  left  was  turned, 
and  he  was  forced  to  form  a  line  perpendicular  to  his 
elaborate  works,  and  meet  the  onset  of  battle  from  an 
entirely  unlooked-for  quarter.  McDowell  had  now 
18,000  men  across  the  Run,  advancing  upon  the  foe, 
whose  entire  army  was  in  the  confusion  and  uncertainty 
resulting  from  the  nature  of  the  Union  assault,  and  the 
necessity  for  a  sudden  change  of  front. 

Jackson's  brigade  of  five  regiments,  which  had,  up 
to  this  time,  been  held  in  reserve,  was  thrown  forward  to 
relieve  the  pressure  on  Evans'  retiring  and  disordered 
line.  Forming  in  rear  of  the  discomfited  troops  of  Evans , 
with  his  line  dressed  as  though  on  parade,  Jackson 
awaited  the  shock  of  the  on-coming  and  exultant  Feder 
als.  Here  Colonel  Bee  endeavored  to  check  the  retreat 
of  his  command,  and  to  stimulate  a  spirit  of  emulation, 
pointed  to  the  brigade  drawn  up  in  perfect  order,  and 
exclaimed:  "There  is  Jackson,  standing  like  a  stone 
wall;"  and  in  this  scene  and  circumstance  was  framed 
a  sobriquet  for  one  of  the  Confederate's  most  gallant 
leaders,  that  will  be  as  lasting  as  the  "Iron  Duke." 
But  even  "  Stone  wall's  "  bold  front  melted  away  before 
the  steady  fire  and  impetuous  advance  of  the  Federal 
line,  whose  right  swep.  up  the  slope  and  seized  the 
plateau  on  which  stood  the  Robinson  and  Henry  houses, 


1861.]  CONFEDERATES  FORM  A  NEW   LINE.  125 

and  whither  the  batteries  of  Bicketts  and  Griffin  were 
at  once  transferred. 

It  was  now  mid- day.  The  Union  army  had  been 
afoot  since  two  o'clock  in  the  morning,  and  the  divisions 
of  Hunter  and  Heintzelman  had  marched  fifteen  miles  ; 
and  for  nearly  three  hours  the  division  of  the  former 
had  been  continuously  engaged  with  the  enemy.  The 
day  was  excessively  warm,  and  the  battle-field  was  en 
veloped  in  smoke  and  dust,  almost  suffocating  the  com 
batants.  The  inexperienced  soldiers  in  McDowell's 
army,  oppressed  by  the  heat  and  fatigue  of  the  march, 
had  thrown  off  their  canteens  and  haversacks,  and  were 
now  suffering  from  hunger  and  thirst.  Men  left  the 
ranks  to  find  water,  arid  for  a  half  an  hour  there  was  a 
partial  suspension  of  the  battle.  There  can  scarcely  be 
a  doubt  but  that  the  Confederates  would  have  been 
totally  routed  if  the  Federals  had  instantly  followed 
up  the  victory  they  had  gained  at  this  time,  by  a  general 
and  vigorous  advance  of  the  entire  force  on  the  west  side 
of  Bull  Run.  But  their  delay  was  the  result  of  the  lack 
of  cohesion,  growing  out  of  causes  heretofore  mentioned, 
and  it  was  pregnant  with  disastrous  consequences. 

About  11  A.M.,  Generals  Johnson  and  Beauregard 
having  sent  urgent  orders  to  their  commanders  on  the 
right  of  their  line,  and  to  their  reserves,  to  hurry  for 
ward  re-enforcements  to  the  imperiled  left — themselves 
set  out  from  their  headquarters,  four  miles  away,  and 
spurred  to  the  point  where  the  battle  raged.  General 
Johnson  says  :  "  We  came  not  a  moment  too  soon,  for 
the  long  contest  had  greatly  discouraged  the  troops  of 
Bee  and  Evans.  Bee  had  sustained  heavy  losses,  es 
pecially  in  field  officers,  and  the  troops  of  Evans  were 
dispersed  or  destroyed."  They  at  once  devoted  them 
selves  to  a  reorganization  of  their  disheartened  and  flee 
ing  troops,  and  to  the  formation  of  a  new  line  of  battle 
on  the  crest  above  mentioned. 

This  line  was  formed  along  the  northeasterly  crest  of 


126  FIRST  BATTLE   OF  BULL  RUN  [1861. 

a  broad  plateau,  known  as  "  Bull  Run  Hill,"  and  which 
rises  to  an  elevation  of  one  hundred  and  thirty  feet  above 
the  level  of  the  stream  of  that  name.  The  general  direc 
tion  of  this  crest  where  the  Confederate  line  was  formed, 
is  oblique  to  the  course  of  Bull  Run,  and  is  about  two 
miles  west  of  it.  The  approaches  from  the  northeast  are 
intersected  by  several  irregular  ravines,  bordered  with 
straggling  young  pines  and  scrub  oak.  The  Warrenton 
Turnpike  passes  a  mile  to  the  north  of  this  hill,  while 
the  road  from  Sudley's,  after  crossing  the  Warrenton 
Pike,  at  right  angles,  continues  in  a  southerly  course 
over  the  hill,  striking  the  crest  at  about  the  centre  of 
Beauregard'  s  new  line  of  battle.  The  Chinn  House  was 
a  few  hundred  yards  in  the  rear  of  the  Confederate  left, 
and  near  it  was  posted  a  battery,  while  three  other  bat 
teries  were  embrasured  in  their  line.  The  easterly 
margin  of  the  plateau  was  overgrown  with  dwarf  pines, 
affording  excellent  cover  for  sharp-shooters,  and  into 
which  the  Confederate  right  was  thrust  ;  while  the 
ground  to  the  westward  was  covered  with  an  oak  forest, 
on  which  Beauregard  rested  his  left  flank.  The  north 
erly  front  was  open  country,  excepting  the  fringe  of 
pines  and  scrub  oaks,  along  the  ravines  above  mention 
ed,  and  the  trees  immediately  surrounding  the  Henry 
and  Robinson  houses,  which,  however,  occupied  por 
tions  of  the  northeasterly  surface  of  the  plateau  itself, 
and  which  the  Federals  now  held. 

Meantime  the  Confederates  had  been  pressing  forward 
to  this  new  line  of  battle,  until  nearly  their  whole  force 
was  positioned  on  it  or  within  supporting  distance.  A 
golden  opportunity  had  slipped  through  the  hands  of 
the  Union  commander.  An  opportunity  that  he  would 
have  successfully  employed,  if  he  could  have  had  his 
army  in  hand  thirty  days  before  the  battle. 

The  Confederates  were  splendidly  officered. 

General  J.  E.  Johnson  was  one  of  the  ablest  of  the 
Confederate  commanders,  and  associated  with  him  was 


1861.]  CONFEDERATES    DRIVEN.  127 

Beauregard,  then  already  famous  as  the  captor  of  Fort 
Sumter.  These  two  exercised  a  joint  command  over  the 
Confederate  army.  Among  the  brigade  commanders 
were  several  whose  names  subsequently  became  familiar 
to  the  world,  Early,  Ewell,  Jackson,  Hampton,  Long- 
street. 

McDowell's  line  of  battle  was  at  this  time  well  up 
the  slope  of  "Bull  Run  Hill,"  with  its  centre  thrust  for 
ward  upon  the  plateau,  and  was  in  possession  of  the 
Robinson  and  Henry  houses,  to  hold  which  the  Con 
federates  had  fought  desperately.  Wilcox's  brigade, 
of  Heintzelman's  division,  was  on  the  extreme  right,  and 
just  west  of  the  Sudley  road,  in  which  was  planted  a 
section  of  artillery.  Howard's  brigade  of  the  same  divi 
sion  came  next  in  order,  with  its  right  near  the  Sudley 
road.  Then  the  brigades  of  Franklin  (Heintzelman's 
division)  and  Sherman  and  Keyes  (Tyler's  division)  were 
posted  on  the  left  of  Howard,  in  the  order  named.  The 
right  wing  was  supported  by  part  of  Colonel  Andrew 
Porter' s  brigade,  and  the  cavalry  under  Palmer  covered 
that  flank.  Other  supports  were  stationed  in  rear  of 
the  centre  and  left  of  the  line.  As  among  the  Confede 
rate  officers  on  this  field,  so  also  among  the  Union  offi 
cers,  will  be  recognized  several  names  which  became 
famous  before  the  war  closed,  and  which  will  live  as  long 
as  the  history  of  the  country  endures. 

The  Federals  were  now  in  possession  of  all  the  ground 
over  which  the  conflict,  during  the  forenoon,  had  surged. 
The  Warrenton  Turnpike  was  several  hundred  yards  in 
their  rear,  and  their  left  overlapped  the  Confederate 
works  at  Stone  Bridge.  They  had  fought  their  way  a 
mile  and  a  half  beyond  where  Evans  formed  his  first  line 
of  battle.  Their  further  success  demanded  the  posses 
sion  of  the  entire  crest  of  the  plateau,  where  the  Con 
federates  had  re-established  their  line,  and  were  rapidly 
augmenting  their  numbers.  With  this  view  McDowell 
swung  his  right  flank  forward,  and  ordered  the  batteries 


128  FIRST   BATTLE   OF   BULL   RUN.  [1861. 

of  Griffin  and  Ricketts  to  an  elevated  position,  near  the 
Henry  House.  The  Fire  Zouaves — Elsworth's — and  a 
small  body  of  marines,  were  posted  in  support  of  these 
batteries,  while  the  Fourteenth  N.  Y.  S.  M.,  which  had 
behaved  splendidly  through  the  day,  and  won  the  en 
comiums  of  General  McDowell,  and  all  others  under 
whose  observation  it  had  come  (Colonel  Wood  having 
been  wounded,  the  regiment  was  now  commanded  by 
Lieutenant-Colonel  E.  B.  Fowler,  with  James  Jourdan, 
major),  was  sent  into  the  oak  woods,  on  the  extreme 
right  flank  of  the  army. 

The  battle,  which  had  for  some  time  languished, 
now  opened  with  redoubled  fury.  The  Confederates 
had  posted  thirteen  guns  behind  a  low  undulation, 
which  partially  concealed  and  protected  them,  some 
500  yards  northeast  of  the  Henry  House,  and  in  easy 
range  of  Ricketts'  and  Griffin's  Batteries,  which  were 
very  much  exposed.  For  nearly  four  hours  the  strug 
gle  was  stoutly  maintained — the  Confederates  to  hold, 
and  the  Federals  to  gain  possession  of  the  plateau, 
with  the  prospects  of  success  decidedly  in  favor  of  the 
latter. 

A  correspondent  of  the  Charleston,  S.  C.,  Mercury, 
writing  to  his  paper,  said  :  "  When  I  entered  the  field 
at  2  o'clock  the  fortunes  of  the  day  were  dark,  the 
remnants  of  the  regiment,  so  badly  injured,  or  wounded 
and  worn,  as  they  staggered  out,  gave  gloomy  pictures 
of  the  scene  ;  and  as,  up  to  this  time,  after  four  hours  of 
almost  unprecedented  valor  and  exertion,  no  point  had 
been  gained,  the  event  was  doubtful — hope  seemed 
almost  gone."  A  rebel  officer,  writing  to  the  Richmond 
Dispatch,  July  29th,  said  :  "  There  is  no  earthly  doubt 
that  our  army  was  overcome  several  times  between  12 
and  3,  and  the  bulletins  sent  by  the  enemy  are  in  the 
main  correct.  But,  alas  !  '  The  best  laid  schemes  of 
men  and  mice  aft  gang  alee  ;'  and,  in  this  instance^ 
verily  there  was  a  great  slip  between  the  cup  and 


1861.]  BATTERIES   LOST   AND   REGAINED.  129 

the  lip."  A  Mr.  Boddy,  who  lives  near  Centreville, 
told  the  writer,  when  he  was  there  with  his  regiment, 
in  March,  1862,  that  he  was  under  guard  two  miles  in 
rear  of  the  rebel  army  during  the  battle,  and  that  at 
about  one  o'clock  companies  and  regiments  were  coming 
to  the  rear,  in  great  disorder,  and  reported  that  the 
"  Yankees"  had  whipped  them.  General  Jordan, 
chief  of  staff  to  Beauregard,  stated,  that  just  a  short 
time  before  the  giving  way  of  the  Union  lines,  "  Streams 
of  stragglers  and  skulkers  from  the  Confederate  army 
were  pouring  to  the  rear." 

About  half-past  1  o'clock,  two  companies  of  Stew 
art's  Confederate  Cavalry  made  a  bold  and  determined 
charge  down  the  Sudley  road,  and  threw  the  Union  line 
at  that  point  into  disorder.  Taking  advantage  of  the 
confusion,  the  33rd  Virginia  Regiment  of  Jackson's 
Brigade,  sprang  forward  and  seized  three  guns  of  a  bat 
tery  posted  near  the  road,  but  before  they  could  remove 
them,  the  Federals  rallied,  recaptured  the  guns,  and 
repulsed  the  33d,  with  heavy  loss.  A  little  after  2 
o'clock  the  Confederates  made  a  desperate  effort  to  ex 
pel  the  Unionists  from  the  plateau,  much  of  which  they 
then  held.  The  whole  Confederate  line  made  a  simul 
taneous  and  furious  onset  upon  their  antagonists,  and 
after  a  close  and  deadly  struggle,  they  pressed  them 
over  the  crest,  and  two  hundred  yards  down  the  slope. 
The  batteries  of  Ricketts  and  Griffin  were  among  the 
trophies  of  this  brilliant  success.  Pausing  a  moment 
to  recover  breath,  as  it  were,  the  Federals  again  became 
the  aggressors,  and  their  onset  was  so  vigorous  and 
well-sustained  that  they  recovered  their  lost  ground 
and  their  batteries,  and  forced  the  Confederates  back 
beyond  their  former  position,  with  severe  punishment. 

General  Johnson  says  of  this  stage  of  the  battle  : 
"  The  aspect  of  affairs  was  not  encouraging."  Beau- 
regard,  speaking  of  the  same  crisis,  says:  "The  whole 
line,  including  my  reserves,  which,  at  this  crisis  of  the 


130  FIRST  BATTLE   OF   BULL  BUN.  [1861. 

battle,  I  felt  called  upon  to  lead  in  person,  were  ordered 
forward.  The  attack  was  general,  and  shared  in  by 
every  regiment  on  the  field."  At  this  time  the  Confed 
erate  troops  engaged,  largely  outnumbered  the  Feder 
als,  and  overlapped  their  right  by  several  hundred 
yards,  and  re-enforcements  were  constantly  arriving. 

McDowell  now  determined  to  execute  a  coup  de 
grace  and  finish  the  battle.  He,  therefore,  directed 
General  Tyler  to  throw  Schenck'  s  brigade,  (in  which  was 
the  3d  N.  Y.  S.  M.,  and  which  brigade  had  not  yet  been 
engaged,  except  in  some  desultory  skirmishing  in  the 
morning)  across  Bull  Run,  at  the  Stone  Bridge,  and  fall 
upon  the  enemy's  right  flank.  The  effect  of  such  an 
assault  would,  no  doubt,  have  been  very  influential  in 
deciding  the  fortunes  of  the  day,  at  that  stage  of  the 
battle,  and  while  the  Federals  were  stoutly  maintaining 
the  fight  along  the  entire  line.  The  Confederates  had 
now  put  every  man  they  dared  draw  from  their  works 
on  their  right  and  centre  into  action,  and  they,  although 
subjected  to  much  less  marching  than  their  opponents 
had  been,  were  battle- worn  and  discouraged. 

A  fresh  brigade,  impinged  upon  their  flank,  would 
have  doubtless  thrown  their  right  into  irretrievable  con 
fusion,  which  would  soon  have  communicated  itself  to 
their  entire  line,  and  as  their  reserves  had  been  brought 
into  action,  it  would  have  been  difficult,  if  not  impossi 
ble,  for  the  Confederate  commanders  to  restore  the  bat 
tle. 

But  events  were  transpiring  on  the  farther  side  of 
the  field  that  overruled  the  purposes  of  the  Union  com 
mander.  When  the  Federals  got  possession  of  the 
plateau,  near  the  Henry  and  Robinson  Houses,  the  bat 
teries  of  Griffin  and  Ricketts  were  ordered  forward,  and 
went  into  position  west  of  the  Henry  House,  and  a  few 
hundred  yards  east  of  a  strip  of  oak  woods.  The  bat 
teries  were  supported  by  the  New  York  Fire  Zouaves- 
Ellsworth' s— and  a  battalion  of  marines.  The  woods 


1861.]  MAJOR  BARRY'S  MISTAKE.  131 

were  supposed  to  be  occupied  by  Federal  troops.  A 
most  unfortunate  circumstance  for  the  Federals  now 
occurred,  and  proved  to  be  the  turning  point  in  this 
stubborn  contest. 

There  was,  as  yet,  no  system  of  uniforming  troops, 
by  which  the  men  of  one  army  could  be  distinguished 
from  those  of  the  other.  In  fact,  regiments,  and  even 
different  companies  of  the  same  regiment,  followed  their 
own  fancies,  in  many  instances,  in  the  matter  of  uni 
forms.  This,  perhaps,  was  more  especially  so  among 
the  Confederates.  But  on  the  Union  side,  there  were 
all  sorts  of  costumes,  from  the  plain  United  States  style 
of  the  regulars,  to  the  gaudy,  but  not  neat,  outfit  of  the 
zouaves,  and  the  striking  and  stylish  dress  of  the 
"Brooklyn  Fourteenth."  The  colors  ran  through  the 
several  shades  in  red,  blue  and  gray,  as  to  clothes,  and 
for  headgear,  hats  and  caps  were  worn,  indifferently, 
and  of  every  variety  of  pattern  and  material.  The  flags 
carried  by  different  regiments  were  as  various  as  their 
uniforms,  and  in  the  smoke  and  dust  of  a  battlefield,  it 
was  difficult  to  distinguish  the  Confederate  from  the 
flags  carried  by  the  Federal  regiments.  Some  months 
later  the  Confederates  adopted  a  battle-flag,  which  was 
readily  distinguished  on  the  field. 

So  it  happened,  about  half -past  two,  that  a  grievous 
mistake  was  made  by  the  Federals  as  to  the  identity  of 
a  regiment  of  infantry,  which  just  then  emerged  from 
the  oak  woods  on  the  right  front  of  Ricketts'  and  Grif 
fin' s  batteries.  At  this  moment,  these  batteries  were 
playing  upon  a  Confederate  battery  only  some  300  yards 
off,  and  near  the  Sudley  road.  Griffin  had  two  of  his 
guns  on  Ricketts'  right,  and  consequently,  was  nearest 
to  the  woods.  He  saw  this  infantry  regiment  come  out 
of  the  woods,  and  an  officer,  whom  he  took  to  be  its 
colonel,  stepped  in  front  of  the  line  and  commenced 
making  a  speech  to  his  men.  Griffin  believed  it  to  be  a 
Confederate  regiment,  although  there  was  reason  to 


132  FIRST    BATTLE   OF   BULL   RUN.  [1861. 

believe  that  some  Federal  troops  were  in  that  locality. 
He  ordered  one  of  his  lieutenants  to  open  fire  on  it. 
Two  pieces  were  loaded  with  canister  ;  the  guns  directed 
upon  the  regiment,  and  about  being  fired,  when,  at 
that  fateful  moment,  Major  Barry,  Chief  of  Artillery, 
rode  up  and  said  to  Griffin,  "Captain,  don't  fire  there  ;. 
those  are  your  battery  support."  Griffin  replied: 
"  They  are  Confederates  ;  as  certain  as  the  world,  they 
are  Confederates."  "I  know,  "said  Barry,  "they  are 
your  battery  support."  Griffin  then  revoked  the  order 
to  fire  on  this  regiment,  and  his  guns  were  turned  to  an 
other  part  of  the  field,  whither  they  had  been  directed 
before  this  incident  occurred.  In  the  meantime,  the 
officer  in  command  of  this  dubious  regiment  concluded 
his  speech.  He  then  faced  his  regiment  by  the  left 
flank,  and  marched  about  fifty  yards  along  the  edge  of 
the  woods,  when,  facing  to  the  front,  the  regiment  ad 
vanced  towards  the  right  of  the  two  batteries,  about  fifty 
yards,  and  suddenly  opened  fire  on  them.  The  volley  wa& 
most  destructive  to  men  and  horses,  and  the  batteries 
were  utterly  disabled — either  for  use  or  removing. 
Colonel  William  W.  Averell,  who  was  Colonel  Porter's 
Adjutant-General,  and  who  witnessed  this  untoward 
event,  says :  ' '  Probably  there  never  was  such  a  de 
structive  fire  for  a  few  minutes.  It  seemed  as  though 
every  man  and  horse  of  that  battery,  just  laid  right 
down  and  died  right  off.  The  destruction  of  the  battery 
was  so  complete,  that  the  marines  and  zouaves — sup 
ports — seemed  to  be  struck  with  such  astonishment, 
such  consternation,  that  they  could  not  do  anything." 
But  the  guns  were  not  surrendered  without  a  further 
struggle.  The  14th  N.  Y.  S.  M.,  and  the  27th,  and  38th 
N.  Y.  V.,  with  fragments  of  other  regiments,  rushed  to 
the  rescue  of  the  batteries.  Meantime,  the  Confederate 
regiment  was  re-enforced,  and  the  batteries  were  cap 
tured  and  recaptured  three  several  times.  The  fiercest 
fighting  of  the  day  took  place  around  the  coveted  can- 


1861.]  FINAL  ADVANCE  OF    FEDERALS.  133 

non.  Ricketts,  who  was  lying  on  the  ground  wounded, 
says  the  struggle  went  on  over  his  body — the  contending 
forces  surging  back  and  forward,  and  that  his  battery 
was  three  times  taken  and  recaptured. 

Appreciating  the  advantage  the  possession  of  these 
splendid  batteries  and  the  position  they  occupied 
would  give  them,  the  Confederates  made  a  most  gallant 
and  skillful  effort  to  hold  the  prize.  Charging  furiously 
along  the  whole  line  to  engage  the  Federals  at  every 
point,  they  massed  all  the  troops  at  hand  on  their 
left  centre,  and  again  and  again  swept  the  Federals 
back  and  swarmed  around  the  guns — to  be  in  turn 
driven  off,  as  the  Unionists  with  ball  and  bayonet  re 
claimed  the  batteries.  The  horses  having  been  killed, 
the  guns  could  only  be  removed  by  hand,  and  the  fight 
ing  was  so  close  and  desperate  that  neither  party 
ventured  to  disarm  the  requisite  number  of  men  to  drag 
the  guns  away. 

At  half -past  three  the  Federals  were  crowded  off 
the  plateau  and  forced  to  abandon  the  cannon  to  the 
Confederates.  The  right  centre  of  the  Union  line  fell 
back  to  a  broad  ridge  near  the  intersection  of  the 
turnpike  and  Sudley  roads,  while  the  left  and  the 
extreme  right  maintained  their  positions.  This  gave 
the  line  of  battle  a  crescent  shape,  and  it  was  still 
in  good  form  and  temper.  The  guns  of  Griffin  and 
Ricketts  were  lost,  but  the  Federals  knew  their  adver 
saries  had  paid  dearly  for  them,  and  had  made  an 
exhaustive  effort  to  retain  them,  and  they  still  believed 
the  victory  would  finally  perch  upon  the  Union  ban 
ners. 

The  whole  Federal  line  prepared  to  advance  about 
four  o'clock,  and  essay  once  more  the  capture  of  the 
entire  plateau,  while  Schenck  made  his  flank  attack. 
Beauregard  says,  in  his  report  of  the  battle,  "they  (the 
Federals)  threw  forward  in  fine  style  a  cloud  of  skir 
mishers,  preparatory  to  another  attack.  "  But  now, 


134  FIRST  BATTLE   OF  BULL  RUN .  [1861. 

a  new  and  an  overwhelming  disaster  befell  the  Federal 
right.  The  Confederate  commanders  had  long  and 
eagerly  looked  for  the  arrival  of  the  residue  of  John 
son'  s  army  from  Winchester,  and  that  general  had  pro 
ceeded  some  miles  down  the  Manassas  Gap  Railroad  to 
intercept  the  train  on  which  they  were  to  come,  and  to 
have  his  men  debark  opposite  the  battle-field,  instead 
of  continuing  on  to  the  Junction.  These  troops,  nearly 
3000  strong,  and  lead  by  General  Kirby  Smith,  arrived 
at  this  momentous  crisis.  Early' s  brigade  was,  at  the 
same  time,  marched  through  the  woods  and  formed 
on  the  Confederate  left,  near  the  Chinn  House,  out-flank 
ing  the  Federal  right. 

Up  to  this  time  Beauregard  had  considered  his  left 
flank  "much  endangered.  "     But  now  his  adversary  was 
out-flanked,  and  he   had  nearly  3,000  fresh  and   well- 
drilled  troops,  with  which  to  make  his  coup  de  grace, 
by  a  resistless  assault  on  the  right  flank  of  McDowell's 
worn-out  army.     Heat    and   dust,  hunger   and  thirst, 
twelve  hours  of  marching  and  five  of  fighting,  had  not 
broken  the  spirit  of  the  Union  army.     But  the  shouts 
of  3,000  fresh  adversaries,  sweeping  down  upon  the  flank 
of  the  Federals,  extinguished  all  hope  of  victory.     Gen 
eral  Keyes  said  :   "I  thought  the  day  was  won  about 
two  o'clock;    but  about  half -past  three  o'clock  a  sud 
den  change  in  the  firing  took  place,  which  to  my  ear 
was  very  ominous.     *    *    *    If  Johnson  had  not  come, 
my  impression  is    we  should  have  won  the  battle.     I 
know  that  the  moment  the  shout  went  up  from  the 
other    side    there    appeared    to    be   an   instantaneous 
change  in  the  whole  sound  of  the  battle;  so  much  so,  that 
I  sent  my  aide,  at  the  top  of  his  speed,  to  find  out  what 
was  the  matter.      It  was  the  shout  that  went  up  from  the 
enemy's  line,  when  they  found  out  for  certain   that  it 
was   Johnson    and    not    Patterson  who    had    come. " 
Yes,  it  was  Blucher,  not  Grouchy,  who  had  come. 

It  was  now  too  late  for  the  success  of  McDowell's 


1861.]  PORTER  AND  SHERMAN .  135 

contemplated  coup  de  main,  and  the  march  of  Schenck 
was  suspended  and  dispositions  made  to  cover  the 
retreat  of  the  army.  The  right  fell  back  in  disorder 
under  the  attack  in  front,  flank  and  rear,  towards 
Sudley's  ford,  while  the  centre  and  left  marched  off  the 
field  over  the  Warrenton  turnpike  and  the  adjacent 
lots. 

General  Johnson  says,  it  was  four  o'clock  and  forty 
minutes  when  the  Union  line  gave  way.  He  states  in 
his  official  report,  that  there  were  three  brigades  of  the 
army  of  the  Shenandoah  engaged  in  the  battle.  These 
gave  Beauregard  not  less  than  10,000  more  men  than 
McDowell  had  expected  to  encounter ;  and  that  these 
men  turned  the  scale  of  battle  in  favor  of  the  Confeder 
ates,  no  one,  who  reads  the  story  of  the  fight,  can 
doubt.  And,  even  as  against  this  largely  increased 
force,  General  Johnson  says:  "if  the  tactics  of  the 
Federals  had  been  equal  to  their  strategy,  we  should 
have  been  beaten.  ' 

General  Andrew  Porter  testified  before  the  Com 
mittee  on  the  Conduct  of  the  War :  "  The  plan  of  bat 
tle  was  admirable ;  it  could  not  have  been  better  ; 
everything  was  as  well  looked  to  and  taken  care  of  as 
could  be."  General  Sherman  says,  in  his  "  Memoirs," 
vol.  1,  page  181  :  "  It  is  now  generally  admitted  that  it 
was  one  of  the  best-planned  battles  of  the  war." 
"It  is  easy  to  criticise  a  battle  after  it  is  over;  but 
all  now  admit  that  none  others,  equally  raw  in  war, 
could  have  done  better  than  we  did  at  Bull  Run  ;  and 
the  lesson  of  that  battle  should  not  be  lost  on  a  people 
like  ours." 

A  portion  of  the  Federal  Army  left  the  field  in  con 
fusion.  But  there  were  many  causes  conspiring  to  pro 
duce  this  result,  not  the  least  among  which  were  want 
of  drill,  discipline  and  experience.  But  what  added 
immeasurably  to  the  disorder  and  to  the  disintegration 
of  commands  was  the  wild  flight  of  horses,  cnms  and 


136  FIRST  BATTLE  OF  BULL  RUN.  [1861. 

caissons  through  the  masses  of  retreating  troops. 
Speaking  of  certain  batteries,  Colonel  Averell  says  : 
"  What  there  was  left  of  them,  a  few  limbers  and  cais 
sons  that  had  live  horses  to  drag  them,  came  galloping 
down  the  hill,  right  through  the  mass  of  troops,  and 
occasionally  a  horse  would  fall  and  the  whole  thing 
would  get  all  tangled  up."  He  says  a  great  many  men 
were  dying  of  thirst.  Lieutenant  Hazlitt,  of  Griffin's 
Battery,  speaking  of  another  Union  battery,  said : 
u  We  saw  tlie  battery  flying  all  around,  and  the  horses 
with  the  caissons  running  in  every  direction."  Imagine 
these  ponderous  vehicles  thundering  over  the  roads  and 
fields,  breaking  the  ranks  of  the  retreating  troops  and 
scattering  the  men  in  all  directions.  Officers  were  sep 
arated  from  their  commands,  and  men  from  their  com 
panies  ;  and  re-formations  under  the  circumstances 
were  simply  impossible  where  this  disruption  had  oc 
curred.  General  Keyes  says  his  brigade  came  off  the 
field  in  perfect  order,  and  of  the  other  troops  he  says  : 
4 '  As  I  approached  the  line  of  men  in  retreat,  they  were 
all  walking  ;  I  saw  nobody  run,  or  trot  even,  until 
coming  down  to  Bull  Run."  The  crossing  of  this 
stream  added  to  the  disorder,  and  beyond  it  the  confu 
sion  was  increased  by  the  flight  of  ambulances,  army 
wagons,  and  everything  on  wheels,  which  were  now 
rushing  to  the  rear.  Confusion  became  worse  con 
founded,  as  an  occasional  shell  from  the  rebel  batteries 
exploded  among  the  troops  and  teamsters.  Men  who 
all  day  long  had  braved  rebel  bullets,  and  stood  steady 
under  fire,  were  now  seized  with  a  nameless  terror,  and 
all  discipline  was  gone.  At  Cub  Run  bridge,  caissons, 
wagons  and  ambulances  interlocked  and  were  over 
turned,  blocking  the  way.  The  men  crossed  the  stream 
as  best  they  could,  and  spreading  over  the  road  and 
fields,  pursued  their  flight. 

So  far  as  this  portion  of  the  army  was  concerned,  it 
was  disorganized  beyond  the  hope  of  immediate  resto- 


1861.]  THE   RETREAT.  137 

ration.  But  soldiers  know  how  just  such  a  state  of 
things  could  be  produced  by  just  such  or  similar  cir 
cumstances,  without  reflecting  upon  the  courage  of  the 
men.  They  know  that  even  veterans  are  not  panic- 
proof.  The  steadiness  of  any  troops  depends  upon 
their  cohesion.  Break  their  military  formation — separ 
ate  men  from  their  companies,  and  officers  from  their 
men — and  even  regulars  would  do  little,  if  any  better, 
than  these  raw  soldiers  did. 

Finding  themselves  without  officers  or  military  or 
ganization,  hundreds  of  these  men  straggled  on  towards 
Washington  ;  their  numbers  greatly  augmented  by  the 
crowds  of  civilians  who  had  come  out  to  see  the  battle  ; 
until  it  looked  as  though  the  whole  army  was  in  flight. 
Newspaper  reporters  led  the  van,  and  in  a  few  days 
they  made  their  readers  believe  that  the  entire  army 
was  as  badly  demoralized  as  they  themselves  were. 
Members  of  Congress  and  other  civilian  spectators  of 
the  stampede,  who  did  not  wait  to  see  the  end  of  the 
affair,  but,  shouting  "sauwquipeut"  dashed  away, 
assumed  that  the  residue  of  the  army  was  in  as  bad 
condition  as  that  with  which  they  fled,  and  flooded  the 
country  with  most  unjust  aspersions  upon  the  conduct 
of  the  troops  ;  and  the  impression  is  general,  even  to 
this  day,  that  our  army  showed  the  white  feather  at 
Bull  Run. 

Colonel  Don  Piatt,  in  a  recent  letter  of  war  reminis 
cences  in  the  Cincinnati  Commercial,  says  : 

"  And  here  I  must  enter  my  protest  to  a  world-wide  slander  heaped 
upon  us.  Men  talk  of  the  panic  at  Bull  Run  who  gather  their  informa 
tion  from  Congressmen  and  correspondents  who  did  not  witness  the  fight. 
When  our  men  fell  back  before  the  re-enforcements  of  the  Confederate 
Johnson,  there  was,  of  course,  great  confusion,  and  so  long  as  they  were 
under  fire  suffered  the  usual  demoralization.  But  this  lasted  only  some 
ten  or  fifteen  minutes.  When  the  army  re-crossed  Bull  Run  it  was  a  mob 
something  more  disorderly  than  when  we  went  into  the  fight,  but  possessed 
of  no  panic  whatever.  I  was  sent  into  the  road  by  Gen.  Tyler,  with 
other  officers,  ordered  to  try  and  re-form  the  masses,  yet  armed,  but  surg- 


138  FIRST  BATTLE  OP  BULL  RUN.  [1861. 

ing  on  in  disorder.  I  found  them  beyond  control,  but  laughing,  singing, 
and  talking  in  a  very  indifferent  way,  while  hundreds  stopped  to  gather 
blackberries,  then  thick  and  ripe  upon  the  ground. 

"  The  panic  referred  to,  and  so  implicitly  believed  in,  happened,  I  am 
told,  in  this  way.  About  2  o'clock,  perhaps  later,  a  company  of  Con 
federate  cavalry,  called  mysteriously  the  Black-Horse,  dashed  crazily  in 
on  the  Warrenton  pike,  far  in  the  rear  of  the  battle-field .  This  road  was 
crowded  with  army  wagons,  hacks  containing  Congressmen,  and  buggies 
and  horses  of  correspondents,  Bull  Run  Russell  among  the  number. 
When  the  charge  occurred,  Capt.  Ayres,  then  on  the  eminence  command 
ing  the  road,  wheeled  about  two  pieces  of  artillery,  and  fired  grape  and  can 
ister  into  the  entire  crowd.  Wagoners,  Congressmen  and  correspondents, 
thus  brought,  unexpectedly,  between  two  hot  fires,  attempted  to  turn  their 
vehicles,  upsetting  many,  and  fled  in  a  fearful  panic  and  confusion  toward 
Washington.  The  stampede  was  ludicrous.  To  some  it  continued  24 
miles,  that  being  the  distance  to  the  capital  ;  to  others  124  miles,  for  it  is 
said  that  quite  a  number  kept  on  to  New  York. 

"  At  the  very  moment  this  panic  happened,  our  army  in  the  field  was 
under  the  impression  that  we  had  won  a  great  victory,  and  when  some 
hours  later  I  passed  along  this  road,  I  was  amazed  at  its  condition.  I 
found  wagons  upset  and  broken,  hacks  in  ruins,  buggies  smashed,  and 
amid  all,  the  unfinished  lunches  of  patriotic  Solons  and  scattered  note 
books  of  frightened  journalists." 

General  Johnson  states  that  Bonham  was  ordered  to 
march  with  his  and  Longstreet's  brigades  by  the  short 
est  route  to  the  turnpike  and  intercept  the  retreat, 
and  adds:  "When  General  Bonham  saw  the  Federal 
column  on  the  turnpike,  its  appearance  presented  so 
little  indication  of  rout,  that  he  thought  the  execution 
of  the  instructions  he  had  received  impracticable.  He 
therefore  ordered  the  two  brigades  to  march  back  to 
their  camps."  He  admits  that  the  severe  handling  the 
Confederates  had  received  had  demoralized  and  disor 
ganized  them,  nearly  as  much  as  defeat  had  their 
adversaries. 

General  Andrew  Porter  makes  honorable  mention  of 
the  behavior  of  the  Eighth  N.  Y.  S.  M.;  and  of  the 
"Brooklyn  Fourteenth,"  he  says,  quoting  from  the 
report  of  Lieutenant-Colonel  Fowler:  "In  the  last 
attack  Colonel  Wood  was  wounded,  together  with  Cap 
tains  R.  B.  Jourdan  arid  C.  F.  Baldwin,  and  Lieutenants 


1861.]  ANECDOTE   OF   LINCOLN.  139 

J.  A.  Jones,  J.  R.  Salter,  R.  A.  Goodenough,  and  C. 
Scholes,  and  Adjutant  Laidlow.  The  officers,  and  es 
pecially  Major  Jourdan,  were  distinguished  by  their 
display  of  spirit  and  efficiency  throughout  the  action." 
In  his  examination  before  the  Committee  on  the  Con 
duct  of  the  War,  he  said  :  "  The  Brooklyn  Fourteenth 
behaved  remarkably  well."  General  Sherman  speaks 
highly  of  the  69th  and  79th,  which  were  in  his  brigade  ; 
and  Burnside  says  of  the  71  st,  which  served  under  him  : 
"  I  beg  to  again  mention  the  bravery  and  steadiness 
manifested  by  Colonel  Martin  and  his  entire  regiment, 
both  in  the  field  and  during  the  retreat." 

General  McDowell  was,  of  course,  the  scape-goat, 
upon  whom  the  chief  volume  of  vituperation  was 
poured.  Three-fourths  of  the  people  in  the  loyal  States 
were  made  to  believe  that  McDowell  was  drunk  on  the 
battle-field,  and  many  yet  believe  that  that  had  much 
to  do  with  bringing  about  the  misfortune  of  that  day  to 
the  Union  arms.  Men  are  too  ready  to  believe  evil  of 
their  fellow-men.  It  is  a  pitiable  human  infirmity. 
Officers  who  were  unfortunate  in  the  field  were  too  often 
the  subjects  of  unjust  animadversions.  General  McDow 
ell  neither  drinks  wine,  tea,  or  coffee.  The  corps  of  mili 
tary  critics  and  self-constituted  mentors  was  very  large 
during  the  war,  and  they  pronounced  Sherman  crazy, 
and  Grant  habitually  drunk.  One  of  them  complained 
to  the  President  of  Grant's  supposed  inebriety.  Mr. 
Lincoln  asked  the  grumbler  if  he  knew  what  kind  of 
liquor  Grant  drank.  "No,"  said  he,  "why  do  you 
ask?"  "  Because,"  said  the  President,  "  I  would  like 
to  send  some  of  the  same  kind  to  the  other  generals." 

General  McDowell  was  in  the  midst  of  the  fight 
throughout  the  day,  and  shared  the  perils  of  the  field 
with  his  men.  No  one  felt  more  keenly  than  he  the 
misfortune  that  befell  his  army,  not  in  a  personal,  but 
in  a  national  sense ;  he  had  no  political  ends  to  sub 
serve,  and  no  personal  ambition  to  gratify,  save  as  it 


140  FIRST  BATTLE  OF  BULL  RUN.  [1861. 

tended  to  promote  the  welfare  of  his  country.  Among 
the  Union  officers,  McDowell  had  no  superior  in  earnest 
whole-souled  devotion  to  his  country's  flag  and  cause  ; 
his  habits  are  almost  Puritanic  in  their  simplicity.  An 
article  in  U  Opinion  National,  thus  speaks  of  him : 
"His  face  is  remarkably  open  and  sympathetic,  through 
its  air  of  frankness  and  kindness ;  he  is  one  of  the  most 
honest,  truest,  simplest  men  you  can  meet."  As  an 
illustration  of  one  of  these  qualities,  I  quote  his  open 
ing  words  in  answering  a  question  put  to  him  by  the 
"Committee  on  the  Conduct  of  the  War,"  with  refer 
ence  to  the  organization  of  the  army  into  corps  :  "I  am 
personally  interested  in  this,  I  will  frankly  say  to  you, 
because  it  will  affect  my  position,  and  I  want  you  to 
understand  that  it  will  do  so,  that  you  may  understand 
how  much  of  personal  bias  there  may  be  in  my  opinion 
upon  the  matter."  Again,  on  the  subject  of  the  staff 
organization  of  the  army:  "The  position  of  aide-de 
camp  on  my  staff  is  going  begging  ;  I  have  not  the 
highest  reputation  in  the  world,  but  I  have  some  charac 
ter,  and  I  know  very  well  that  so  far  as  I  am  personally 
concerned  they  would  not  object  to  going  on  my  staff  ; 
they  say  so  ;  but  they  say  they  command  batteries,  or 
are  commissaries  of  subsistence,  where  they  are  cap 
tains,  while  I  only  propose  to  make  them  lieutenants." 
Quartermaster- General  Meiggs,  in  testifying  before  the 
same  committee  and  in  reference  to  the  staff  of  a  gen 
eral  commanding  an  army,  said :  "I  think  General 
McDowell  and  all  our  officers  at  that  time  (battle  of 
Bull  Run)  were  crippled  by  want  of  sufficient  personal 
officers  to  assist  them.  He  had  not  the  proper  staff  ;  I 
do  not  believe  he  had  more  than  two  or  three  men 
around  him  after  the  battle  began."  On  the  subject  of 
the  battle  itself  General  Meiggs  says:  "The  attempt 
was  made  and  it  was  successful — to  turn  their  flank, 
and  they  marched  out  of  their  intrenchments  and 
fought  us.  *  *  *  McDowell  marched  his  army  to 


1861.]  CHARACTER  OP  McDOWELL.  141 

the  right,  and  actually  did  turn  their  left  flank,  and 
drove  them  two  miles  to  the  south  of  the  field  of  battle. 
In  his  own  opinion  he  had  gained  the  victory  ;  and  if  it 
had  not  been  for  the  sudden  and  unexpected  re-enforce 
ments  of  Johnson's  army,  he  would  have  held  it." 

The  Chicago  Tribune,  speaking  nine  years  after  the 
battle,  said : 

"  We  now  begin  to  feel  that  we  walk  upon  the  solid  ground  in  estimat 
ing  its  heroes  and  its  importance. 

"  In  the  first  place,  we  have  learned  to  estimate  the  character  of  McDow 
ell,  who  planned  this  battle  with  a  cool,  wise  head,  and  fought  it  upon  this 
plan  according  to  the  best  advantage  he  could  make  of  the  material  that 
lay  at  his  command.  No  other  battle  during  the  whole  war  was  better 
devised,  and  none  in  the  East,  fought  upon  the  offensive,  during  the  next 
three  years,  had  more  nearly  been  successful.  The  Federal  commander 
was  assailed  for  the  folly  of  his  troops  here  as  few  commanders  have  ever 
been,  and  yet  he  kept  up  heart,  stood  patiently  by  the  cause,  took  a  third- 
rate  place  under  McClellan,  with  generous  resignation,  and  gave  all  the 
successive  men  placed  over  him  hearty  support ;  and  since  the  death  of 
George  H.  Thomas,  it  is  safe  to  say  that  there  is  no  man  in  the  United 
States  upon  whom  we  rely  for  judgment,  for  devotion,  for  willingness  to 
suffer  above  the  common  fate  of  all  who  suffered  then,  more  than  Irwin 
McDowell. 

"  Last  winter,  when  the  Army  of  the  Potomac  met  at  Philadelphia,  and 
McDowell  sat  quietly  among  them,  thinking  himself  an  unsuccessful  man 
and  one  set  down  among  the  failures  of  the  war,  a  quiet  young  officer 
arose  with  his  glass  in  his  hand,  and  proposed  the  health  of  General 
McDowell  As  he  did  so,  he  made  a  stammering  effort  to  say  that  since 
the  war  had  passed  by,  and  we  had  come  to  know  man  for  man  and  man 
to  man,  we  were  equal  to  the  appreciation  of  the  commander  of  the  first 
Army  of  the  Potomac.  At  once  the  whole  table  rattled  with  bravos  and 
hearty  cheers,  and  amid  more  applause  than  had  greeted  the  name  of  any 
man  that  night,  McDowell  rose,  profoundly  moved,  the  most  patient  and 
heroic  martyr  of  the  war,  and  he  said,  as  he  had  always  said,  that  he  knew 
the  justice  of  his  countrymen  would  come  at  last;  that  he  had  expected  it 
long  before,  but  that  he  had  not  complained,  because  he  knew  that  it 
would  come ;  and  then  his  cold,  regular  army  nature  melting  down  to  the 
occasion,  he  gave  a  little  burst  of  egotism,  which  was  truer  than  tears, 
because  it  was  both  the  occasion  and  himself.  There  are  more  men  who 
fought  in  the  Army  of  the  Potomac  who  would  enlist  under  McDowell 
to-day  than  under  any  general  commander  which  the  war  in  the  East 
turned  out,  His  great  element  of  character  was  resignation,  never  mu 
tinying,  never  abusing  any  man  behind  his  back,  holding  to  the  cause  at 


142  FIRST  BATTLE   OF   BULL   RUN.  [1861. 

the  expense  of  frightful  calumnies  heaped  upon  himself,  and  it  is  probable 
that  his  fame  will  glow  henceforward  as  brightly  as,  during  the  war,  it 
was  suddenly  obscured." 

But  it  should  not  be  supposed  that  the  whole  army 
ran  away  from  Bull  Run;  excepting  the  4,000  or  5,000 
men  who  were  disorganized  as  above  described,  the 
army  retired  in  good  order  and  re-formed  line  of  battle 
on  the  Heights  of  Centre ville,  where  Miles'  reserves 
were  posted.  It  will  be  remembered  that  there  was 
really  no  pursuit,  notwithstanding  the  fearful  stories  of 
the  "black-horse  cavalry."  General  Johnson,  who  had 
superseded  Beauregard  as  his  superior  in  rank,  ex 
plains  the  fact  in  his  official  report,  wherein  he  says : 
"The  apparent  firmness  of  the  troops  at  Centreville 
checked  his  pursuit." 

I  do  not  wish  to  be  understood,  from  what  I  have 
said  about  the  popular  clamor  against  McDowell  and 
his  army,  that  anybody  designed  to  do  it  or  him  injus 
tice  ;  but  the  North  had  counted  upon  a  victory,  and 
they  had  not  yet  learned  how  to  accept  defeat  instead 
of  the  expected  triumph.  In  the  popular  judgment, 
this  unlocked  for  reverse  could  only  be  attributable  to 
some  blunder  on  the  part  of  the  commander,  or  coward 
ice  on  the  part  of  the  troops.  The  public  at  large 
had  no  knowledge  of  the  circumstances  which  inevit 
ably  tended  to  render  the  Federal  army  inefficient,  but 
seemed  to  suppose  that,  to  make  a  soldier,  it  was  only 
necessary  to  arm  and  uniform  a  man.  When  General 
McDowell  had  a  few  brigades  drawn  up  for  inspection 
and  review,  some  little  time  before  marching  to  Bull 
Run,  he  was  charged  with  wanting  to  make  a  display, 
and  it  was  pronounced  to  be  an  unnecessary  tax  upon 
the  troops  ;  neither  did  the  public  know  anything  about 
the  assurances  which  General  McDowell  had  as  to  John 
son'  s  army,  or  of  the  real  causes  which  led  to  the  defeat 
of  the  Federals. 
Unless  a  Union  victory  at  Bull  Run  would  have  re- 


1861.]  A  USEFUL  LESSON.  143 

suited  in  a  termination  of  the  war,  which  was  not  at  all 
probable,  it  was,  perhaps,  the  best  thing  that  could 
happen  for  the  final  success  of  the  Federal  cause  that 
the  Unionists  should  have  been  defeated.  The  North 
thereafter  had  a  truer  sense  of  the  magnitude  of  its 
undertaking,  and  while  it  hurled  its  men  into  the  field, 
it  was  content  to  allow  a  little  time  to  its  officers  and 
men  to  learn,  at  least,  the  rudiments  of  the  art  of  war. 


CHAPTER    IX. 

REORGANIZATION — IMPORTANCE  OF  RETAINING  OLD  RANK— CAMP  ARTHUR 
—  "CHAPEL  OF  THE  PREPARATION  "—FASTING  AND  PRAYER — B  AND 
E  COMPANIES  DISBANDED— REVIEW  AND  FLAG  PRESENTATION— EM 
BARKATION  AND  ARRIVAL  IN  NEW  YORK — ROSTER — PHILADELPHIA 
AND  ITS  "  COOPER  SHOP  '' — THE  WAY  IT  STRUCK  THE  CHAPLAIN— 
FROM  BALTIMORE  TO  KALORAMA  HEIGHTS — DESOLATED  KALORAMA — 
FROM  WASHINGTON  TO  UPTON'S  HILL — GENERAL  WADSWORTH. 

ON  the  5th  of  August  the  Field  Officers  advertised  for 
recruits  for  three  years,  and  began  the  work  of  reorgan 
ization.  Many  of  the  original  officers  and  men  of  the 
command  could  not  go  out  again,  and  large  numbers 
were  discharged. 

Lieutenant-Colonel  Gates  had  had  an  interview  with 
the  Secretary  of  War,  before  the  regiment  left  Balti 
more,  wherein  the  Secretary  expressed  a  wish  to  have 
the  regiment  reorganize  for  three  years  or  during  the 
war,  and  agreed  that  it  should  be  re-mustered  as  the 
20th  N.  Y.  S.  M.,  so  that  the  old  officers  should  be  able 
to  serve  under  their  then  existing  commissions.  This 
was  a  very  important  matter,  as  the  welfare  of  the 
regiment  might  be  seriously  affected  by  the  way  in 
which  this  question  should  chance  to  be  settled.  It 
has  already  been  shown  how  Colonel  Jesse  Smith,  who 
happened  to  have  an  older  commission  than  Colonel 
Pratt,  and  therefore  ranked  him,  compelled  the  Twen 
tieth  to  do  guard  and  fatigue  duty  at  Annapolis.  Now 
there  had  gone  into  the  field  from  the  State  of  New 
York,  while  the  Twentieth  was  out  on  its  three  months' 
tour  of  duty,  a  hundred  volunteer  regiments,  the  officers 
of  most  of  which  had  had  little  or  no  experience,  yet 
to  whose  orders  the  officers  and  men  of  the  Twentieth 
would  be  subject,  unless  the  old  commissions  stood. 
Such  a  state  of  things  might  become  very  serious  on  the 

144 


1861.]  CAMP   ARTHUR.  145 

battle-field,  where,  by  reason  of  the  death  or  disability 
of  a  brigade -commander,  a  ranking  colonel  of  the  brig 
ade  should  succeed  to  a  command  he  was  unable  to  ex 
ercise  intelligently,  and  before  higher  authority  could 
interpose  he  might  have  destroyed  or  disgraced  his 
brigade.  Governor  Morgan,  whose  function  it  was  to 
commission  officers  of  New  York  troops,  acquiesced  in 
the  understanding  that  the  Twentieth  should  go  as  the 
20th  N.  Y.  S.  M.,  if  it  would  reorganize  and  return  to 
the  field. 

A  camp  was  established  on  the  parade  ground,  west 
of  the  Plank  Road,  between  Kingston  and  Rondout,  to 
which  was  given  the  name  of  "  Camp  Arthur,"  in  compli 
ment  to  General  C.  A.  Arthur,  late  Collector  of  the  Port 
of  New  York,  and  at  that  time  Engineer-in-Chief  and 
Acting-Quartermaster-General  of  the  State  of  New 
York.  Lieutenant-Colonel  Gates  was  put  in  command 
of  the  camp.  Rigid  discipline  was  enforced  and  drills 
were  going  on  in  squads  by  company  or  by  battalion 
hourly. 

By  the  18th  of  September  there  were  about  450  men 
in  camp,  and  150  more  enrolled.  The  men  in  camp  had 
received  new  uniforms,  and  their  appearance  accelerated 
recruiting.  Lieutenant  John  M.  Schoonmaker,  a  capi 
tal  bureau  officer,  was  Acting- Adjutant ;  Captain  C.  D. 
Westbrook,  Engineer,  and  Dr.  Robert  Loughran,  Sur 
geon. 

The  following  observations  and  Order  are  copied 
from  the  Kingston  Argus  of  September  25th  :  "  A  few 
citizens,  warmly  seconded  by  the  officer  in  command  at 
Camp  Arthur,  have  erected  in  the  camp  a  commodious 
place  of  worship,  to  bear  the  name  of  ' '  Chapel  of  the 
Preparation,"  (Ephesians  vi.,  15).  Services  are  held 
on  Monday,  Wednesday  and  Friday  evenings.  The 
presence  of  several  ladies,  and  their  aid  in  the  singing, 
add  much  to  the  interest  of  the  gathering.  We  copy 
the  following  Order,  issued  on  Monday  : 

io 


146  SAMSON'S  LAST  REVIEW.  [1861. 

HEADQUARTERS  20th  REGIMENT,  N.  Y.  S.  M.,  ) 
Camp  Arthur,  Kingston,  Sept,  23d,  1861.        f 

Special  Order  No.  — 

The  President  of  the  United  States,  having  appoint 
ed  Thursday  next  as  the  day  of  general  fasting  and 
prayer,  there  will  be  religious  services  in  the  Chapel, 
at  these  headquarters,  at  three  o'clock  and  at  seven  and 
one-half  o'clock,  p.  M. 

For  the  purpose  of  enabling  officers  and  soldiers  to 
attend  these  services,  and  to  devote  a  portion  of  the 
day  to  the  purposes  contemplated  by  the  President's 
proclamation,  the  afternoon  drills  will  be  suspended  at 
three  o'clock. 

By  order, 

THEODORE  B.  GATES, 

Lieut.  -  Col.  Com'  ng . 

J.  M.   SCHOONMAKER, 

Post- Adjutant. 

On  the  31st  day  of  August,  B  Company.  Captain 
Sharpe,  and  E  Company,  Lent,  which  companies  had 
not  participated  in  the  reorganization  of  the  regiment, 
were  disbanded  by  orders  from  Brigade  Headquarters, 
for  ' '  not  having  the  required  number  of  men  to  be 
effective  at  this  critical  period  of  our  national  history." 

On  the  18th  day  of  October  General  Samson  re 
viewed  the  Twentieth  for  the  last  time.  The  "  Ellsworth 
Grays,"  a  military  company  from  Poughkeepsie,  was 
present  on  the  occasion,  and  the  crowd  of  spectators 
was  immense.  Ten  days  previous  to  this  event,  the 
regiment  had  visited  Poughkeepsie  by  invitation,  when 
it  was  presented  with  a  beautiful  silk  national  flag. 

On  Friday  afternoon,  October  25th,  1861,  the  tents 
of  Camp  Arthur  were  struck,  the  baggage  sent  off,  and 
at  three  P.M.  the  regiment  was  in  march  for  Rondout, 
on  its  way  to  the  seat  of  war,  987  strong.  Embarking 


1861.]  ROSTER.  147 

on  the  Manhattan,  the  regiment  was  landed  in  New  York 
at  sunrise  next  morning,  and  proceeded  to  the  State 
Arsenal,  where  the  men  were  supplied  with  Enfield  rifles. 
From  thence  the  command  marched  to  the  Park  Barracks, 
where  dinner  was  furnished,  after  which  they  proceeded 
to  Pier  1,  embarked  on  the  John  Potter  and  steamed  to 
Amboy,  where  they  debarked  and  took  cars  for  Wash 
ington,  via  Camden  and  Philadelphia. 

The  regiment  at  this  time  was  officered  as  follows : 
Colonel,  George  W.  Pratt ;  Lieutenant-Colonel,  Theodore 
B.  Gates;  Major,  Jacob  B.  Hardenbergh.  The  staff  offi 
cers  were  Lieutenant  John  M.  Schoonmaker,  Adjutant ; 
Captain  Cornelius  D.  Westbrook,  Engineer  ;  Lieuten 
ant  John  S.  Griffiths,  Quartermaster  ;  Selah  O.  Tu thill, 
Paymaster  ;  Major  Robert  Loughran,  Surgeon  ;  Captain 
Robert  K.  Tuthill,  Assistant- Surgeon  ;  Rev.  Cornelius 
Yan  Santvoord,  D.D.,  Chaplain.  The  line  officers  were  : 
A  Company,  James  Smith,  Captain  ;  Charles  S.  Wilkin 
son,  1st  Lieutenant  ;  Joseph  H.  Harrison,  2d  Lieuten 
ant.  B  Company,  Walter  A.  Yan  Rennselaer,  Captain  ; 
Abram  S.  Smith,  1st  Lieutenant ;  John  R.  Leslie,  2d 
Lieutenant.  C  Company,  John  R.  Tappen,  Captain; 
Andrew  S.  Schutt,  1st  Lieutenant ;  Martin  Snyder,  2d 
Lieutenant.  D  Company,  Daniel  McMahon,  Captain  ; 
Henry  Mick,  1st  Lieutenant ;  James  G.  Wilson,  2d 
Lieutenant.  E  Company,  Peletial  Ward,  Captain  ; 
Albert  S.  Pease,  1st  Lieutenant ;  Edgar  T.  Dudley,  2d 
Lieutenant.  F  Company,  John  S.  Corbin,  Captain  ; 
Nicholas  Hoysradt,  1st  Lieutenant  ;  George  North,  Jr., 
2d  Lieutenant.  G  Company,  J.  Tallma'dge  Hendricks, 
Captain  ;  Wm.  H.  Cunningham,  1st  Lieutenant  ;  James 
M.  Yan  Yalkenburgh,  2d  Lieutenant.  H  Company, 
Abraham  S.  Smith,  Captain  ;  Ely  R.  Dobbs,  1st  Lieu 
tenant  ;  Martin  H.  Swarthout,  2d  Lieutenant.  I  Com 
pany,  James  D.  Balen,  Captain  ;  John  D.  S.  Cook,  1st 
Lieutenant;  Demetrius  J.- France,  2d  Lieutenant.  K 
Company,  Ambrose  N.  Baldwin,  Captain  ;  Alexander 


148  THE  "COOPER  SHOP."  [1861 


McFarland,  1st  Lieutenant ;  John  R.  Horner,  2d  Lieu 
tenant. 

The  regiment  reached  Philadelphia  at  half-past  one 
o'clock  Sunday  morning,  and  as  they  left  the  ferryboat 
that  had  carried  them  over  the  Delaware  River  they 
were  marched  into  an  immense  hall  near  the  wharf r 
called  the  "Cooper  Shop,"  after  Mr.  Cooper,  one  of  the 
originators  of  the  plan  of  operations  there  carried  on. 
In  this  building  tables  were  set  for  the  accommodation 
of  several  hundred  men  at  a  time,  and  these  tables  were 
spread  with  the  best  of  bread,  meat  and  vegetables  in 
abundance,  while  tea  and  coffee  were  furnished  without 
stint.  It  was  one  of  the  kindest  and  most  considerate 
conceptions  for  the  health  and  comfort  of  the  soldiers 
of  any  developed  by  the  war.  It  surprised  the  soldier 
on  his  journey,  and  while  he  was  still  thinking  of  the 
home  comforts  he  felt  it  so  hard  to  dispense  with,  and 
before  he  had  learned  to  be  content  with  army  rations — 
or,  again,  in  coming  home  (for  no  matter  which  way 
the  soldier  was  journeying,  the  Cooper  Shop  was  open  to 
him  with  a  cordial  welcome),  he  enjoyed  the  feast  that 
awaited  him  here,  as  a  harbinger  of  what  would  be 
found  on  the  family  board — it  got  the  taste  of  army  ra 
tions  out  of  one's  mouth,  as  it  were. 

I  will  quote  from  a  letter  written  by  the  Regimental 
Chaplain  to  the  Kingston  Argus,  under  date  of  October 
30th,  to  show  what  he  thought  of  the  Cooper  Shop,  and 
few  men  are  better  judges  than  he  on  such  matters. 
And  I  will  also  let  the  chaplain  tell,  from  the  same  let 
ter,  the  story  of  our  progress  from  Philadelphia  to 
Washington.  He  says  of  the  Cooper  Shop  :  "  Six  tables 
stretching  the  whole  length  of  the  apartment,  and  ample 
enough  to  enable  a  whole  regiment  to  stand  around 
them,  were  loaded  with  refreshments,  furnished  by  the 
hospitality  of  the  city  of  brotherly  love,  thus  proving 
the  name  to  be  fittingly  applied.  And  such  refresh 
ments — excellent  bread  and  delicious  butter,  superb 


1861.]  HOW  IT  STRUCK  THE  CHAPLAIN.  149 

cold  beef  and  ham,  potatoes,  coffee  and  tea,  pickles  of 
various  kinds,  etc.,  urged  upon  all  with  a  persistent 
hospitality  that  seemed  to  receive  rather  than  to  confer 
a  favor.  The  ministry  of  gentle  hands  was  conspicuous, 
as  it  always  is  in  such  scenes  as  this.  Your  corres 
pondent  being  conducted  toward  the  head  of  the  boun 
teous  board,  one  angel  took  his  hat,  another  disrobed 
him  of  his  overcoat,  a  third  took  charge  of  a  package  or 
two,  a  fourth  led  him  to  a  seat  at  the  table,  a  fifth  min 
istered  to  his  wants  while  there.  And  all  with  a  deli 
cacy  and  warmth  of  kindness,  that  brought  forcibly  to 
his  mind  the  pilgrim  of  Bunyan  in  the  Palace  Beautiful, 
with  the  ministry  of  the  fair  sisterhood  there,  refreshing 
and  strengthening  him  for  the  hardships  and  dangers  of 
the  way  that  lay  before  him.  No  wonder  that  the  sol 
diers,  exulting  in  this  goodly  fare,  broke  forth,  company 
after  company,  into  spontaneous  cheers  for  the  city  of 
Philadelphia,  which  made  the  rafters  of  the  building 
fairly  ring  again.  Nor  was  this  ample  cheer  all.  Here 
the  sick  soldiers  are  furnished  with  comfortable  quar 
ters,  and  receive  assiduous  medical  care,  until  able  to  re 
join  their  regiment,  or  failing  this,  are  sent  home,  with 
out  money  and  without  price.  In  addition  to  all,  in  a 
room  overhead,  writing  materials  are  furnished  for  those 
who  may  desire,  during  the  two  or  three  hours  stay  in 
the  city,  to  write  to  their  friends.  Your  correspondent 
was  urged  there  several  times  to  write  home,  which, 
though  much  fatigued,  and  the  hour  being  two  o'clock 
in  the  morning,  he  finally  did,  to  show  at  least  how 
much  he  valued  such  attention  and  kindness.  When 
the  letter  was  written  and  enclosed,  they  refused  even  to 
let  him  pay  for  the  stamp.  All  hail  to  the  city  of  Phila 
delphia,  for  such  princely  generosity,  continued  so  long, 
and  yet  rendered  not  only  without  grudging  or  com 
plaint,  but  rejoicingly  !  It  will  prove  a  noble  and  last 
ing  monument  to  her  honor. 

"Leaving  the  good  city  about  4A.M.,  the   regiment 


150  BALTIMORE  TO  KALORAMA.  [1861. 

reached  Baltimore  at  nearly  noon  of  the  same  day — a 
slow  passage — but  the  length  of  our  train  and  an  in 
ferior  locomotive  made  slowness  well-nigh  a  necessity. 
I  was  curious  to  scan  the  faces  of  the  populace  in  a  city 
kept  submissive  and  peaceful  only  by  the  mighty  mar 
tial  arm  of  the  Government.  As  we  entered  Baltimore 
there  was  no  enthusiasm  apparent,  no  cheers,  perhaps 
because  the  people  feared  to  violate  the  Sabbath  by  un 
seemly  demonstrations — little  waving  of  handkerchiefs, 
and  not  many  smiling  faces,  such  as  we  saw  everywhere 
farther  north.  Stern  and  scowling  faces  were  plenty 
enough,  seeming  to  say  :  "  Yes,  ye  Northern  hordes,  we 
tolerate  you  because  we  must,  but  our  day  will  come  to 
sweep  you  from  the  soil  ye  profane— beware  of  that 
day  !"  We  will  beware  of  it,  bat  it  never  will  come. 
The  only  hope  of  Baltimore  is  adhesion  to  the  Union 
and  loyalty.  If  she  disregard  this,  and  persist  in  har 
boring  treasonable  and  rebellious  designs,  ready  ever  to 
break  forth  into  open  hostility  to  the  Government  ;  her 
glory  is  departed  and  her  doom  is  sealed.  No  clear 
sighted  citizen,  not  blinded  by  passion,  can  fail  to  see 
this.  Would  that  they  all  saw  it,  that  this  fine  city  might 
find  its  prosperity  restored,  and  become  in  all  future 
times  one  of  the  bulwarks  of  the  Union,  and  a  terror  to 
rebels  and  rebellion -hatchers  of  every  name  and  de 
gree. 

"  The  regiment  marched  through  the  streets  some  mile 
and  a  half  to  the  depot  of  the  Baltimore  &  Ohio  Rail 
road,  without  the  smallest  molestation  or  annoyance. 
We  found  little  aid  or  comfort,  however,  in  the  way  of 
refreshment  and  cheer,  and  left  for  Washington  between 
3  and  4  o'clock  P.M. — traveling  on  the  Sabbath,  except 
when  unavoidable,  should  be  sternly  frowned  upon.  I 
believe,  with  Sir  Matthew  Hale,  that  prosperity  and  a 
strict  observance  of  the  Lord's  day,  are,  as  a  general 
rule,  inseparable.  In  our  case,  necessity  was  laid  upon 
us  to  proceed  at  once  to  our  destination.  And  as  be- 


1861.]  DESOLATED  KALORAMA.  151 

tween  the  evil  of  remaining  over  Sunday  in  one  of  the 
large  cities  on  our  route,  and  that  of  going  right  on,  the 
latter  was  certainly  the  lesser.  It  was  such  a  Sabbath 
as  I  hope  not  to  spend  again,  with  little  to  remind  one 
of  the  sanctity  of  the  day.  In  the  officers'  car,  however, 
some  familiar  religious  songs  were  sung,  and  well  sung  ; 
a  few  remarks  made,  and  a  prayer  offered  ;  and  this 
constituted  all  our  religious  service  for  the  day.  We 
arrived  in  Washington  about  9  P.M.  The  men  were 
marched  into  barracks  prepared  for  their  accommoda 
tion,  while  the  officers  were  allowed  to  choose  their  own 
quarters  for  the  night  in  the  town.  The  next  morning 
at  9  o'clock  the  20th  took  up  its  line  of  march  for  our 
present  quarters,  Kalorama  Heights,  about  a  mile  and  a 
half  from  the  White  House — the  same  position  occupied 
by  the  Ellsworth  Regiment,  till  its  removal  a  few  days 
ago  over  the  Potomac.  Our  regiment  marched  in  com 
ing  here,  up  the  length  of  Pennsylvania  avenue  to  21st 
street,  in  full  dress.  I  scanned  them  closely  on  their 
march  through  the  city,  and  must  aver  that  a  finer  look 
ing  body  of  troops,  hardly  excepting  the  Ellsworth 
Regiment,  has  not  left  New  York  for  the  war.  Ulster 
County  had  reason  to  be  proud  of  her  "Guard."  All 
that  is  needed  is  a  longer  and  more  effective  drill  to 
make  the  regiment  a  noble  one,  fully  ready  for  a  vigor 
ous  part  in  suppressing  this  infamous  rebellion.  Its 
officers,  from  our  honored  colonel,  indefatigable  in  atten 
tion  to  his  duties,  to  the  various  subordinates,  are  intel 
ligent,  gentlemanly,  and  well  instructed,  and  are  at  once 
worthy  men  and  agreeable  associates.  But  this  letter  is 
already  too  long,  and  at  this  breathing  place  I  bid  you, 
for  the  present,  adieu." 

Soon  after  the  regiment  settled  down  on  Kalorama 
Heights  each  officer  and  man  was  presented  with  a  copy 
of  the  Testament  and  Psalms,  neatly  bound  together,  a 
gift  from  the  Ulster  County  Bible  Society,  and  very  ac 
ceptable  to  most  of  the  recipients. 


152  MARCH  TO  UPTON'S  HILL.  [1861. 

Kalorama  Heights  was  not  long  ago  the  site  of  a 
fashionable  residence,  and  the  scene  of  many  social 
gatherings  of  Washington's  elite.  The  family  mansion 
was  large  and  pleasant,  and  the  grounds  around  it  were 
extensive  and  well  laid  out,  with  a  porter's  lodge  and  a 
circuitous  drive  among  the  trees  from  the  gate  to  the 
house. 

But  the  tramp  of  thousands  of  infantry,  the  iron 
hoofs  of  troops  of  cavalry,  and  the  crushing  wheels  of 
artillery  and  army  wagons  have  taken  all  the  beauty 
out  of  the  grounds  of  desolated  Kalorama,  while  the 
noble  mansion,  where  wealth  and  domestic  comfort  once 
reigned,  now  resounded  to  the  jingle  of  spurs  and  the 
clank  of  sabres. 

On  the  seventh  of  November  orders  came  for  the 
Twentieth  to  cross  the  Potomac,  via  Chain  Bridge,  and 
report  to  General  McDowell,  Arlington  House,  Virginia. 
By  the  latter' s  orders  we  proceeded  to  Upton's  Hill 
and  reported  to  General  Wadsworth,  into  whose  brigade 
we  were  incorporated. 

Chain  Bridge  is  about  seven  miles  north  of  Washing 
ton,  while  Upton's  Hill  is  eight  miles  west  of  that  city, 
so  that  in  reaching  our  destination,  via  Chain  Bridge, 
we  marched  along  the  easterly  side  of  a  triangle  to  the 
bridge,  and  thence  along  the  westerly  side  of  Upton's 
Hill,  making  a  total  distance  marched  of  about  fifteen 
miles.  Why  we  were  not  allowed  to  cross  the  long 
bridge,  or  Aqueduct  bridge,  I  never  knew. 

It  became  dark  before  reaching  our  destination,  and 
as  we  were  in  the  enemy's  country,  and  knew  nothing 
whatever  of  our  surroundings,  the  men  were  ordered  to 
load  their  pieces,  and  the  march,  for  the  last  two  or  three 
miles,  was  made  with  the  circumspection  necessary 
when  troops  are  liable  to  be  attacked.  But,  fortunately, 
the  only  armed  men  we  found  that  night  were  Union 
soldiers,  and  of  these  there  were  a  great  many,  en 
camped  along  a  line  running  nearly  parallel  with  the  Po- 


1861.]  GEN.   JAMES    8.    WADSWORTH.  153 

tomac,  and  embracing  the  high  ridge  which  includes  in 
its  general  course  Hall's,  Upton's,  Munson's  and  Mason's 
hills,  on  the  second  of  which  hills  we  found  General 
Wadsworth's  brigade,  at  nine  o'clock  in  the  evening. 

Officers  and  men  were  glad  to  hear  the  command 
"halt  !  "  for  the  march  had  been  a  long  and  fatiguing 
one,  and  they  were  tired,  hungry  and  thirsty.  Not  one 
of  us  knew  anything  about  the  commander  into  whose 
hands  we  had  just  fallen,  and  the  locality  was  a  perfect 
terra  incognita  to  all  of  us.  We  knew  we  had  reached 
our  destination,  because  we  were  halted  by  a  guard 
drawn  up  across  the  road  in  front  of  us,  and  an  officer 
directed  us  to  file  to  the  left,  into  an  open  field,  and 
bivouac.  We  marched  into  the  field,  and  went  to  work 
in  the  darkness,  to  make  ourselves  as  comfortable  as  pos 
sible,  but  the  command  was  by  no  means  in  an  amia 
ble  mood.  Each  officer  and  man  knew  we  had  marched 
fifteen  miles  to  reach  a  point  less  than  eight  from  our 
starting  place,  and  that  there  were  two  routes  no  more 
than  half  as  far  as  the  one  we  had  been  required  to  take, 
and  the  consequence  was  we  had  arrived  at  our  destina 
tion  too  late  to  cook  coffee  or  make  any  arrangements 
for  a  comfortable  night's  rest. 

But  this  feeling  underwent  a  very  sudden  and  unex 
pected  change.  Lanterns  were  seen  approaching  from 
what  appeared  to  be  a  house,  a  few  hundred  feet  west 
of  us,  and  a  kind,  cheery  voice  called  out,  u  Twentieth, 
where  are  you  ?"  The  interlocutor  was  Brigadier- Gen 
eral  James  S.  Wadsworth,  who  captured  the  affections 
of  the  entire  command  by  his  evident  anxiety  for  their 
comfort  and  by  the  practical  way  in  which  he  mani 
fested  it.  He  had  the  men  supplied  with  fuel,  and  the 
whole  regiment  was  furnished  with  an  abundance  of 
splendid  hot  coffee,  which  he  had  had  prepared  for  it  as 
soon  as  its  approach  was  announced  at  his  headquarters. 
He  did  not  turn  this  good  work  over  to  some  of  subor 
dinate  officers  and  get  back  into  his  comfortable  house, 


154  THE    "ULSTER   GUARD."  [1861. 

out  of  the  chill  November  air,  but  he  personally  super 
intended  it,  and  left  only  when  he  was  assured  the 
men  were  properly  provided  for ;  many  a  poor  fellow 
went  to  sleep  that  night  blessing  General  Wadsworth, 
and  congratulating  himself  that  his  regiment  had  been 
assigned  to  his  brigade. 

This  example  of  consideration  for  the  men  over 
whom  he  was  placed  was  by  no  means  exceptional. 
He  was  the  commander  not  only,  but  he  was  also  the 
watchful  friend  of  the  officers  and  men  in  his  brigade. 
There  was  no  matter  too  trivial  for  his  ready  personal 
attention,  if  it  concerned  the  health  or  comfort  of  his 
men.  The  guard-house,  the  kitchens,  the  sinks,  the 
stables  ;  all  were  frequently  subjected  to  his  inspection 
and  required  to  be  kept  in  the  cleanest  and  best  possi 
ble  condition.  The  writer  of  this  has  been  aroused  by 
General  Wadsworth  at  four  o'  clock  of  a  winter' s  morn 
ing,  and  requested  to  accompany  him  in  a  tour  of  the 
camp,  to  see  if  the  men's  huts  were  properly  warmed 
and  ventilated,  and  many  a  soldier  of  the  Twentieth  was 
surprised,  on  being  awakened  in  the  short  hours  of  the 
morning,  at  seeing  his  gray -headed  Brigade-Comman 
der  and  his  Lieutenant-Colonel  inspecting  his  stove  and 
chimney  and  sniffing  the  air  of  his  hut,  as  though  they 
suspected  he  had  the  choicest  stores  of  the  commissary 
and  quartermaster's  departments  hidden  away  in  the 
capacious  recesses  of  his  eight  by  ten  palace.  General 
Wadsworth  would  stand  in  the  snow  and  mud 
for  hours  at  a  time,  instructing  the  men  how  to  build 
rude  fireplaces  and  chimneys,  and  he  was  especially 
exacting  in  regard  to  the  stables.  He  was  a  lover  of 
good  horses,  and  he  believed  the  brute  deserved  a  good 
dwelling-place,  and  that  he  should  be  well  fed  and 
kindly  treated. 

General  Wadsworth  was  a  graduate  of  Yale  College, 
and  was  distinguished  for  his  scholarly  attainments.  He 
entered  upon  the  study  of  law,  and  completed  his  legal 


1861.]  GENEKAL  WAD8WORTH.  155 

course  under  the  supervision  of  Daniel  Webster,  and, 
in  1833,  was  admitted  to  the  bar,  but  he  never  entered 
upon  the  practice  of  the  profession,  and  probably  had 
never  intended  to.  His  vast  landed  estates  in  Western 
New  York  gave  him  an  occupation  more  congenial  to 
his  tastes.  He  brought  to  the  pursuit  of  agriculture  a 
mind  stored  with  all  the  knowledge  that  is  required  for 
a  successful  career  as  a  farmer  in  the  highest  and  best 
acceptation  of  the  term.  Agriculture  with  him  was  a 
science,  and  conducted  as  such  he  found  both  pleasure 
and  profit  in  the  pursuit.  He  was  distinguished  for  his 
liberality,  and  the  tenants  on  his  broad  acres  found 
him  a  most  generous  and  considerate  landlord.  When 
ever  great  calamities  befel  people  anywhere,  James  S. 
Wadsworth  was  among  the  earliest  and  most  liberal 
benefactors.  He  furnished  a  ship-load  of  food  at  his 
own  expense,  and  sent  it  to  Ireland  in  the  days  of  the 
great  famine  there. 

He  was  a  Republican  in  politics,  and  had  been  twice 
tendered  the  nomination  for  Governor  of  his  State,  but 
declined  to  be  a  candidate.  When  the  Rebellion  broke 
out,  General  Wadsworth,  then  being  in  private  life, 
chartered  two  ships,  and  freighting  them  with  provisions 
sailed  to  Annapolis,  Md.,  to  provide  for  the  militia,  then 
hurrying  forward  to  the  Capital.  He  forsaw  that  the 
Government  was  unprepared  to  meet  this  want,  and 
his  ever-active  sympathy  for  his  kind  suggested  the 
possibility  of  suffering  among  the  men  who  were  hurry 
ing  to  the  front,  and  the  next  thing  for  General  Wads- 
worth  to  do  was  to  provide,  at  his  own  expense,  against 
the  threatened  danger. 

When  the  army  advanced,  in  June,  1861,  Wads- 
worth,  then  being  fifty-four  years  of  age,  volunteered 
upon  the  staff  of  General  McDowell.  His  chief  says  of 
him  :  ' '  The  latter,  who  does  me  the  honor  to  be  on  my 
personal  staff,  had  a  horse  shot  from  under  him,  in  the 
thickest  of  the  fight."  He  had  heretofore  declined  a 


156  THE  "ULSTER  GUARD."  |1861. 

commission,  but  he  now  accepted  the  appointment  of 
Brigadier- General  of  volunteers,  and  was  assigned  to 
command  of  the  brigade  lying  at  Upton's  Hill.  We 
shall  have  occasion  to  speak  of  him  hereafter,  as  our 
history  progresses. 


CHAPTER    X. 

UPTON'S  HILL  AND  ITS  SURROUNDINGS — FALL'S  CHURCH  AND  ITS  INTER 
ESTING  ASSOCIATIONS — WASHINGTON,  LEE,  FAIRFAX-A  MEMORIAL  TAB- 
LET — THE  GRAVEYARD  BECOMES  THE  RESTING-PLACE  OF  SOME  MEM- 
HE  RS  OF  THE  TWENTIETH — THOUGHTS  SUGGESTED  BY  AN  OLD  CHURCH 
KDIFICE — A  REGIMENTAL  SCRUBBING  PARTY— MAGNIFICENT  WEATHER 
LOCALITY  IN  POSSESSION  OF  REBELS — THEY  FALL  BACK  BEFO  RE- 
FEDERALS — BARRICADED  ROADS— REBEL  POSITION  DURING  AUTUMN  A1?I> 
WINTER  OF  1861-2— HOW  THE  REGIMENT  WAS  EMPLOYED — MURDER. 
ALONG  THE  PICKET  LINE — "THE  PICKET  GUARD" — FORAGING — CAP 
TURE  OF  A  PARTY — DIVISION  DRILL  AND  AN  ALARM  FROM  THE  FRONT 
— THE  TWENTIETH  SENT  FORWARD — GRAND  REVIEWS — ARE  WE  NOW 
TO  MARCH — STILL  STATIONARY — DEATHS — WADSWORTIl'S  BRIGADE — 
QUEER  NEW  YEAR'S  CELEBRATION — A  DINNER  PARTY — NEW  GUNS — A 
FLAG  OF  TRUCE  AND  WHAT  WAS  SAID  OF  IT — HANGING  AS  A  CURE  FOR 
TREASON— ALARM  ON  THE  PICKET  LINE — WELCOME  VISITORS— A  riWORD 
PRESENTATION — HALLELUJAH  !  THE  ARMY  MOVES — MUSIC  AND  BAN 
NERS  AND  MARCHING  TROOPS — CENTREVILLE  AND  WOODEN  GUNS. 

THERE  are  two  rugged  ascents  between  the  Potomac 
and  the  crown  of  Upton' s  Hill.  The  first  occurs  immedi 
ately  after  crossing  the  river,  and  is  short  but  steep  ; 
then,  having  ascended  it,  a  broad  plain  stretches  out  to 
ward  the  west,  four  or  five  miles,  broken  here  and  there 
by  gentle  undulations,  until  it  reaches  the  range  of 
hills  heretofore  spoken  of.  The  general  course  of  this 
range  is  north  and  south,  but  Upton's  Hill  is  thrown 
considerably  to  the  front  of  Hall's  and  is  slightly  in  ad 
vance  of  Munson's  ;  Hall's  is  northeast  of  Upton's,  and 
Munson's  is  about  south.  Between  these  hills  the  coun 
try  falls  to  nearly  the  level  of  the  plain  above  the  Poto 
mac,  but  the  intervals  are  narrow,  and  a  cannon  posted 
on  Upton's  could  send  a  shot  to  the  summit  of  either  of 
its  neighbors.  From  the  top  of  Munson's  Hill  the  dome 
of  the  Capitol  may  be  seen,  and  from  this  "coign  of 
vantage"  the  rebels  unfurled  their  flag  after  the  first 

157 


158  UPTON'S  HILL  AND  SURROUNDINGS.  [1861. 

Battle  of  Bull  Run,  and  thousands  gazed  upon  the  dis 
loyal  emblem  from  the  Capitol  dome,  and  many  trembled 
lest  it  should  be  borne  into  the  very  streets  of  Wash 
ington. 

Along  the  westerly  rim  of  Upton's  Hill  was  a  fresh 
ly  constructed  earth-work,  called  Fort  Upton.  It  was 
a  substantial  cover  for  men  and  guns  in  case  of  an 
attack,  and  was  one  of  that  class  of  works  which  the 
experience  of  the  war  proved  to  be  the  best  that  could 
be  constructed.  The  work  itself  was  protected  by  a 
line  of  well-set  abattis,  very  difficult  for  an  assaulting 
party  to  pass,  and  between  that  and  the  fort  was  a  wide 
and  deep  moat.  Within  the  work  a  few  guns  were 
mounted,  to  sweep  the  approaches  from  the  direction  of 
Fairfax  or  Vienna.  General  Wadsworth's  headquar 
ters  were  in  the  Upton  mansion,  just  behind  the  fort, 
and  the  encampment  of  the  Twentieth  extended  to 
within  a  few  feet  of  the  base  of  the  fort  and  the  gener 
al's  house.  Three  miles  in  our  rear,  toward  Washing 
ton,  was  "  Ball's  X  Roads,  "  and  about  an  equal  dis 
tance  to  the  south,  towards  Alexandria,  was  the  more 
celebrated  "Bailey's  X  Roads " —Alexandria  itself 
lying  live  miles  farther  to  the  southward. 

The  rebels  had  occupied  the  entire  country  above 
mentioned  soon  after  the  first  battle  of  Bull  Run,  and 
continued  to  hold  it  until  the  latter  part  of  September, 
1861.  They  had  had  a  battery  planted  on  Upton's  Hill, 
and  had  undisputed  possession  of  the  surrounding  coun 
try.  When  the  Union  troops  began  to  advance,  the 
rebels  gradually  fell  back,  without  fighting,  but  they 
burned  some  of  the  houses  in  the  neighborhood  upon 
suspicion  that  their  owners  were  Union  men. 

As  the  rebels  retired,  they  effectually  barricaded  the 
roads  leading  to  Fairfax  Court  House,  which  there 
after  became  their  advanced  post,  with  their  picket  line 
along  the  woods  on  the  westerly  side  of  the  ridge  here 
tofore  mentioned,  some  two  miles  beyond  Fall's  Church. 


1861.]  FALL'S  CHURCH  AXD  ITS  ASSOCIATIONS.  159 

Fairfax  C.  H.  was  but  eight  miles  from  Pall's  Church, 
and  Vienna,  where  the  enemy  had  a  strong  force  posted, 
was  only  six  miles  northwest  of  Upton's  Hill.  The  reb 
el  picket  line  extended  from  the  Potomac  river,  two 
miles  above  the  Great  Falls,  in  a  due  south  course, 
to  the  Occuquan  river,  which  empties  into  the  Potomac, 
at  High  Point,  ten  miles  below  Mount  Vernon.  A  refer 
ence  to  the  map  of  Virginia  will  show  that  this  line  in 
tersected  every  road  leading  from  Washington  or  Alex 
andria  into  Virginia,  and  that  no  advance  could  be 
made  by  the  Union  troops,  occupying  the  cut  de  sac, 
formed  by  the  bend  of  the  Potomac,  without  striking 
this  picket  line  within  ten  miles  of  Washington. 

Three  miles  in  front  of  Upton's  Hill  is  a  continuous 
and  uniform  ridge,  of  about  the  height  of  Upton's  Hill, 
running  nearly  north  and  south,  wooded  on  the  easterly 
side,  and  which  constituted,  during  the  fall  and  winter 
of  1861-2,  the  picket  ground  of  the  Union  army. 

Nestling  among  trees  and  shrubbery,  in  the  plain  be 
tween  Upton's  Hill  and  the  ridge  beyond,  is  the  little 
hamlet  of  Fall's  Church,  the  only  thing  of  interest 
about  which  is  the  Protestant  Episcopal  Church  ;  and 
not  simply  because  it  is  a  church,  but  because  it  is  evi 
dently  a  very  ancient  one  ;  and  the  sexton  told  us 
George  Washington  used  sometimes  to  worship  there, 
and  pointed  out  the  pew  which  belonged  to  him. 

The  village  contained  one  tavern,  three  churches 
(Baptist,  Presbyterian  and  Episcopalian),  two  black 
smiths',  one  carriage  and  one  paint  shop,  two  stores, 
one  grocery,  and  about  twenty  dwelling  houses.  The 
place  derived  its  name  from  the  Episcopal  church, 
which  is  built  of  bricks  imported  from  England,  and  is 
said  to  have  been  erected  in  1760.  It  is  a  plain,  square 
building,  with  two  tiers  of  windows  on  each  side ;  the 
upper  ones  surmounted  by  semi-circular  fan  lights.  It 
had  doubtless  been  designed  to  construct  a  gallery,  but 
the  wants  of  the  community  have  never  required  it, 


Ig0  MEMORIAL    TABLET.  [1861. 

and  the  effect  of  this  arrangement  of  windows  is  rather 
grotesque.  The  chancel  is  slightly  raised  above  the 
main  floor,  at  the  east  end  of  the  building,  and  is  sur 
rounded  by  a  modest  railing.  The  rector's  desk  is  a 
very  plain  inclosure,  and  the  entire  structure  is  in 
primitive  simplicity.  In  one  of  the  walls  are  three 
tablets,  one  containing  the  Creed,  one  the  Lord's 
Prayer,  and  the  other  the  Ten  Commandments.  At  the 
right  of  the  desk  is  another  tablet,  erected  to  the 
memory  of  one  of  the  patrons  of  the  church,  and  bear 
ing  this  inscription : 

"  HENRY  FAIRFAX, 

AN  ACCOMPLISHED  GENTLEMAN — AN  UPRIGHT  MAGISTRATE — A  SINCERE 

CHRISTIAN. 

DIED  IN  COMMAND  OF  THE 
FAIRFAX    VOLUNTEERS, 

AT    SALTILLO,  MEXICO. 
ON  THE  14TH  DAY  OF  AUGUST,  1847. 

But  for  his  munificence  this  church  might  still  have  been  a  ruin.  " 

There  is,  to  the  minds  of  most  people,  a  sanctity  about 
an  ancient  church  edifice  that  begets  a  feeling  of  vener 
ation  and  respect,  which  involuntarily  induces  them  to 
tread  lightly  on  its  time-worn  floor,  and  treat  with  rev 
erence  its  venerable  shrine.  For  a  hundred  years  de 
vout  men  and  women  have  gathered  within  its  mouldy 
walls,  as  Sunday  after  Sunday  have  dawned  upon  their 
quiet  hamlet,  and  offered  up  to  the  Christian's  God, 
the  prayers  and  thanksgiving  of  a  God-fearing  people. 
Here  have  the  marriages  of  their  children,  for  genera 
tions,  been  solemnized,  by  the  beautiful  form  of  the 
Protestant  Episcopal  Church  ;  here  have  the  infants 
been  baptized  ;  and  here  have  been  pronounced  the 
solemn  services  of  the  Church  over  the  hundreds  of 
forms  now  mouldering  in  the  adjacent  graveyard.  In 
fancy,  youth,  maturity,  old  age — marriage,  life,  death 
—the  highest  joys  and  the  keenest  griefs,  have  been 


1861.]  THE   GKAVEYARD.  161 

experienced  within  the  walls  of  this  old  edifice. 
It  is  the  treasury  of  a  thousand  precious  recollections. 
It  is  the  gate-way  through  which  men  and  women  for 
ages  have  first  approached  the  mercy-seat  and  learned 
the  way  to  life  everlasting.  And  when  added  to  these 
associations,  which  are  common  to  every  old  church, 
was  the  additional  circumstance,  that  "  The  Father  of 
his  Country"  had  worshipped  here  a  hundred  years 
ago,  the  quaint  and  moss-grown  edifice  was  very  pre 
cious  in  the  esteem  of  most  of  us.  But  some  of  our 
men,  not  having  their  feelings  touched  by  such  con 
siderations,  and  probably  ignorant  of  the  history  of  the 
old  building,  defaced  its  walls  by  writing  their  names 
and  company  and  regiment  upon  them,  while  doing 
picket  duty  in  the  vicinity.  It  \*as  evidently  not  done 
with  a  bad  motive,  or  a  design  to  commit  an  act  of 
desecration,  else  they  would  not  have  furnished  evi 
dence  to  convict  themselves,  as  they  did,  by  writing 
their  own  names.  The  colonel  soon  learned  what  had 
been  done,  and  he  ordered  the  guilty  parties  to  provide 
themselves  with  scrubbing  brushes,  and  soap  and 
water,  and  to  repair  to  the  church  and  expunge  the 
evidences  of  their  ability  to  write.  They  did  it  effectu 
ally  and  neatly,  and  when  the  Twentieth  bade  farewell 
to  Upton's  Hill,  the  old  church  looked  as  solemn  and 
decorous  as  it  had  any  time  during  the  last  hundred 
years.  May  it  survive  until  the  trumpet  of  the  arch 
angel  shall  arouse  the  sleepers  who  repose  in  the  ground 
around  its  foundations  ! 

In  the  adjacent  graveyard  were  the  graves  of  nine 
teen  rebel  soldiers,  killed  in  sundry  skirmishes  here 
about.  To  these  were  added  many  graves  of  Union 
soldiers,  during  the  time  the  army  occupied  that  neigh 
borhood.  The  Twentieth  made  its  first  interment  there 
on  the  9th  of  December,  1861,  the  deceased  being  pri 
vate  William  Cator,  of  G  Company.  He  was  not  more 
than  19  years  old,  and  came  from  Roxbury,  Delaware 


162  MURDER   ON   THE   PICKET    LINE.  [1861. 

County,  N.  Y.,  where  his  father,  a  man  of  respectability 
and  in  easy  circumstances,  resides.  Young  Gator's  dis 
ease  was  rapid  consumption,  which  skill  of  physician 
or  nursing  of  sympathetic  friends  could  not  stay.  He 
was  buried  with  military  honors,  most  of  the  officers 
-attending  the  ceremony. 

From  the  time  of  our  arrival  at  Upton's  Hill  down 
to  the  last  day  of  December,  the  weather  was  magnifi 
cent  ;  days  of  clear,  bright  sunshine  and  nights  of 
star-lit  glory  ;  an  atmosphere  as  soft  and  balmy  as 
the  month  of  May,  in  the  latitude  of  the  Hudson,  with 
just  enough  of  autumn  in  it  to  give  the  blood  a  gentle 
acceleration,  and  to  make  brisk  exercise  a  pleasure.  At 
any  time,  down  to  the  end  of  December,  it  was  a  luxury 
to  mount  without  overcoat,  and  canter  ten  miles  over 
the  dry,  hard  roads,  that  seemed  to  invite  a  movement 
of  the  army. 

Company,  battalion  and  brigade  drills  were  frequent 
and  thorough,  and  occupied  most  of  the  time  of  officers 
and  men,  except  when  on  picket  duty.  General  Wads- 
worth  was  required  to  picket  about  three  miles  of  the 
line  in  front  of  Fall's  Church,  and  this  duty  was  done 
alternately  by  the  different  regiments  of  his  brigade ; 
each  regiment  marching  with  two  days'  cooked  rations, 
and  staying  out  forty-eight  hours,  or  until  relieved. 
Alarms  were  frequent  on  the  picket  line,  and  shots 
were  often  exchanged  between  the  Rebel  and  Union 
pickets.  The  picket  line  is  not  intended  as  a  line 
of  battle,  but  only  as  an  alarm  line  in  case  of  an  ad 
vance  of  the  enemy,  and  to  administer,  if  necessary, 
a  temporary  check  to  such  advance,  but  during  the 
early  months  of  the  war  hundreds  of  Union  soldiers 
were  murdered  on  the  picket  line.  The  burden  of  the 
newspaper  report,  day  after  day,  was,  ' '  All  quiet  along 
the  Potomac,"  and  this  was  but  too  true  as  to  the  army, 
but  it  was  bitterly  false  as  to  the  picket  line.  To  how 
many  sad  households  and  to  how  many  old  veterans 


1861.]  THE  PICKET   GUARD.  163 

will  the  following  poem  recall  incidents  at  "  the  front," 
and  blighted  domestic  joys  at  the  home  far  away,  in  the 
rear: 

THE  PICKET  GUARD. 

"  All  quiet  along  the  Potomac,"  they  say, 

Except  now  and  then  a  stray  picket 
Is  shot  as  he  walks  on  his  beat,  to  and  fro, 

By  a  rifleman  hid  in  the  thicket. 
'Tis  nothing;  a  private  or  two  now  and  then 

"Will  not  count  in  the  news  of  the  battle.  1 
Not  an  officer  lost — only  one  of  the  men 

Moaning  out,  all  alone,  the  death-rattle. 

All  quiet  along  the  Potomac  to-night 

Where  the  soldiers  lie  peacefully  dreaming, 
Their  tents  in  the  rays  of  the  clear  autumn  moon, 

Or  the  light  of  the  watch-fires  are  gleaming. 
A  tremulous  sigh,  as  the  gentle  night  wind 

Through  the  forest-leaves  softly  is  creeping. 
While  stars  up  above  with  their  glittering  eyes 

Keep  guard — for  the  army  is  sleeping. 

There's  only  the  sound  of  the  lone  sentry's  tread, 

As  he  tramps  from  the  rock  to  the  fountain, 
And  thinks  of  the  two  in  the  low  trundle-bed 

Far  away  in  the  cot  on  the  mountain. 
His  musket  falls  slack,  his  face,  dark  and  grim, 

Grows  gentle  with  memories  tender, 
As  he  mutters  a  prayer  for  the  children  asleep — 

For  their  mother — may  Heaven  defend  her! 

The  moon  seems  to  shine  just  as  bright  as  then, 

That  night  when  the  love  yet  unspoken 
Leaped  up  to  his  lips,  when  low  murmured  vows 

Were  pledged  to  be  ever  unbroken. 
Then,  drawing  his  sleeve  roughly  over  his  eyes, 

He  dashes  off  tears  that  are  welling, 
And  gathers  his  gun  closer  up  to  its  place, 

As  if  to  keep  down  the  heart  swelling. 

He  passes  the  fountain,  the  blasted  pine  tree, 

His  footstep  is  lagging  and  weary, 
Yet  onward  he  goes  through  the  broad  belt  of  light 

Towards  the  shades  of  the  forest  so  dreary. 
Hark!  was  it  the  night-wind  that  rustled  the  leaves? 

Was  it  moonlight  so  wrondrously  flashing? 
It  looked  like  a  rifle — "  Ah!  darling,  good-bye! '' 

And  the  life-blood  is  ebbing  and  plashing. 

All  quiet  along  the  Potomac  to-night. 

No  sound  save  the  rush  of  the  river, 
While  soft  falls  the  dew  on  the  face  of  the  dead— 

The  picket 's  off  duty  forever  ' 


164  ALARM  FROM  THE  FRONT.  [1861, 

General  Wadsworth  was  very  restless  under  the  in 
action  of  the  army,  and  occasionally  obtained  consent 
from  headquarters  to  send  out  a  foraging  party  through 
the  enemy's  lines.  One  such  party,  commanded  by  the 
general  in  person,  and  embracing  the  bulk  of  his  brig 
ade,  with  about  thirty  army  wagons,  proceeded  at  day 
break  to  the  vicinity  of  Vienna,  and  there  entering  fields 
where  the  corn  had  just  been  cut,  and  in  full  view  of 
the  rebel  post  at  Vienna,  proceeded  to  load  our  wagons 
and  march  away  with  the  valuable  prize,  without  moles 
tation. 

But  sometimes  the  rebels  gave  us  a  Roland  for  our 
Oliver.  In  the  latter  part  of  November,  a  detachment  of 
fifty  men  from  the  30th  N.  Y.  V.,  (not  in  Wadsworth' s 
brigade)  lying  near  us,  went  out  on  a  foraging  expedi 
tion,  and  after  loading  their  wagons,  stacked  their  arms, 
and  entered  the  house  of  a  Mr.  Dulin,  to  enjoy  one 
u  square  meal."  While  engaged  in  this  novel  and  de 
lightful  occupation,  a  body  of  rebel  cavalry  swept  down 
upon  them,  and  gobbled  up  twenty-eight  of  their  num 
ber,  including  Captain  Lanriing,  of  Troy,  and  Lieuten 
ant  Andrews,  of  Saratoga  Springs.  These  gentlemen 
had  a  very  practical  application  of  the  trite  proverb, 
that  "eternal  vigilance  is  the  price  of  liberty,"  es 
pecially  while  foraging  in  the  enemy's  country. 

Before  we  had  fairly  recovered  from  the  exciting 
effects  of  this  untoward  event,  another  and  a  still  more 
agitating  episode  threw  the  whole  division  into  commo 
tion.  The  division  was  on  drill  on  the  plain,  south  of 
Munson's  Hill,  General  McDowell  being  in  command, 
when  a  report  came  to  him  that  the  pickets  of  the  Four 
teenth  Brooklyn  had  been  driven  in  and  many  of  the 
regiment  killed  and  wounded — that  the  enemy  was  in 
large  force  and  threatening  the  Union  works.  General 
McDowell  at  once  ordered  several  regiments,  the  Twen 
tieth  among  the  number,  to  proceed  with  all  dispatch  to 
the  point  of  attack,  which  was  a  short  distance  west  of 


ARE  WE   NOW   TO  MARCH?  165 

Fall's  Church.  Before  the  re-enforcements  could  reach 
the  ground,  the  danger  had  passed,  by  the  withdrawal 
of  the  enemy,  whose  forces  consisted  of  cavalry,  and 
the  pursuit  of  which  by  infantry  would  have  been  use 
less.  The  casualties  to  the  Fourteenth  proved  much 
less  serious  than  they  were  at  lirst  reported  to  be. 
Their  loss  was  two  men  killed  and  ten  taken  prisoners. 

On  the  fourteenth  of  December,  General  McDowell 
accompanied  by  Governor  Morgan,  of  New  York,  re 
viewed  his  division  on  the  plain  near  Ball's  Cross  Roads. 
The  troops  looked  well  and  the  marching  was  admir 
able.  Both  General  and  Governor  complimented  them 
on  their  appearance  and  marching. 

But  the  great  review  of  the  war,  excepting  the  final 
march  of  the  armies  past  the  White  House,  at  the  end 
of  the  rebellion,  was  that  held  by  General  McClellan,  on 
the  broad  plain  in  front  of  Bailey's  Cross  Roads,  on  the 
20th  of  November.  The  General  was  accompanied  by 
the  President  and  Secretaries  Seward  and  Cameron,  and 
other  distinguished  civilians,  and  a  staff  as  numerous  as 
a  squadron  of  cavalry,  and  glittering  in  gold.  Sixty 
thousand  infantry,  eight  thousand  cavalry,  and  onehun 
dred  and  eighty-six  pieces  of  artillery,  each  piece  drawn 
by  six  horses,  with  one  hundred  and  eighty-six  caissons 
similarly  furnished,  and  the  artillerists  necessary  to  this 
number  of  guns,  made  a  pageant  surpassing  in  grandeur 
anything  ever  before  seen  on  this  continent. 

Now,  surely,  said  the  tens  of  thousands  of  civilians 
who  witnessed  this  superb  display  of  the  most  superb 
army  the  age  had  produced — now,  surely,  there  will  be  a 
forward  movement  and  the  enemy  must  fly  or  be  over 
whelmed.  This  is  the  final  gala-day  parade,  and  hence 
forth  the  march  of  the  army  is  toward  the  enemy.  His 
bold  troopers  shall  no  longer  come  with  impunity,  with 
in  an  hour's  ride  of  the  Capital  of  the  nation  ;  his  bat 
teries  shall  no  longer  blockade  the  great  river  that  leads 
from  the  Capital  to  the  sea.  The  army  is  ready  ;  the 


166  GEN.  WADSWORTH'S  BRIGADE.  [1861, 

weather  was  made  for  a  campaign  and  the  roads  are  as 
dry  and  hard  as  a  Roman  causeway — Forward,  Grand 
Army  of  the  Potomac  ! 

No  events  of  importance  transpired  to  disturb  the 
serenity  of  the  Twentieth  for  the  next  three  months  and 
a  half.  Drill  and  picket  duty — picket  duty  and  drill. 
It  was  a  very  dull  and  monotonous  existence. 

Up  to  the  middle  of  December  the  Twentieth  had 
buried  three  more  comrades  in  Fall's  Church  grave 
yard  ;  Jacob  H.  Fox,  who  hailed  from  Philadelphia,  and 
who  had  been  in  three  months  service  with  us  ;  he  be 
longed  to  Company  G ;  Abraham  C.  Hinckley,  of  Mar- 
garetsville,  Delaware  County,  member  of  Company  I ; 
Smith  McCoun,  of  Hunter,  Greene  County.  All  three 
were  good  soldiers,  and  the  two  latter  left  families.  The 
sick-list  became  very  large  throughout  the  army,  and  the 
probability  is  that  we  lost  as  many  men  by  sickness, 
the  result  of  camp  life,  as  we  would  have  lost  by  the 
casualties  of  a  general  engagement,  with  the  enemy  sup 
posed  to  be  in  front  of  us.  Later  in  the  month  Ananias 
Hyatt,  of  Olive  County,  a  member  of  I  Company,  died 
and  was  laid  besides  his  dead  comrades  in  Fall's  Church 
graveyard,  and  on  the  24th  of  December,  Cornelius 
Hunt,  a  private  of  B  Company  died,  and  was  sent  to 
his  friends  at  Kingston,  N.  Y. 

General  Wadsworth's  brigade  consisted  of  four  regi 
ments  of  infantry,  namely  :  The  Twentieth  New  York 
State  Militia,  Colonel  George  W.  Pratt  command 
ing  ;  The  Twenty-first  New  York  Volunteers,  Colonel 
Rogers,  of  Buffalo  (a  splendid  officer),  commanding ; 
The  Twenty-third  New  York  Volunteers,  Colonel  Hoff 
man,  of  ,  commanding,  and  the 
Thirty-fifth  New  York  Volunteers,  Colonel  Lord, 
of  ,  commanding.  The  Twenty-first 
Regiment  had  one  of  the  finest  bands  in  the  army,  and 
its  camp  was  so  near  ours  that  we  got  the  benefit  of  its- 
music  as  fully  as  though  it  were  our  own  band.  This 


1861.]  A  FLAG  OF  TRUCE.  167 

regiment  introduced  a  novel  feature  into  the  celebration 
of  New  Year's  day.  The  officers  all  abdicated  for  the 
day,  and  the  men  elected  their  successors,  from  colonel 
down.  Corporal  Colton,  of  Buffalo,  was  chosen  colonel 
pro  tempore.  His  first  act  of  authority  was  to  place  the 
line  officers  on  guard  around  the  camp.  At  dress  pa 
rade,  which  was  commanded  by  the  corporal-colonel 
(and  well  commanded  too),  Colonel  Rogers  and  his 
field  and  staff  officers  were  in  the  ranks,  doing  duty 
as  privates. 

Wednesday  evening,  January  eighth,  the  head-quar 
ter  mess  of  the  Twentieth  gave  a  dinner  to  General 
Wadsworth,  Colonel  Rogers,  and  a  few  other  officers, 
which  was  a  very  enjoyable  affair. 

On  the  sixteenth  of  January  the  men  had  the  pleas 
ure  of  exchanging  their  old-fashioned  arms  for  Austrian 
rilled  muskets,  and  they  were  very  proud  of  their  new 
weapons.  It  was  found  that  they  were  much  more  ac 
curate  in  firing  than  the  discarded  pieces  were,  and  the 
men  took  great  pleasure  in  practicing  the  firings,  and, 
as  a  regiment,  became  very  good  marksmen. 

On  the  second  of  February,  while  the  Twentieth  was 
on  picket,  a  solitary  horseman  (like  one  of  James')  was 
seen  approaching  the  line  from  the  enemy's  side,  wav 
ing  a  white  flag.  The  peaceful  emblem  was  recognized, 
and  the  bearer  allowed  to  approach.  He  proved  to  be 
Lieutenant-Colonel  Harrison,  of  the  Second  Va.  Caval 
ry,  and  the  bearer  of  a  sealed  communication  to  General 
McClellan  from  General  Johnson,  which  he  desired  to 
present  in  person.  He  was  kept  outside  the  picket  line 
until  General  McClellan  could  be  heard  from,  and  then 
an  officer  of  General  McDowell's  staff,  specially  de 
tailed  therefor,  received  the  communication  and  con 
veyed  it  to  General  McClellan  ;  Colonel  Harrison,  mean 
time,  being  excluded  from  our  lines,  but  remaining  at  a 
house  a  few  hundred  yards  in  front,  under  cover  of  his 
fiag,  for  several  days,  until  a  reply  was  received.  It  was 


168  WELCOME  VISITORS.  [1862. 

said  that  a  Cabinet  Council  was  convened  to  consider  the 
matter  contained  in  the  fiag-of-truce  letter ;  how  that 
may  have  been  I  do  not  know,  but  certain  it  is,  that 
Colonel  Harrison  had  to  wait  several  days  for  a  reply. 
The  Washington  correspondent  of  the  New  Yorlc  Her 
ald  wrote  to  his  paper  that  the  flag-of -truce  letter  was 
from  Jeff.  Davis  himself,  and  that  it  announced  to  Mr. 
Lincoln  the  resolve  of  the  Confederate  authorities  to  ex 
ecute  Colonels  Lee,  Corcoran,  Wilcox  and  other  Federal 
prisoners,  then  in  the  hands  of  the  rebels,  if  the  Federal 
Government  allowed  certain  rebel  bridge-burners  to 
be  hung,  as  was  likely  to  happen,  under  orders  of  Gen 
eral  Halleck.  The  Washington  Star  said  this  was  the 
real  subject  of  the  communication.  Well,  the  hangings 
did  not  take  place  on  either  side.  Our  Government 
seemed  to  be  of  Greeley's  opinion,  that  the  worst  use 
you  can  put  a  man  to  is  to  hang  him.  Yet,  we  some 
times  find  men  to  whom  nothing  else  in  life  seems  so  be 
coming  as  this  mode  of  ending  it.  The  war  developed 
many  such  characters  ;  and,  writing  now,  fourteen  years 
after  its  close,  and  while  an  extra  session  of  Congress  is 
sweltering  under  the  rays  of  a  June  sun,  I  feel  con 
strained  to  say  that  a  few  hempen  lessons,  designed  to 
make  treason  "  odious,"  would  have  been  beneficial  to 
the  tone  of  public  sentiment  in  some  parts  of  our  be 
loved  country. 

At  midnight  on  the  third  of  February,  a  lively  fu- 
silade  broke  out  along  the  picket  line,  in  front  of  Du- 
lan's,  where  a  portion  of  I  Company  was  stationed,  and 
the  reserves  were  ordered  up,  but  the  attack  died  out, 
as  so  many  others  had,  without  any  other  consequences 
than  a  little  extra  excitement,  and  the  waste  of  a  few 
rounds  of  ammunition. 

During  the  latter  part  of  January  arid  the  beginning 
of  February,  our  camp  was  enlivened  and  honored  by 
the  visits  of  sundry  friends  from  Kingston  ;  among  them 
were  Mrs.  Gates,  wife  of  the  Lieutenant-Colonel,  Mr. 


1862.]  HALLELUJAH!  THE  ARMY  MOVES.  169 

Elijah  Dubois  and  wife,  and  Mr.  and  Mrs.  William  B. 
Fitch.  Mrs.  George  W.  Pratt  visited  Washington 
about  the  same  time,  but  in  consequence  of  the  badness 
of  the  roads  did  not  get  over  to  the  regiment. 

A  very  pleasant  episode  occurred  about  this  time,  it 
being  the  presentation  of  a  sword  to  Captain  Van  Rens- 
selaer,  of  B  Co.,  by  his  command.  It  was  an  entire 
surprise  to  the  captain,  and  he  was  quite  overcome  by 
this  merited  but  unexpected  testimonial  of  the  esteem 
in  which  he  was  held  by  his  company.  The  surprise, 
added  to  the  captain's  well-known  modesty,  rendered 
him  almost  speechless,  and  it  was  some  time  before  he 
could  command  words  in  which  to  express  his  emo 
tion. 

HALLELUJAH  !  The  army  is  in  motion  !  A  thousand 
bands  peal  out  their  joyous  notes  upon  the  resonant  air, 
this  glorious  March  morning.  Ten  thousand  starry  ban 
ners  reflect  the  light  of  the  early  morning  sun.  A  hun 
dred  thousand  men,  armed  in  the  cause  of  justice,  good 
government,  humanity,  have  turned  their  faces  toward 
the  west,  and  are  moving  upon  the  rebel  stronghold  of 
Manassas.  A  thousand  cannon  glitter  in  their  untarnish 
ed  brilliancy.  Ten  thousand  horsemen  clatter  over  roads 
and  fields,  ready  to  try  their  maiden  sabres  upon  the 
boastful  Southern  cavalry.  The  army  is  launched  at 
last  upon  its  terrible  mission.  Is  it  to  be  like  a  thunder 
bolt  in  the  grasp  of  Jove,  or  a  mighty  engine  in  a  hand 
too  puny  for  so  great  a  charge  \ 

The  sun  of  Austerlitz  was  not  more  gloriously  beau 
tiful  than  the  unobscured  orb  of  day  which  greeted  the 
thousand  banners  of  the  Union  army,  as  they  expanded 
in  the  early  morning  light. 

Here  the  eye  might  rest  for  miles  upon  a  line  of 
marching  troops,  whose  neat  uniforms  and  burnished 
arms — whose  steady  step  and  well-closed  files  denoted 
the  thoroughly  drilled  and  self-reliant  soldier ;  while 
above  their  ranks,  the  flag  we  love.  "  As  it  catches  the 


170  MUSIC   AND  BANNERS.  [1862. 

gleam   of  the   morning's  first    beam,"    floats    out   on 
the  breeze,  filling  the  air  with  pictures  of  rarest  beauty. 

There  again,  in  the  distance,  winds  another  and  still 
another  column,  of  which  you  get  but  now  and  then  a 
glimpse.  Sometimes  their  banners  only  can  be  seen 
moving  through  the  air,  as  though  we  were  supported 
on  the  right  hand  and  on  the  left  by  an  invisible  host 
arrayed  under  the  ensign  of  freedom. 

Have  you  ever  seen  your  country's  flag  thrown  out 
against  the  sky,  with  only  the  blue  ether  for  a  back 
ground  ?  Pencil  or  painter  never  wrought  so  beautiful 
a  picture  !  Oh,  how  your  heart  has  thrilled  with  patri 
otic  pride  as  you  watched  its  graceful  dalliance  with 
the  winds  of  heaven,  and  thought  how,  on  every  sea, 
in  every  port  where  commerce  finds  its  way ;  wherever 
civilization  has  made  a  home,  and  human  freedom  has 
an  aspiration,  that  ensign  is  welcomed  and  beloved. 

Have  you  ever  seen  that  flag  wreathed  with  the 
smoke  of  battle?  Oh,  then,  what  sublime  eloquence 
glows  in  every  star  and  speaks  in  every  stripe  !  It  in 
vokes  you  by  all  the  memories  of  the  past  to  maintain 
the  heritage  its  thirteen  colonies  bequeathed  to  you, 
through  sufferings  unspeakable.  Its  constellation  of 
States  tells  of  your  wonderful  growth  as  a  nation,  and 
your  glorious  destiny  as  a  people  ;  while  through  the 
sulphurous  clouds  shine  out,  as  though  written  by  the 
finger  of  Omnipotence,  "  In  this  symbol  is  the  world's 
last  best  hope  of  civil  and  religious  liberty!"  Thus, 
onward  moves  the  army  of  the  Potomac,  followed  by 
the  nation's  hopes  and  prayers.  Annandale  and  Pair- 
fax  Court  House  are  passed.  The  rifle-pits  and  breast 
works  around  the  latter  place  are  the  first  exhibitions 
we  have  of  the  digging  propensity  of  the  enemy.  But 
he  does  not  stay  to  defend  his  lines.  Our  advanced 
guard  follows  close  upon  the  heels  of  his  retiring  out 
posts,  until  the  Heights  of  Centreville  rise  before  us, 
and  we  find  its  elaborate  fortifications  bristling  with 
icooden  guns  ! 


CHAPTER     XL 

CENTREVILLE  AND  ITS  SURROUNDINGS— MCCLELLAN  AND  MCDOWELL  VISIT 
BULL  RUN  BATTLE  FIELD — SCENES  ALONG  THE  WAY — REBEL  HUTS — 
BEAUREGARD'S  DESSERT — PLAINS  OF  MANASSAS — THE  JUNCTION — WHAT 
WE  SAW  THERE — UNIVERSAL  DESTRUCTION — QUO  ANIMO — THE  LEGEND 
IN  A  HUT — BURNING  BRIDGES — THE  WICKED  FLEE  WHEN  NO  MAN 
PURSUETH — ON  THE  FIELD — SIGNS  OF  THE  BATTLE — THE  GENERALS 
UK  AW  REIN — THEIR  APPEARANCE — THEIR  REVERSED  POSITIONS — 
MCDOWELL'S  STORY  OF  THE  FIGHT — MCCLELLAN  AS  AN  AUDITOR — AP 
PRECIATIVE,  PERHAPS,  BUT  NOT  SYMPATHETIC — PAINFUL  POSITION  FOR 
MCDOWELL — AS  TRUE  AS  THE  NEEDLE  TO  THE  POLE — HOW  MERIT 
MAY  SOMETIMES  SUFFER — IS  RECOGNIZED  AT  LAST — MCDOWELL  ON 
HIS  MEN— HIS  IDEA  OF  DISCIPLINE— CONSEQUENCES  OF  ITS  ABSENCE. 

THE  day  after  the  army  drew  up  before  Centreville, 
Generals  McClellan  and  McDowell,  with  their  staffs  and 
two  thousand  cavalry  as  an  escort,  and  a  number  of 
field  and  staff  officers  anxious  to  see  the  famous  field 
of  Bull  Run,  where  General  McDowell  had  been  defeat 
ed  eight  months  before,  set  out  for  Manassas  Junction, 
seven  miles  to  the  westward. 

From  the  heights  of  Centreville  the  view  south  and 
east  is  almost  unlimited,  while  to  the  northward  it  is 
bounded  by  the  Bull  Run  mountains,  which  seem  to  lift 
their  rugged  peaks  into  the  bending  heavens  in  the 
dim  and  hazy  distance.  Westward,  and  enveloping 
Manassas  Junction,  dense  forests  mask  the  country 
lying  beyond,  and  over  which  the  rebel  army  had  re 
cently  retreated. 

Centreville  is  a  hamlet  of  a  half  dozen  houses,  plant 
ed  upon  the  most  southerly  of  a  succession  of  bold 
ridges,  which  roll  and  swell,  in  ever-increasing  propor 
tions,  until  they  are  dwarfed  and  lost  in  the  majestic 
range  that  meets  the  horizon  in  the  north. 

The  sky  was  cloudless,  and  the  day  was  warm  and 
balmy  as  a  day  in  May.  The  cavalcade  that  clattered 

171 


172  McCLELLAN  AND    MCDOWELL  VISIT    BULL    RUN.  [1862. 

down  the  Centreville  road  towards  Bull  Run,  at  noon, 
was  such  as  never  before,  or  since,  awoke  the  echoes  of 
that  lonely  way.  General  McClellan  was  followed  by  a 
numerous  staff,  embracing,  as  it  did,  the  officers  regu 
larly  assigned  to  him,  not  only,  but  also  many  volun 
teer  staff  officers — native  and  foreign — among  the  latter 
of  whom  was  the  Prince  de  Joinville,  who  sought  to 
learn  the  art  of  war,  or  prepare  to  write  its  history,  by 
actual  experience  in  the  field.  General  McDowell  had 
a  less  numerous  staff,  but  mingled  with  the  members  of 
it  were  many  officers  of  the  army,  desirous  of  availing 
themselves  of  the  opportunity  to  visit  the  scene  of  the 
first  great  battle  of  the  war.  All  were  richly  uniformed 
and  superbly  mounted.  Add  to  these  an  escort  of  two 
thousand  fine  cavalry,  and  a  grander  pageant  is  seldom 
seen. 

Taking  the  road  leading  southerly  from  Centre- 
ville,  our  course  led  us  to  Bull  Run,  at  Blackburn' s  Ford, 
three  miles  away.  For  most  of  this  distance,  on  the 
left  side  of  the  road,  the  ground  was  covered  with  huts, 
tents  and  forts,  which  a  few  hours  before  were  occupied 
by  rebel  troops,  but  now  no  living  creature  moved 
within  them — no  sign  of  life  within  their  walls — no  cu 
rious  faces  gazing  from  their  doors  or  windows,  as  the 
glittering  cavalcade  swept  by,  with  bugle  notes  and 
cheerful  voices  floating  away  on  the  soft  spring  winds. 

These  huts  or  cabins  were  constructed  by  rebel  sol 
diers  and  were  very  comfortable  tenements.  They  were 
made  of  logs,  nicely  fitted  at  the  corners,  and  the  inter 
stices  stopped  with  clay.  The  roofs  were  of  boards  or 
shingles,  and  the  more  pretentious  huts  were  floored, 
and  furnished  with  windows.  The  Bull  Run  battle 
field,  west  of  the  river,  was  covered  with  huts  of  this 
description,  composing,  in  fact,  a  city,  capable  of 
housing  a  population  estimated  at  50,000  to  70,000  in 
habitants.  These  houses  were  arranged  in  regular 
blocks  or  rows,  with  walks  or  streets  between,  and  with 


1862.]  SCENES  ALONG   THE  WAY.  173 

bunks  for  the  accommodation  of  from  three  to  five 
men  each.  We  were  constrained  to  confess  that  the 
rebels  had  beaten  us  in  the  matter  of  hut-building. 

A  mile  or  two  to  the  right  of  the  road  we  were  pur 
suing,  was  observed  an  immense  flock  of  vultures  hover 
ing  in  the  air,  alarmed,  apparently,  by  the  bugle  blasts, 
and  the  roar  of  our  fast-riding  column.  Beneath  them 
had  been  a  camp  of  rebel  cavalry,  and  the  carcasses  of 
near  two  hundred  horses  offered  a  bounteous  banquet 
to  these  foul  birds. 

Most  of  the  details  above  given  were  learned  by  sub 
sequent  inspection  of  the  country.  Now  we  could  only 
note  exterior  things.  Sweeping  on  down  the  road  we 
pass  the  stone  cottage,  which  became  a  hospital  after 
McDowell's  defeat ;  pass  the  point  where  his  army  was 
encamped  on  the  20th  of  July,  and  reach  Blackburn's 
Ford  at  Bull  Run,  where  Richardson's  column  encoun 
tered  the  enemy  on  the  18th  of  July.  Near  by,  but  on 
the  rebel  side  of  the  then  battle-field,  stands  the 
"  Butler  House,"  wherein  General  Beauregard  was 
taking  his  dinner  when  Lieutenant  Babbitt,  of  Tyler's 
Artillery,  sent  a  shell  through  the  building,  and  so  near 
the  head  of  the  Confederate  chieftian  that  he  abandoned 
the  table  without  waiting  for  dessert.  A  very  slight 
depression  of  the  cannon  would  have  ended  the  diner 
with  equal  abruptness,  and  at  the  same  time  given 
Beauregard  his  desert. 

Fording  Bull  Run,  the  cavalcade  sped  on,  and  soon 
reached  the  Plains  of  Manassas.  The  country  here 
about  is  very  level.  The  town  or  hamlet  at  the  railroad 
station  had  no  reputation  before  the  war.  It  is  twenty- 
seven  and  a-half  miles  from  Alexandria,  ma  the  Orange 
and  Alexandria  Railroad,  and  is  the  point  at  which  the 
Manassas  Gap  Railroad  taps  the  former  road,  hence, 
"  Manassas  Junction  ;"  it  is  twenty-eight  miles  from 
Washington,  as  the  crow  flies. 

As  wTe  reached  the  plain  and  approached  the  June- 


174  THE  JUNCTION — WHAT  WE   SAW  THERE.  [1862. 

tion,  signs  of  the  hasty  retreat  of  an  army  from  its 
winter  quarters  were  visible  on  every  hand.  We  came 
upon  a  large  quantity  of  artillery  harness  and  blankets, 
and  like  stores  ;  yonder  to  the  left  stand  a  multitude  of 
tents,  sufficient  to  accommodate  an  entire  division.  To 
the  westward  dense  clouds  of  smoke  hang  over  the 
Junction,  and  all  the  way,  as  we  approach  it,  signs  of 
ruin  and  desolation  multiply. 

Arriving  at  the  Junction,  we  found  a  sight  simply 
indescribable.  The  railroad  machine  shops,  the  station 
houses,  the  rebel  quartermaster  and  commissary  build 
ings  ;  every  thing,  in  fact,  that  could  burn  had  been 
burned,  or  was  then  burning.  On  the  railroad  track 
was  a  wrecked  locomotive,  and  near  it  the  smouldering 
remains  of  a  train  of  freight  cars.  A  little  farther  on, 
and  alongside  the  track,  were  hundreds  of  barrels  of 
flour,  vinegar,  molasses,  pork  and  beef,  the  barrels 
headless,  and  their  recent  contents  strewn  over  the 
ground.  On  the  right  hand  and  on  the  left  the  ground 
was  littered  with  clothing,  cooking  utensils,  broken 
guns,  and  hundreds  of  formidable  dirks.  These 
weapons  had  blades  about  ten  inches  long,  and  two 
inches  wide  at  the  middle ;  both  edges  were  sharpened, 
and  the  knife  was  firmly  set  in  a  wooden  handle,  which 
with  the  blade,  would  weigh  three  pounds.  I  brought 
one  of  them  away,  and  used  it  for  many  years  to  trim 
my  fruit  trees ;  it  would  cut  like  a  razor,  and  hold  its 
edge  under  the  severest  treatment. 

A  car,  standing  on  the  track,  and  which  had  escaped 
the  conflagration,  contained  a  printing  press,  types,  &c., 
and  paper  and  printers'  supplies.  It  had  been  used  for 
printing  military  orders  and  other  printing  required  in 
an  army. 

The  questions  suggest  themselves — why  did  the 
rebels  abandon  thousands  of  dollars  worth  of  canvas 
tents  \  Why  destroy  such  quantities  of  military  stores  \ 
Why  should  they  have  wrecked  a  locomotive  and 


1862.]  THE  LEGEND   IN  A   HUT.  175 

burned  their  cars,  when  they  had  but  to  get  up  steam 
and  move  safely  away  %  Why,  if  destruction  was  the 
order,  were  the  thousands  of  comfortable  huts  left 
intact  I 

The  retreat  of  the  rebel  army  began  some  days  be 
fore  McClellan's  advance  was  inaugurated,  and  was 
conducted  leisurely,  and  would  have  so  continued,  if 
the  enemy  had  not  taken  alarm  by  the  appearance  of 
our  cavalry,  near  Manassas,  on  the  evening  of  the  tenth. 
This  apparition  surprised  the  rear-guard,  and  in  the 
panic  which  ensued,  the  torch  was  applied  to  the  build 
ings  and  cars  nearest  at  hand,  and  havoc  was  made  of 
whatever  could  be  readily  destroyed  at  the  Junction. 
There  was  no  time  to  remove  or  tire  the  distant  tents  or 
the  more  numerous  huts. 

A  native  of  that  locality,  who  had  escaped  conscrip 
tion,  said  that  General  Joe  Johnson  gave  orders  not  to 
destroy  anything,  as  he  intended  to  return  very  soon. 
This  appears  to  have  been  the  expectation  of  an  occu 
pant  of  one  of  the  huts,  who  thus  expresses  his  inten 
tions  in  a  notice  left  in  his  quarters  :  "To  the  gentle 
men  of  the  North,  the  champions  of  freedom,  we 
abandon  these  quarters  to  you,  expecting  to  return  in  a 
month  or  two.  Assure  yourselves  they  are  not  a  gift, 
but  merely  lent,  with  the  Scriptural  injunction,  '  occupy 
till  I  come.'  We  feel  constrained  to  burn  our  wearing 
apparel,  with  the  exception  of  what  will  be  found 
left  as  legacies — our  beds  and  comforts  only — for  fear  of 
acting  treasonably,  for,  by  leaving  them,  we  would  be 
giving  aid  and  comfort  to  the  enemy.  Look  out  for  an 
other  Manassas  when  we  meet  again.  Yours,  very  truly, 
a  retired  but  not  cowed  adversary.  Crescent  Blues, 
Louisiana  Volunteers,  for  the  war." 

So  I  conclude  from  all  the  facts  and  circumstances 
that  General  Johnson,  who  had  succeeded  Beauregard 
in  command,  designed  to  remove  the  portable  property, 
and  to  leave  the  buildings  for  future  occupation,  when 


176  THE   GENERALS   DRAW  REIN.  [1862. 

the  rebel  troops  should  return,  as  he  believed  they 
would.  But  his  subordinates  became  panicky  when  our 
cavalry  was  reported  to  be  approaching,  and  the  results 
above  described  ensued. 

From  Manassas  Junction  we  could  trace  the  lines  of 
retreat  over  the  Manassas  Gap,  and  Orange  and  Alex 
andria  Railroads,  and  the  contiguous  wagon  roads,  by 
the  columns  of  smoke  ascending  from  burning  bridges. 
But  the  pursuit  of  the  flying  foe  was  not  the  object  of 
this  expedition,  and  after  devoting  a  half  hour  to  an  in 
spection  of  the  devastated  Junction,  the  chieftains  turn 
ed  their  horses'  heads  to  the  north  ;  the  bugles  sound 
ed  forward,  and  we  were  sweeping  down  upon  the  field 
where  the  first  great  trial  of  martial  prowess  between 
North  and  South  took  place. 

There  was  much  in  the  circumstances  of  the  occasion 
to  give  it  a  dramatic  character.  Signs  of  the  fierce 
conflict  soon  became  visible  on  every  hand.  Trees  per 
forated  by  bullets,  and  felled  by  cannon  balls  and  shells, 
breast -works  and  rifle-pits,  houses  (of  which  there  were 
but  four  or  five)  rent  by  artillery  missiles,  and  here  and 
there  long,  narrow  mounds,  indicating  the  blended  rest 
ing  places  of  thousands  of  the  battle's  victims.  But  no 
halt  was  made  to  note  these  things  ;  they  were  but  the 
common  incidents  of  a  field  of  battle.  On  thundered 
the  gorgeous  cavalcade  to  the  central  point  in  the  field  ; 
where,  drawing  rein  near  a  squalid  shanty,  then  occu 
pied  by  a  negro  family,  and  from  whence  the  country 
along  the  valley  of  Bull  Run,  from  Sudley's  Mills  at  the 
north,  where  Hunter  crossed  the  stream  to  Blackburn's 
Ford  at  the  south,  was  exposed  to  view,  the  two  generals 
took  a  position  in  front,  and  a  little  apart  from  their 
staffs,  while  the  escort  drew  out,  as  a  living  wall  along 
the  slope  some  distance  in  the  rear.  All  eyes  were  fixed 
upon  the  two  men  sitting  upon  their  magnificent  horses 
in  the  extreme  front ;  McClellan  to  the  right,  McDowell 
on  his  left.  Both  in  the  May  of  manhood.  Both  hand- 


1861.]  MCDOWELL'S  STORY  OF  THE  FIGHT.  177 

some  men  in  face  and  figure.  McDowell  the  larger  of 
the  two,  and  McClellan's  senior  by  a  few  years.  Both 
had  graduated  from  West  Point,  and  the  art  of  war  had 
been  the  study  of  their  earlier  years,  while  now  they  sat 
side  by  side  upon  a  field,  where  the  senior  had  applied 
that  art  in  practice,  and  had  been  foiled  by  another 
graduate  of  the  same  school.  He  was  now  here  to  re 
hearse  to  his  junior  in  years,  but  his  senior  in  rank,  the 
story  of  that  fateful  July  day,  when  he  was  driven  in 
disastrous  flight  from  this  ill-omened  field.  Then  and 
thereafter,  till  this  younger  man  was  called  from  the 
West,  McDowell  was  chief  of  the  Union  troops,  west  of 
the  Potomac.  Now,  he  was  subordinated  to  the  com 
rade  sitting  by  his  side,  and  had  been  brought  to  this 
scene  of  his  misfortune,  to  have  probed  anew  the  spirit- 
wounds  of  eight  months  ago. 

A  few  minutes  of  silence  while  the  eye  took  in  the 
landscape,  and  then,  in  answer  to  a  question  from  Mc- 
Clellan,  McDowell  narrated  the  prominent  events  of  the 
day.  He  seemed  to  make  no  attempt  at  self-vindica 
tion,  but  confined  himself  to  a  statement  of  the  positions 
and  movements  of  the  troops  on  each  side,  and  describ 
ing  the  ebb  and  flow  of  the  battle,  at  different  points 
and  times.  There,  two  miles  left  of  us,  at  Sudley's 
Mills,  Hunter's  division  crossed  at  six  o'clock  in  the 
morning  of  the  twenty-first  of  July.  There  on  a  hill 
near  the  Henry  House  was  posted  Ricketts'  battery, 
and  just  over  the  swell  of  ground  to  the  northeast  of  us, 
the  rebels  charged  down  upon  and  captured  it,  together 
with  its  wounded  commander.  There  was  the  division 
of  Tyler,  and  yonder  Heintzelman'  s.  All  along  the  line 
we  were  pressing  the  enemy  back,  and  victory  seemed 
ready  to  perch  upon  our  banners,  when  suddenly  and 
unexpectedly  to  the  Union  commander,  General  Joseph 
Johnson  appeared  upon  the  scene  with  10,000  fresh 
troops,  which  Patterson  had  suffered  to  evade  him,  and 
which,  at  a  critical  moment,  swooped  down  upon  the 


178  McCLELLAN   AS  AN  AUDITOR.  [1862, 

right  flank  of  the  exhausted,  but  until  then  confident 
and  nearly  triumphant  Unionists.  Beauregard's  waver 
ing  line,  reanimated  by  Johnson's  shouting  legions, 
rallied  for  a  final  effort,  and  vigorously  assailed  the 
Federals  in  front,  while  Johnson's  men  overwhelmed 
their  right,  and  the  wreath  of  victory  was  snatched  from 
McDowell's  grasp. 

McClellan  listened  to  the  narrative  of  his  predeces 
sor  without  a  word  of  comment,  and  at  its  conclusion 
turned  toward  his  staff,  and  saying:  "Gentlemen,  we 
will  now  return  to  quarters,"  put  spurs  to  his  horse. 
Again  the  bugles  blared  out  their  signals ;  the  escort 
fell  into  line,  and  the  gay  cortege  crossed  the  battle 
field,  forded  Bull  Run,  near  the  blown-up  stone  bridge, 
and  from  thence  by  the  Warrenton  Turnpike,  through 
Centreville,  to  quarters  with  the  army. 

It  is  scarcely  possible  that  General  McDowell  could 
have  gone  over  the  history  of  these  events,  under  the 
circumstances  in  which  he  was  placed,  without  a  sense 
of  painful  humiliation  ;  and  that  feeling  must  have  been 
increased  by  the  way  in  which  it  was  received  by 
General  McClellan.  Almost  any  other  man,  in  McClel 
lan' s  place,  would  have  sought  to  mollify  this  pain  by  a 
word  of  friendly  comment  here  and  there,  but  the  super 
seded  general  was  left  to  draw  his  own  conclusions  as 
to  the  views  of  his  successor  upon  the  subject  which 
had  been  the  theme  of  his  painful  narrative. 

It  was  remarked  above,  that  McDowell  made  no  at 
tempt  at  self -vindication ;  and,  it  may  be  added,  that 
he  never  did,  either  as  to  Bull  Run  or  other  events  in 
his  career  as  a  soldier.  He  despised  the  methods  by 
which  many  officers  magnified  their  exploits  and  ex 
plained  away  their  failures.  Charged  with  disloyalty, 
when  a  truer  man  never  wore  the  Federal  uniform  ; 
with  incompetency,  when  he  had  few  superiors  in  the 
army  ;  with  indolence,  when  there  was  scarcely  his  equal 
for  energy  and  industry  ;  with  intoxication,  when  he 


1862.]  HOW   MERIT  MAY   SOMETIMES   SUFFER.  179 

never  touched  a  glass  of  wine  in  his  life ;  with  cowar 
dice,  when  he  did  not  know  what  fear  was — yet  he  never 
sought  to  vindicate  himself  against  these  accusations, 
except  in  so  far  as  he  should  do  it  by  a  steady,  untiring, 
unswerving  devotion  to  his  duty  as  an  officer  in  his 
country's  army,  in  a  time  of  great  trial  and  danger. 

Amid  the  passions  and  prejudices  engendered  by  a 
great  war,  injustice  is  often  done  to  the  most  meritorious 
participants ;  and  it  not  unfrequently  happens,  that 
officers  of  inferior  merit,  who  have  industriously  blown 
their  own  trumpets,  or  caused  them  to  be  blown  by 
newspaper  reporters,  have  caught,  and  for  a  time  re 
tained,  the  popular  acclaim  ;  but  by  and  by,  as  the  his 
torian  gathers  up  the  scattered  and  diverse  threads  that 
make  up  the  story  of  the  time,  the  pretender  is  rele 
gated  to  his  proper  sphere,  and  true  manhood  is  given 
its  just  place  on  the  enduring  page  of  authentic  and  ac 
cepted  history.  That  General  McDowell  will  occupy  an 
enviable  place  in  the  record  which  shall  tell  the  story 
of  ;'the  great  rebellion"  to  future  ages,  does  not  admit 
of  a  doubt. 

In  December,  1861,  McDowell  was  examined  by  the 
Congressional  Committee  on  the  Conduct  of  the  War, 
and  was  asked,  among  other  things,  what  was  the  con 
dition  of  the  division  he  then  commanded  in  the  army 
of  the  Potomac.  He  answered,  "The  men  are  excel 
lent  men  ;  I  do  not  suppose  there  are  better  men  in 
the  world."  This  answer  reveals  one  of  the  traits  of 
McDowell's  character;  he  believed  in  the  manhood— 
in  the  blood  of  his  race,  and  he  stood  up  for  the  men 
under  his  command.  When  asked  how  his  division 
was  in  point  of  discipline,  he  said  :  ' '  The  discipline 
has  an  exterior  which  is  good,  but  an  interior  which  is 
bad."  The  committee  naturally  asked  the  general  to 
explain  this,  and  his  answer  gives  the  secret  cause  of 
half  the  disasters  to  the  Federal  arms  during  the  war. 
He  said:  "I  think  discipline  consists  in  an  implicit 


180  MCDOWELL'S  IDEA  OF  DISCIPLINE.  [1862. 

obedience,  not  outwardly  alone,  but  inwardly — that  im 
plicit  reliance  and  confidence  that  must  exist  on  the 
part  of  the  commanded  towards  the  commander.  I 
think  our  deficiency  is  in  the  quality  of  our  officers ;  I 
do  not  think  our  officers  stand  towards  the  men  in  the 
relations  that  officers  should  occupy  towards  men  whom 
they  are  to  put  into  battle  and  hold  up  to  their  work, 
and  keep  them  from  spreading  or  doubling  their  ranks, 
or  falling  back  to  the  rear,  or  breaking  ranks.  I  think 
that  in  the  battle  in  which  I  was  engaged  last  summer, 
that  thing  developed  itself  in  a  very  remarkable  man 
ner,  and  it  became  very  evident  to  both  officers  and 
men."  A  truer  definition  of  discipline,  and  a  more 
striking  and  concise  statement  of  the  consequences  of  a 
lack  of  it  have  rarely  been  given.  It  was  the  want  of 
this  kind  of  discipline,  extending  from  the  enlisted  men 
up  through  all  the  grades  to  the  General-in-chief,  that 
lost  us  Fredericksburg  and  Chancellorsville.  It  was  the 
want  of  this  kind  of  discipline  in  our  forces  that  so 
often  disappointed  the  reasonable  expectations  of  the 
country.  Men  of  different  regiments  averaged  about 
alike  in  the  quality  of  courage  and  intelligence  ;  and  it 
was  owing  to  the  presence  or  absence  among  them  of 
this  kind  of  discipline  that  distinguished  one  regiment 
from  another  in  its  steadiness  and  persistency  under 
fire.  Without  this  kind  of  discipline,  no  army  can  be 
reliable  in  a  great  emergency. 


CHAPTER     XII. 

THE  TARRY  AT  CENTREVILLE— A  SWARM  OF  VISITORS — TWO  OLD  AC- 
QUAINTANCES—  PASSES — AN  ANECDOTE  OF  LINCOLN — BODDY's  STATE- 
MKNT— ANOTHEH  VISIT  TO  BULL  RUN— THE  LEWIS  HOUSE — A  STORMY 
NIGHT — PLEASANT  QUARTERS  AND  HOE-CAKE — A  SICK  SURGEON — AN 
ORDERLY  WITH  AN  ORDER — REVEILLE  AND  RETURN — TWENTY-FIVE 
MILES  MARCH — TOP  BOOTS — UPTON 's  HILL  AGAIN — LAILEY'S  CROSS 
ROADS  — MORE  VISITORS — HOW  THEY  REGARDED  MCCLELLAN's  STRAT- 
EGY — EMBARKATION  OF  ARMY — COST  OF  TRANSPORTS — FORMATION  OF 
CORPS  D'ARMEE — TWENTIETH  IN  FIRST  CORPS— WHAT  MCCLELLAN 
DESIGNED  TO  HAVE  FIRST  CORPS  DO — SOME  OBSERVATIONS  THEREON — 
FIRST  CORPS  DETACHED  FROM  MCCLELLAN'S  COMMAND. 

UNTIL  the  fifteenth  of  March,  the  army,  or  at  all 
events,  the  portion  of  it  lying  nearest  to  Centreville,  re 
mained  quietly  in  its  camp,  awaiting  orders.  The 
Twentieth  Regiment  occupied  a  pine  grove  on  the  north 
side  of  the  Warrenton  Turnpike,  and  about  two  miles 
cast  of  Centreville. 

During  this  period  the  road  was  swarming  with 
civilians  who  came  out  from  Washington  to  see  the  Bull 
Run  battle-field.  Most  of  them  came  to  gratify  a  very 
natural  curiosity  ;  some  of  them  to  search  among  the 
dead  for  the  remains  of  friends  to  whom  they  wished  to 
give  the  rites  of  a  Christian  burial  among  their  kin.  If 
passes  were  required  at  all,  in  order  to  go  out  to  the 
army  from  Washington,  the  demand  for  them  must  have 
kept  several  officers  very  busy.  Indeed,  soldiers  and 
civilians  seemed  to  regard  the  occasion  as  a  pleasure  ex 
pedition — a  sort  of  holiday  recreation.  No  one  seemed 
to  feel  that  this  march  of  the  Grand  Army  of  the  Poto 
mac  was  the  beginning  of  a  series  of  movements  which, 
in  its  progress  and  results,  would  consign  thirty  thous 
and  of  its  members  to  graves  and  hospitals,  within  the 
next  four  months.  Men  talked  and  acted  as  though 
they  believed  the  war  was  substantially  over  ;  why, 

181 


182  A   SWARM   OF   VISITORS.  [1862. 

said  they,  the  enemy  has  run  away ;  and  if  they  dared 
not  stay  to  fight  us  behind  their  strong  works  at  Centre- 
ville,  which  they  spent  eight  months  in  constructing, 
it  stands  to  reason  they  will  never  dare  to  meet  this 
army  anywhere.  So  thousands  comforted  and  deluded 
themselves. 

It  was  a  source  of  much  amusement  to  officers  and 
men  to  watch  the  flowing  and  receding  human  current, 
moving  past  the  camp.  All  kinds  of  vehicles  were  rep 
resented,  from  the  pretentious  coach  to  the  dilapidated 
sulky.  Men  on  horseback  and  men  on  mules  vied  with 
each  other  for  the  first  occupation  of  the  Centreville  for 
tifications,  as  though  each  was  a  storming  party  and 
ambitious  to  plant  his  banner  foremost  on  the  enemy's 
works,  and  spike  his  wooden  guns.  And  plodding  wear 
ily  along  were  hundreds  of  footmen  who  were  unable 
to  procure  any  sort  of  conveyance,  and  became  for  the 
nonce  tramps.  Among  the  latter  class  were  Messrs.  Ford 
and  Baker,  of  Oneonta,  N.  Y.,  both  of  them  gentlemen 
of  large  wealth,  and  whom  I  had  known  many  years  be 
fore.  My  surprise  at  seeing  them  there  and  on  foot  was 
very  great,  but  they  said  they  were  a  little  late  in  their 
arrival  at  Washington,  and  a  horse  and  wagon  were  not 
to  be  had  for  love  or  money.  As  they  had  set  out  to 
visit  Bull  Run,  and  it  was  uncertain  what  moment  the 
army  might  be  withdrawn,  they  resolved  to  do  what  the 
soldiers  had  done — march — and  here  they  were. 

The  returning  pilgrims  were  generally  encumbered 
with  mementos  from  the  battle-field,  which,  doubtless, 
were  shown  with  vivid  narratives  of  the  journey  to 
wondering  and  admiring  friends  at  home.  So,  for  three 
days,  the  home-guard  passed  and  repassed  in  review,  as 
it  were,  before  the  army,  while  thousands  were  turned 
back  in  bitter  disappointment,  as  they  met  the  head  of 
the  armed  column  on  its  retrograde  march. 

Some  time  subsequent  to  this  it  was  found  necessary 
to  establish  and  enforce  very  strict  regulations  in  re- 


1862.]  ANECDOTE  OF  LINCOLN.  183 

gard  to  visits  of  civilians  to  the  army,  especially  on  the 
eve  of  battle,  or  any  important  movement.  And  these, 
of  all  others,  were  just  the  occasions  when  men  desired 
most  to  go,  and  they  would  waste  their  own  and  the 
time  of  the  officials  in  importuning  for  passes.  Mr. 
Raymond,  in  his  life  of  Lincoln,  tells  a  very  good  story 
in  this  connection.  Judge  Baldwin,  of  California,  being 
in  Washington,  called  one  day  on  General  Halleck,  and 
presuming  upon  a  familiar  acquaintance  in  California  a 
few  years  before,  solicited  a  pass  to  go  into  Virginia  to 
see  his  brother.  '•  We  have  been  deceived  too  often," 
said  General  H.,  u  and  I  regret  I  can't  grant  it."  Judge 
B.  then  went  to  Secretary  Stanton,  and  met  a  refusal. 
Finally  he  obtained  an  interview  with  President  Lin 
coln,  and  stated  his  case.  "Have  you  applied  to  Gen 
eral  Halleck  ?"  inquired  the  President.  "  Yes,  and  met 
with  a  flat  refusal,"  said  the  indignant  Judge.  "  Then 
you  must  see  Stanton,"  continued  the  President.  "I 
have,  and  with  the  same  result,"  was  the  reply.  "Well, 
then,"  said  Mr.  Lincoln,  with  a  smile,  "I  can  do  no 
thing,  for  you  must  know  tliat  1  7iave  very  little  intf,u- 
*ence  with  this  administration" 

Opposite  the  pine  grove  where  the  Twentieth  lay  lived 
a  Mr.  Boddy.  who  professed  to  be  a  Unionist.  He 
said  Beauregard  sent  out  patrols  just  before  McDowell's 
advance,  last  July,  and  they  seized  all  the  able-bodied 
men  they  could  find,  and  took  them  to  the  rebel  head 
quarters,  where  they  were  called  upon  to  elect  between 
taking  arms  and  going  into  the  ranks,  or  being  sent 
prisoners  to  Richmond.  Boddy  chose  the  latter  alter 
native,  and  was  sent  some  three  miles  to  the  rear  where 
he  was  kept  with  a  number  of  other  prisoners,  until  af 
ter  the  battle  of  July  21st,  when  they  let  him  go.  He 
said  that  crowds  of  Beauregard' s  men  were  passing  the 
place  where  he  was,  in  full  retreat,  and  that  it  was  said 
they  were  beaten.  But  that  soon  word  passed  along 
that  General  Johnson  had  arrived  on  the  field,  and  then 


184  ANOTHER  VISIT   TO  BULL  RUN.  [1862. 

the  retreat  was  checked  and  the  men  seemed  eager  to 
get  back  into  the  fight. 

He  also  stated  that  the  county  militia,  to  which  he 
belonged,  had  been  ordered  to  assemble  at  Centreville 
on  the  tenth  of  March,  but  for  what  purpose  he  did  not 
know.  The  militia,  however,  seemed  to  have  waived 
their  claim  in  favor  of  Uncle  Sam's  soldiers,  for  none  of 
them  put  in  an  appearance,  except  Boddy,  still,  they 
must  have  gone  somewhere,  for  Boddy  was  the  only  na 
tive,  able  to  bear  arms,  who  could  be  found  for  miles 
around. 

On  the  fourteenth  of  March,  Lieutenant-Colonel 
Gates  and  Captain  Tu thill,  Assistant- Surgeon  of  the 
regiment,  set  out  for  Bull  Run  on  horseback,  while  two 
hundred  and  twenty-two  line  officers  and  men  of  the 
regiment,  who  desired  to  see  the  field,  all  under  the 
command  of  Captain  J.  R.  Tappen,  began  their  march 
for  the  same  place ;  the  Captain  was  to  report  to  Colo 
nel  Gates  at  the  Francis  Lewis  House  on  the  field.  The 
march  began  late  in  the  day,  and  the  intention  was  to 
arrive  on  the  ground  in  the  evening,  bivouac  for  the 
night,  and  examine  the  country  the  next  forenoon,  and 
return  to  camp  in  time  for  dress  parade. 

When  the  detachment  arrived,  the  evening  had  be 
come  very  dark  and  a  steady  rain  was  falling.  The  men 
were  told  to  seek  shelter  in  the  rebel  huts  about  the 
locality,  and  the  officers  were  invited  to  accept  head 
quarters'  hospitality  in  the  Lewis  House.  The  negro 
family  referred  to  in  Chapter  XI.  had  been  engaged  to 
furnish  supper  for  the  occasion,  and  with  bacon,  hoe- 
cake  and  coffee,  we  felt  our  lot  was,  for  that  night 
at  least,  cast  in  a  pleasant  place.  The  Lewis  House, 
which  had  long  been  deserted  by  its  owners  and  occu 
pied  as  rebel  headquarters  by  Beauregard  and  Johnson, 
was  a  spacious  building,  with  large  rooms  above  and 
below,  and  vast  fireplaces  ;  into  these  were  piled  cart 
loads  of  wood,  and  roaring  fires,  regardless  of  insur- 


1862.]  AN   ORDERLY  WITH  AN  ORDER.  185 

ances,  soon  gave  us  warmth  and  light,  while  our  savory 
supper  smoked  upon  the  improvised  table.  The  bois 
terous  March  winds  beat  like  ocean  billows  against  the 
great  barn-like  house,  while  the  rain-drops  dashed  them 
selves  into  spray  against  the  window-panes.  But  all 
within  was  cheery  and  content — the  sounds  of  ele 
mental  strife  without  enhancing  the  sense  of  comfort  of 
our  little  party,  basking  in  the  glow  of  our  generous 
fire.  Here  and  there,  through  the  darkness,  we  could  de 
tect  the  fitful  glimmer  of  scattered  lights,  indicating  the 
localities  of  some  of  our  men.  But  they  seemed  in  the 
deceptive  gloaming  wonderfully  distant  and  far  apart. 

I  had  a  sort  of  foreboding  that  something  disagreeable 
would  happen  before  morning.  The  situation  seemed 
too  pleasant  and  comfortable  to  endure  till  daylight. 
The  first  event  that  interrupted  our  enjoyment  occurred 
about  midnight,  when  Doctor  Tuthill  was  suddenly 
seized  with  severe  and  painful  illness,  that  put  an  un 
timely  end  to  our  jollity,  and  demanded  our  constant 
ministrations.  We  were  for  a  while  apprehensive  he 
had  been  poisoned,  and  thought  of  arresting  the  negroes 
who  had  furnished  our  supper  as  the  guilty  parties. 
But  as  each  one  of  us  had  partaken  of  each  dish  equally 
with  the  doctor,  and  no  one  else  was  affected,  we  aban 
doned  this  theory,  and  awaited  results,  which  some 
times  threatened  dissolution. 

In  the  midst  of  the  excitement  and  anxiety  caused 
by  Dr.  Tuthill' s  illness,  and  at  about  two  o'clock  in  the 
morning,  the  corporal  of  the  guard  ushered  into  the 
room  an  orderly,  covered  with  mud  and  dripping  with 
water,  who  had  ridden  out,  post  haste,  from  Centre- 
ville,  with  an  order  to  Colonel  Gates  to  return  with  the 
20th  Detachment  forthwith,  as  the  brigade  was  under 
orders  to  march  at  daylight.  The  orderly  had  reached 
the  house  without  much  difficulty,  because  its  location 
on  high  ground  with  its  windows  all  aglow  made  it  an 
unerring  beacon.  But  to  go  out  into  the  thick  darkness 


136  REVEILLE   AND   RETURN.  [1862. 

and  arouse  two  hundred  and  odd  tired  and  sleepy  men, 
dispersed  in  squads  of  three  and  five,  over  a  mile  square 
of  country  that  was  terra  incognita  to  us,  was  quite 
another  affair.  But  it  had  somehow  to  be  done,  and 
Captain  Tappen  and  his  line  officers  with  the  head 
quarters  guard  set  about  it.  A  bugler,  whom  we 
chanced  to  have  with  us,  sounded  the  reveille,  but  the 
the  winds  made  sport  of  his  feeble  blast,  and  the  notes 
floated  away  unheard  on  the  boisterous  air.  It  was 
manifest  to  the  officers  at  the  Lewis  House,  that  no  bugle 
call  less  commanding  than  Gabriel's  could  out-ring  the 
gale  and  penetrate  the  log  huts,  where  their  tired  men 
were  enjoying  nature's  sweet  restorer,  and  whose  lights 
were  long  since  extinguished.  So  it  became  necessary 
to  grope  about  over  stumps  and  logs,  through  ditches 
and  quagmires,  from  hut  to  hut,  and  awaken  the 
dreaming  soldiers.  But  the  searchers  rapidly  increased 
in  numbers,  and  in  an  hour  from  the  time  the  order 
was  received,  the  detachment  was  drawn  up  in  Hne  in 
front  of  the  Lewis  House,  ready  to  set  out  on  its  march 
for  camp,  locating  as  best  we  could  the  position  of 
the  stone  bridge,  with  reference  to  our  starting-point, 
and  leaving  rousing  fires  behind.  We  struck  Bull 
Kun  a  short  distance  below  the  bridge-site.  The  stream 
had  become  much  swollen  since  we  crossed  it  a  few 
hours  before,  and  the  water  was  now  deep  and  the  cur 
rent  impetuous.  But  slinging  their  guns  and  cartridge- 
boxes  over  their  shoulders,  the  men  forded  the  river, 
and  soon  were  striding  down  the  Warrenton  Turnpike, 
without  having  had  the  opportunity  of  seeing  the  battle 
field,  which  they  had  come  so  far  to  inspect.  But  five 
months  later  most  of  them  visited  it  again,  coming  upon 
it  from  the  opposite  direction.  A  hundred  thousand 
armed  men  then  covered  the  ridges  and  filled  the  val- 
lies,  and  swarmed  in  the  woods.  Then  as  now  a  storm 
swept  over  the  fields,  and  thick  clouds  hung  in  the  quiv- 


1862.]  BAILEY'S  CROSS  ROADS.  187 

ering  air.     The  clouds  were  battle' s  pall,  and  the  storm 
was  lead  and  iron. 

We  had  been  obliged  to  leave  Doctor  Tuthill  at  the 
Lewis  House,  in  care  of  two  attendants,  and  he  was  able 
to  rejoin  the  regiment  in  a  few  days.  We  reached  the 
€amp  in  time  to  permit  the  men  to  breakfast,  and 
take  their  places  in  the  ranks  when  the  brigade  march 
ed.  The  rain  poured  down  incessantly  all  day  long, 
and  the  roads  became  like  beds  of  mortar  ;  but  onward 
we  went  with  scarcely  a  halt,  until  we  reached  "Three 
Mile  Run,"  near  Alexandria.  If  the  Confederates  had 
been  marching  upon  the  Capital,  we  could  not  have 
been  hurried  over  the  road  any  faster.  McClellan 
probably  wanted  to  try  our  speed  and  bottom — that  is 
the  only*  apparent  motive  for  the  Centreville  expedition. 
The  march  of  the  regiment  was  17  miles,  and  that  of 
Captain  Tappen'  s  detachment  about  25  miles  ;  which, 
considering  the  condition  of  road  and  weather,  was  a 
good  day's  work.  How  much  farther  we  should  have 
been  required  to  go  no  one  can  tell  ;  but  the  rain  now 
proved  our  benefactor,  in  that  it  had  so  swollen  "  Three 
Mile  Run  "  when  we  reached  it  that  it  was  impossible  to 
cross,  and  we  had  to  stop.  I  wore,  on  this  occasion,  a  pair 
of  high  top  boots  over  my  trowsers — indeed,  my  trowsers 
would  not  go  over  my  boot-legs.  The  consequence  was, 
that  I  carried  about  a  gallon  of  water  in  each  boot-leg 
most  of  the  day,  and  when  the  opportunity  offered, 
some  twenty-four  hours  later,  to  detach  those  boots 
from  my  person,  it  required  the  united  efforts  of  three 
able-bodied  men  to  separate  us.  I  never  afterward  car 
ried  water  in  that  way. 

As  we  were  bridging  "Three  Mile  Run"  next  morn 
ing,  preparatory  to  crossing  and  proceeding  to  Alexan 
dria,  an  order  came  directing  us  to  our  old  quarters  at 
Upton's  Hill,  whither  we  proceeded,  and  where  officers 
and  men  resumed  the  huts  they  had  taken  leave  of  six 
davs  before.  On  the  18th  of  March,  the  regiment  left 


188  EMBARKATION  OF  ARMY.  [1862. 

Upton's  Hill,  and  moving  towards  Alexandria  about  four 
miles,  went  into  camp  two  miles  south  of  Bailey's  Cross 
Roads,  with  a  view  to  being  nearer  to  the  shipping-  point 
when  its  turn  came  to  embark  for  the  Peninsula.  But 
its  turn  never  came. 

We  remained  in  these  quarters  until  the  fourth  day 
of  April.  During  this  time  our  camp  swarmed  witli  civ 
ilian  visitors.  Among  them  were  Mrs.  Pratt,  wife  of 
the  Colonel,  and  Mrs.  Major  Miller,  who  were  under  es 
cort  of  Hon.  Horatio  Seymour,  Ex-Governor  of  New 
York. 

My  old  friends  Messrs.  Fordyce  L.  Laflin,  and  his 
cousin  Addison  H.  Laflin,  Captain  Bouck,  son  of  Ex- 
Governor  Bouck,  and  General  Danforth,  were  among  my 
guests.  The  advance  to  and  return  from  Cerrtreville, 
seemed  to  be  regarded  as  very  creditable  exploits — the 
next,  best  thing  to  an  overwhelming  victory.  Very  few 
people  were  aware  of  the  fact,  that  General  McClellan 
knew  the  Confederates  were  evacuating  Centreville,  be 
fore  he  put  his  army  in  motion  towards  it. 

The  embarkation  of  the  army  at  Alexandria  was  an 
interesting  and  herculean  operation.  It  occupied  about 
thirty  days,  and  drew  an  immense  body  of  spectators- 
soldier  and  civilian — who  never  tired  of  watching  the 
strange  spectacle.  Troops  were  marching  in  steady 
streams  on  board  of  vessels  at  different  wharfs,  while  at 
others,  wagons,  batteries,  and  all  the  supplies  and  im 
pedimenta  of  a  great  army,  were  being  hurried  aboard 
ship.  Including  the  troops  shipped  from  Perryville,  on 
the  Susquehanna,  and  from  Washington,  there  were 
121,000  men,  14,592  animals,  1,150  wagons,  44  batteries, 
74  ambulances,  besides  pontoon  bridges,  telegraph  ma 
terials  and  enormous  quantities  of  equipage  required 
for  such  an  army. 

To  transport  this  multitude  of  men,  animals  and 
property,  there  were  used  113  steamers,  for  which  the 
Government  paid  $212.10  each  per  day  ;  188  schooners,  at 


1862.]  WHAT    THE    FIRST    CORPS  WA.S   TO   DO.  189 

$24.45  per  day,  and  88  barges  at  $14.27  per  day  ;  aggre 
gating  for  water  transportation,  $30,158.66  per  day,  and 
amounting,  with  cost  of  fuel,  to  over  a  million  dollars 
to  transfer  the  army  from  Alexandria  to  Fort  Monroe. 

On  the  13th  of  March,  the  army  was  organized  into 
four  corps  d'arme,  in  pursuance  of  an  order  from  the 
President.  The  1st  corps  was  commanded  by  General 
McDowell,  and  consisted  of  three  divisions,  commanded 
respectively  by  Generals  King,  McCall  and  Franklin. 
The  20th  Regiment  was  in  Patrick's  Brigade  of  King's 
Division.  The  other  regiments  of  this  brigade  were  the 
21st  N.  Y.  V.,  Colonel  Rogers  ;  23d  N.  Y.  V.,  Colonel 
Hoffman,  and  35th  N.  Y.  V.,  Colonel  Lord. 

In  McClellan's  plans  for  the  Peninsula  campaign, 
was  included  a  flank  movement  of  McDowell's  corps, 
and  to  the  derangement  of  such  plans  by  the  retention  of 
this  corps  in  front  of  Washington,  he  has  chiefly  attri 
buted  the  miscarriage  of  the  Peninsula  enterprise.  Mc 
Dowell's  corps  was  to  be  the  last  to  embark  and  was  to 
land  in  rear  of  Gloucester  Point,  thus  turning  York- 
town  and  opening  up  the  York  river.  In  view  of  the 
fact  that  the  navy  declined  to  put  their  heavily  armed 
war  vessels  in  range  of  the  rebel  batteries  at  Yorktown 
and  Gloucester  Point,  it  is  clear  that  the  turning  move 
ment  must  have  been  directed  from  the  Rappahannock 
or  Severn.  And  the  corps  would,  in  either  case,  be  com 
pelled  to  cross  a  broad  and  deep  river,  in  face  of  the 
enemy.  There  was  no  concealment  of  the  general  plan  of 
campaign,  and  it  was  probably  quite  as  well  known  in 
Richmond  as  it  was  in  Washington.  The  share  assign 
ed  to  McDowell's  corps,  was  discussed  by  officers  of  all 
grades,  a  fortnight  before  the  time  for  the  expected  em 
barkation  of  the  corps  ;  but  West  Point,  at  the  head  of 
the  river,  was  understood  to  be  the  first  objective.  To 
reach  it  would  have  required  a  march  of  thirty  miles, 
from  either  the  Severn  or  Rappahannock  ;  and  having 
reached  it,  the  Mattapony  and  Pamunky  rivers  obstruct 


190  FIRST   CORPS   DETACHED.  [1862, 

the  inarch  and  could  only  be  crossed  by  bridging.  West 
Point  is  connected  with  Richmond  by  rail,  from  which 
city  it  is  but  forty  miles  distant,  and  the  entire  peninsula 
from  Yorktown  to  Richmond,  was  in  the  hands  of  the 
rebels,  with  a  force,  estimated  by  General  McClellan,  on 
the  7th  of  April,  "not  less  than  100,000  men.  "  How, 
under  these  circumstances,  McDowell's  corps  of  less 
than  25,000  men  could  have  accomplished  the  role  laid 
out  for  it,  while  McClellan' s  army  of  100,000  was  held  in 
check  by  Magruder,  with  12,000  men  behind  the  works 
at  Yorktown,  is  not  so  clear. 

But  the  experiment  was  not  tried,  and  we  can  only 
speculate  upon  the  probable  consequences  of  an  attempt 
to  carry  it  out.  On  the  fourth  of  April,  the  Adjutant- 
General  of  the  army  telegraphed  to  General  McClellan, 
who  was  then  at  Fort  Monroe,  as  follows:  "By  direction 
of  the  President,  General  McDowell's  army  corps  has 
been  detached  from  the  force  under  your  immediate 
command,  and  the  general  is  ordered  to  report  to  the 
Secretary  of  War,  Letter  by  mail.  ' ' 


C  II  A  P  T  E  K     XIII. 

GENERAL  PATRICK — HIS  FIRST  APPEARANCE  IN  CAMP — HIS  SECOND  COM 
ING  AND  WHAT  THE  "  BOYS  "  SAID  ABOUT  IT — A  BRIEF  BIOGRAPHY — 
DISCIPLINE  AND  WHAT  IT  ACCOMPLISHES — A  LETTER  FROM  THE  GEN 
ERAL,  IN  WHICH  HE  TALKS  OF  THE  REGIMENT  AND  ITS  SERVICES 

ANOTHER  LETTER  FROM  THE  GENERAL,  IN  WHICH  HE  SAYS  SOME 
THING  ABOUT  HIMSELF — TENTS  STRUCK — ORGANIZATION  OF  FIRST 
CORPS — ON  THE  MARCH — GOODING'S  TAVERN— A  TERRIBLE  STORM — 
A  PRAYER  MEETING  AT  HEADQUARTERS — A  RIDE  AND  AN  INCIDENT — 
STATE  PRIDE — IN  WHAT  WE  SHOULD  GLORY — POOR  WHITE  TRASH— 
WHAT  IT  WAS— WHAT  IT  MAY  POSSIBLY  REALIZE. 

WHILE  we  were  lying  at  Centreville,  General  Wads- 
worth  was  appointed  Military  Governor  of  Washington, 
and  took  leave  of  the  brigade.  Soon  thereafter  Gen 
eral  M.  R.  Patrick  was  appointed  his  successor,  and 
assumed  command  after  the  brigade  returned  to  Upton' s 
Hill.  General  Patrick  did  not  win  the  affections  of  his 
troops  so  easily  as  did  his  predecessor ;  indeed,  he 
made  no  effort  in  that  direction.  He  was  about  the  age  of 
General  Wadsworth,  but  of  a  more  slender  figure  and  of 
a  sharp  and  rather  stern  face.  His  head  was  bald  with  a 
rim  of  gray  hair  around  the  base,  and  he  wore  his  beard 
full  and  long.  I  remember  well  the  first  time  I  saw  him 
—he  came  strolling  into  our  camp  on  foot,  with  a  Mexi 
can  blanket  hanging  over  his  shoulders  and  enveloping 
his  form — his  head  passing  through  a  hole  in  the  centre 
of  this  odd  garment.  The  "boys"  were  amused  by 
the  quaint  costume  of  their  unknown  visitor.  He  said 
nothing  to  anybody,  but  walked  about  as  though  he 
were  intent  upon  "  spying  out  the  barrenness  of  the  " 
camp.  The  next  we  knew  of  him  he  rode  into  our 
midst  in  the  uniform  of  a  Brigadier-General,  mounted 
on  a  magnificent  horse,  accompanied  by  his  staff,  and 
assumed  command  of  the  brigade.  The  aforesaid 

191 


192  GENERAL   M.  R.  PATRICK.  [1862. 

"  boys  "  looked  at  him,  and  said  one  to  another,  "  why, 
that  is  the  old  fellow  who  was  skirmishing  around  here 
the  other  day  in  a  horse  blanket.  Is  he  to  boss  this 
brigade  ?  He  looks  as  though  he  could  bite  the  head  off 
a  tenpenny  nail,  and  would  like  to  do  it.  Well,  well, 
we'll  miss  Uncle  Wadsworth,  you  bet."  And  they— 
we.  rather — did  ' '  miss  Uncle  Wadsworth ' '  for  a  while. 
General  Patrick  was  a  graduate  of  West  Point,  and 
had  spent  the  better  part  of  his  life  in  the  regular  army. 
He  had  seen  service  in  Mexico,  and,  I  think,  on  the 
plains  among  the  Indians.  He  was  a  thorough  soldier, 
and  he  exercised  the  authority  of  his  grade  with  the 
inflexible  severity  of  an  old  army  officer,  whose  educa 
tion  and  habits  of  life,  for  fifty  years,  had  made  him  a 
thorough  disciplinarian  and  a  stickler  for  every  pjint 
of  military  etiquette  and  army  regulations,  in  so  far  as 
they  were  deemed  conducive  to  the  well-being  and  effi 
ciency  of  the  troops  under  his  command.  He  was  by 
no  means  a  martinet,  but  he  believed  the  regulations  of 
the  army  were  wise  rules  for  the  government  of  troops, 
and  that  their  enforcement  was  necessary  for  the  pre 
servation  of  that  gradation  of  authority  and  that  main 
tenance  of  discipline,  without  which  an  army  becomes 
a  mob.  He  was  quick  to  detect,  and  stern  in  the  pun 
ishment  of  any  wilful  breach  of  these  regulations,  and 
officers  and  men  alike  were  not  affectionately  disposed 
towards  him.  He  did  not  care — or,  at  least,  did  not  ap 
pear  to  care.  Yet,  when  I  came  to  know  the  General 
better,  I  believed  that  during  all  the  weeks  of  his  early 
command  of  the  brigade,  when  his  hand  seemed  to  be 
really  against  us  all,  he  was  longing  in  his  heart  for  the 
sympathy,  respect  and  love  of  his  officers  and  men. 
Well,  if  he  was,  he  consoled  himself  with  a  well-ground 
ed  faith  that  these  sentiments  would  grow  up  in  the 
course  of  time,  and  he  did  not  have  long  to  waifc  for 
them. 

The   benefit  of   General   Patrick's  thorough  system 


1862.]  A    LETTER   FROM  HIM.  193 

with  his  command  was  appreciated  by  all,  when  the 
real  business  of  the  war  came  to  demand  the  exercise  of 
those  qualities  which  make  men  soldiers,  and  inspire 
them  with  a  consciousness  of  the  strength  the  organiza 
tion  gives  them,  either  for  offense  or  defence.  The 
power  of  resistance  or  the  impact  and  persistency  of  an 
attack,  by  an  army,  depends  in  a  wonderful  degree  upon 
the  faith  the  men  have  in  their  officers  and  in  each 
other,  and  their  dependence  upon  the  discipline  which 
has  cemented  them  together  as  one  man,  and  yet  en 
ables  them  to  execute  any  manoauvre  required  to  make 
their  arms  most  effective.  It  is  this  discipline  and  this 
conscious  strength  which  makes  a  hundred  well-drilled 
men  superior  to  an  armed  mob  of  a  thousand.  As  we 
more  and  more  appreciated  these  facts,  we  more  and 
more  appreciated  our  Brigade-commander,  and,  at 
length,  there  was  probably  no  general  officer  in  the  army 
who  was  held  in  higher  esteem  by  the  officers  and  men 
under  his  command,  than  General  Patrick  was  by  his 
brigade — and  as  for  the  Twentieth,  it  idolized  the  Gen 
eral,  and  I  believe  he  had  a  very  good  opinion  of  it. 
At  all  events,  he  writes  me  this  letter  : 

MAULIUS,  N.  Y.,  23d  November,  1878. 
MY  DEAR  GENERAL  : 

I  am  heartily  glad  to  learn  that  you  are  preparing  a  history  of  the 
services  rendered  by  the  "Twentieth  New  York "  during  the  late  Civil 
War.  Justice  to  the  regiment  demands  that  such  a  history  be  made  upr 
from  its  always  well-kept  records,  and  from  the  documentary  testimony 
now  available  from  many  other  sources.  As  a  rule  every  regiment  in  the 
Army  of  Potomac  was  attached  to  some  brigade,  of  which  it  became  an 
integral  part  of  the  brigade  treasure,  jealously  guarded  by  Brigade, 
Division  and  Corps  Commanders.  Every  act  of  heroism,  every  deed  of 
gallantry  was  honorably  mentioned,  and  promotion  urged  as  the  reward, 
by  these  several  Commanding  Generals. 

The  part  played  by  that  Old  Brigade  to  which  the  Twentieth  be 
longed,  during  the  Pope  Campaign,  was  not,  certainly,  less  prominent 
than  that  of  any  brigade  of  Pope's  Army  ;  but  while  his  report  as  pub 
lished,  embodies  the  reports  of  all  other  Brigade-Commanders,  mine  alone 
was  suppressed.  A  glance  at  the  revelations  made  before  the  Fitz-John 
i  3 


194  GENERAL   PATRICK'S   LETTER. 

Porter  Board,  as  to  the  operations  of  my  brigade  at  Groveton,  on  the  29th 
and  30th  of  August,  '62,  may  give  the  reasons  for  its  suppression. 

From  the  bloody  and  disastrous  field  of  Groveton,  was  borne  away 
the  pure  and  chivalrous  commander  of  your  regiment  to  yield  up  his 
young  and  joyous  life  upon  the  altar  of  his  country.  On  that  field,  too, 
were  left — I  know  not  how  many — of  your  gallant  dead,  nor  how  many 
more  were  carried  away  to  linger  and  die  of  wounds  that  day  received. 

During  the  Maryland  Campaign  that  followed,  the  regiment  under 
your  own  command  added  to  its  reputation  already  established  on  the 
crest  of  South  Mountain  and  the  field  of  Antietam  ;  its  brilliant  record 
for  that  year,  closing  up  with  the  battles  around  Fredericksburg,  13th  and 
15th  December. 

As  Provost-Marshal-General  of  the  Army  of  Potomac,  from  the  bat 
tle  of  Antietam,  it  was  absolutely  indispensable  that  I  should  have  troops 
around  me  on  whom  I  could  rely.  Regiment  after  regiment  was  assigned 
to  me,  only  to  make  further  changes  needful,  until  in  early  January  of  '63, 
my  request  to  have  my  Old  Brigade  assigned  to  my  department  was 
granted,  and  from  that  hour  I  felt  that  I  had  those  around  me  who  could 
be  trusted. 

In  less  than  six  months  afterward  the  other  regiments  of  that  famous 
Old  Brigade  having  been  discharged  by  expiration  of  two  years'  service, 
the  Twentieth  alone  remained,  charged  with  difficult,  laborious  and  re 
sponsible  duties,  increasing  in  magnitude  and  importance  up  to  the  close 
of  the  war.  Although  the  Provost  troops  were  not,  on  ordinary  occa 
sions,  in  line  of  battle,  yet,  in  every  time  of  peril,  from  Gettysburg  to 
Petersburg,  the  hasty  call  on  me  was,  "Put  in  your  Twentieth'' — and 
"  put  in  "  it  was ;  and  history  tells  the  story.  It  records  the  heroic  con 
duct  of  the  20th  N.  Y.  and  151st  Pa. — a  demi-brigade  under  your  own 
command — in  resisting  the  main  attack  of  Pickett's  famous  division,  six 
times  your  own  number,  for  three  hours,  holding  ground  against  nearly 
100  guns,  and  eventually  forcing  the  enemy  from  the  field,  but  with  the 
loss  of  Corbin  and  Baldwin,  and  Brankstone,  and  many  others  of  your 
best  and  bravest. 

And  history  too  records  the  fact,  that  when  the  call  was  made,  for  the 
last  time,  to  "  Put  in  the  Twentieth,"  it  did  go  in,  and  go  through,  and 
planted  the  Stars  and  Stripes  above  the  captured  city  of  Petersburg. 

But,  with  the  passing  away  of  every  emergency  that  called  the  regi 
ment  into  line  of  battle,  it  was  relieved,  with  the  thanks  of  its  temporary 
Commanding  General,  and  returned  to  its  normal  duties  in  my 
Department.  Belonging  to  no  corps,  but  "put  in"  whenever  and 
wherever  necessity  demanded,  its  services  were  not  recognized  and  hon 
ored  as  were  the  services  of  other  regiments  permanently  attached  to  the 
corps  in  which  the  Twentieth  might  be  temporarily  fighting. 

If,  however,  the  laurels  earned  by  this  regiment  were  sometimes 
placed  on  other  brows,  there  were  garlands  gathered  by  the  Twentieth  on 
fields  that  were  ail  its  own.  To  watch  over  the  discipline  and  interior 


1862.]  GENERAL   PATRICK'S   LETTER.  195 

economy  of  a  great  army,  to  check  abuses,  to  carry  out  instructions  of  the 
most  difficult  and  delicate  character,  when  to  shut  the  eye  to  evil  practices 
would  ensure  the  most  liberal  rewards,  this  was  a  service  that  tested  the 
courage  more  thoroughly  than  to  grapple  with  an  armed  foe  on  the 
battle-field. 

Daily  brought  in  contact  with  citizens  of  the  Confederacy  and  their 
families,  to  the  credit  of  both  officers  and  men  be  it  recorded,  that  their 
treatment  of  non-combatants  in  the  invaded  States  was  governed  by  that 
•law  which  required  them  to  do  unto  these  people  what,  under  like  cir 
cumstances,  they  would  consider  just  to  themselves  and  their  families, 
were  their  own  homes  invaded.  The  conviction,  that  both  officers  and 
men  endeavored  to  act  justly  and  kindly,  as  well  as  with  firmness  and  de 
cision,  early  forced  itself  upon  these  rebellious  people,  and  elicited  in 
them  a  disposition  to  yield,  "without  strife,  to  requirements  that,  otherwise, 
would  have  involved  force  and  violent  collisions.  To  this  day  the  20th 
N.  Y.  is  held  in  grateful  remembrance  by  the  inhabitants  of  Northern 
and  Middle  Virginia. 

If  the  duties  devolving  upon  the  regiment  in  '63,  '64,  and  '65  were 
unique  and  peculiar,  the  personal  relations  that  came  to  exist  between  the 
regiment  and  myself  were  not  less  so.  If,  at  the  first,  there  was  no  kind 
feeling  towards  the  Brigade-Commander,  it  was  not  long  before  good 
sense,  reason  and  experience  placed  a  different  estimate  upon  what  had 
been  regarded  as  the  iron  rule  of  a  heartless  despot.  Pride  in  exceptional 
discipline  and  trustworthiness  took  the  place  of  discontent,  and  the  bap 
tism  of  fire  purged  away  all  bitterness.  In  after-times,  when  countless 
regiments  were,  from  time  to  time,  assigned  to  me,  the  rank  and  file  of  the 
Twentieth  seemed  to  share  with  their  officers  in  the  feeling,  that  some 
how,  they  were  the  legitimate  and  special  custodians  of  the  reputation  of 
the  Provost-Marshal-General's  Department,  and  the  honor  of  its  chief. 

While  in  the  other  regiments  little  material  was  afforded  that  could 
be  used  with  safety  in  my  department,  in  the  Twentieth  there  was  a  senti 
ment  of  personal,  almost  filial  obligation,  in  carrying  out  my  wishes. 

It  would  be  strange,  if  such  long-continued  faithfulness  and  loyalty 
should  not  have  given  birth  to  a  responsive  feeling  on  my  part — that  this 
particular  regiment  became  almost  a  part  of  my  military  family,  and  that  the 
welfare  of  its  members  became  a  matter  of  deep  personal  interest.  With 
the  fall  of  the  Confederacy,  in  accordance  with  the  promise  of  the  Presi 
dent,  the  regiment  was  ordered  to  follow  me  to  Bichmond,  and  it  was  in 
the  conquered  capital  of  the  Rebel  Confederacy,  with  which  we  had  been 
four  years  at  war,  that  our  war  services  were  fitly  ended. 

Since  I  rode  down  the  front  of  that  veteran  regiment  on  Sunday 
evening,  the  llth  of  June,  1865,  and  our  last  good-bye  was  said,  I  have 
never  buckled  on  the  old  sword,  but  it  hangs  against  the  wall,  to  rust  in 
its  scabbard,  I  trust,  forever. 

Of  the  many  troops  that,  at  different  times,  served  under  my  com 
mand,  I  have  never  mo!,  nor  kept  up  an  acquaintance  with  nny,  s;i\v  the 


196  ANOTHER   LETTER   FROM   GEN.    PATRICK.  [1862. 

Twentieth,  since  the  close  of  the  war.  This  may  be  accounted  for,  in 
part,  from  the  militia  organization  of  the  Twentieth,  as  State  troops,  in 
stead  of  simple  volunteers,  who  disbanded  at  the  expiration  of  their  term 
of  service,  but  mainly,  because  I  have  always  felt  it  to  be  both  duty  and 
pleasure,  to  meet  those  with  whom  I  was  so  long  associated  in  the  days 
of  darkness,  and  to  whose  personal  kind  feeling  I  was  largely  indebted 
for  the  carrying  out  of  a  system,  which  entrusted  to  most  others,  would 
have  been  sure  of  failure. 

I  have  written  more  than  I  thought  to  have  done  when  I  sat  down, 
and  will  only  add,  that  I  am  sure,  with  the  abundant  material  at  your  dis 
posal,  it  will  be  a  labor  both  of  duty  and  of  love  to  enshrine  the  services 
of  the  regiment  you  so  long  and  worthily  commanded,  in  a  volume  that 
will  be  handed  down,  with  just  pride,  to  coming  generations  of  those 
whose  fathers  served  in  the  ' '  Twentieth  New  York  "  during  the  War  of 
the  Great  Rebellion. 

Very  sincerely,  General, 

I  remain   yours,  as  ever, 

M.  R.  PATRICK. 
GENERAL  THEODORE  B.  GATES, 
371  Fulton  Street, 

Brooklyn,  N.  Y. 

Accompanying  the  foregoing  letter  was  a  brief  one, 
of  a  personal  character,  and  which  the  General  did  not 
expect  to  see  in  print,  but  as  it  relates  to  himself  and 
refers  to  his  health  and  feelings,  I  know  his  old  com 
rades  of  the  Twentieth  will  be  glad  to  read  it,  and  I 
therefore  take  the  liberty  to  insert  it. 

MAULITJS,  November  23,  1878. 
My  Dear  General : 

I  did  not  mean,  when  I  dropped  you  a  postal,  acknowledging  your  letter 
of  26th  September,  that  it  would  be  the  last  of  November  before  I  should 
reply  to  it.  Although  I  am  not  often  rigidly  confined  to  my  room,  I  am 
much  broken  of  late,  and  this  season,  especially.  When  I  was  East  in 
July,  I  came  home  sick  and  was  not  about  much,  until  September.  About 
the  8th  or  9th  of  October,  I  was  called  suddenly  to  Albany,  to  attend  the 
funeral  of  a  friend,  (the  mother  of  Prentiss,  who  was  on  my  staff  in  '64). 
Being  there,  I  concluded  to  go  down  the  river  to  Rhinebeck,  Kingston, 
and  New  York,  but  while  staying  a  few  days  with  the  family  in  Albany, 
I  was  taken  suddenly  and  strangely  ill,  and  after  waiting  there  three  or 
four  days,  finding  myself  no  better,  came  back  home.  Have  onlj'  got  to 
work  again  within  the  week,  and  am  unloading  my  table  as  fast  as  possi 
ble.  Some  days  I  am  unable  to  control  my  hand  to  write.  Most  of  my 


1862.]  TENTS   STRUCK.  197 

troubles  arise  from  rheumatism,  which  has  saturated  my  whole  system, 
and  develops  itself  in  all  sorts  of  strange  and  uncomfortable  ways .  And 
now  for  the  gist  of  your  letter.  I  sat  down  this  morning  to  block  out 
something  to  be  used  in  the  work  you  are  preparing;  but  when  I  endea 
vored  to  think,  so  many  recollections  crowded  up  before  me,  that  I  found 
it  would  be  easier  to  write  a  pamphlet  than  a  page,  so  full  were  the  years 
•of  incident.  I  was  unwilling,  however,  to  say  nothing;  neither  my  sense 
•of  justice  to  the  right,  nor  the  courtesy  due  to  yourself  would  allow  that. 
So  I  have  just  written  you  a  letter  without  delay,  but  which  expresses  my 
opinions  in  somewhat  general  terms.  I  am  not  at  all  certain  that  it  is 
quite  what  ought  to  appear  in  your  book,  and  I  beg  of  you,  if  after  read 
ing  it  you  should  think,  as  others  will,  that  it  were  better  left  out,  do  so, 
without  a  moment's  hesitation — it  don't  suit  me  at  all.  You  speak  of  a 
photograph— E.  B.  Townsend,  formerly  a  Lieutenant  of  20th,  now  in 
Washington,  sent  a  photograph  of  me  to  my  daughter,  a  few  months  ago, 
that  the  family  think  is  the  best  they  have  seen.  I  don't  remember,  but 
think  it  must  be  one  of  Gardiner's — I'll  write  Townsend  for  one.  In  Jan 
uary  '77,  I  rang  at  your  door,  but  you  and  madame  were  both  in  Kingston 
(I  think).  I  was  in  Brooklyn  again,  in  February  last,  but  made  no  calls. 
Can't  say  whether  I  go  down  this  winter.  With  kind  regards  to  Mrs. 
Gates,  I  remain, 

Yours  sincerely, 

M.  R.  PATRICK. 

GENERAL  GATES,  Brooklyn. 

On  the  fourth  of  April,  1862,  the  first  corps  of  the 
Army  of  the  Potomac  struck  tents,  and  again  turned  its 
face  toward  the  setting  sun.  The  brigade,  in  which 
was  the  Twentieth,  consisted  of  the  regiments  already 
named  as  composing  it,  while  the  division  was  com 
manded  by  General  King.  General  McDowell  command 
ed  the  corps. 

We  marched  at  four  o'clock  in  the  afternoon,  and 
bivouacked  at  seven,  two  miles  south  of  Annandale,  hav 
ing  marched  only  about  six  miles.  When  we  halted,  I 
found  myself  near  a  quaint,  old-fashioned  road-side  inn  ; 
from  a  pole  in  front  of  which  was  suspended  a  weather- 
beaten,  creaking  sign,  bearing  the  name  of  William 
Gooding,  which  the  elements  had  failed  utterly  to  ob 
literate.  For  sixty  years  this  hostelry  had  been  known 
as  "  William  Gooding' s  tavern,"  and  he,  or  some  mem 
ber  of  his  family,  had,  during  that  long  period  of  time, 


198  A  PRAYER-MEETING  AT  HEADQUARTERS.  [1862, 

offered  "entertainment  for  man  and  beast,"  at  the 
same  board  and  in  the  same  stalls — never  changing  ; 
never  adding  a  rood  of  land  to  their  possessions  ;  never 
enlarging  or  improving  buildings  or  lands,  scarcely 
restoring  a  shingle  or  board  to  exclude  the  elements. 
What  the  tavern  and  stable  were  in  the  beginning,  they 
are  now,  "  the  natural  wear  and  tear  thereof,  and  dam 
age  by  the  elements  excepted,"  the  Gooding  establish 
ment  is  a  type  of  Virginia  conservatism,  as  it  manifests 
itself  in  the  rural  districts. 

Passing  through  Fairfax  Court  House,  Centreville, 
Manassas  Junction,  where  we  struck  the  Orange  and 
Alexandria  Railroad  track,  we  went  into  camp  at  a  rail 
road  station  called  "Bristoe,"  at  two  o'clock,  p.  M.,  on 
the  sixth  of  April.  We  had  marched  thirty-eight 
miles. 

The  next  day  a  terrible  storm  of  rain,  snow  and 
sleet,  set  in,  and  continued  for  sixty  hours.  The  only 
protection  the  men  had  from  this  bitter  storm,  were  the 
wretched,  brown  paper  affairs,  called  u  tents  cPdbri" 
the  only  earthly  use  of  which  are  to  arrest  the  fall  of  a 
gentle  dew.  The  officers  fared  but  little  better  than  the 
men,  and  the  horses  suffered  fearfully.  There  were  no 
buildings  into  which  either  man  or  beast  could  take 
refuge,  and  it  only  remained  to  us  to  endure — hoping  for 
a  speedy  change.  The  people  who  had  lived  there 
about  said  they  had  never  had  such  a  storm  before  at 
that  season  of  the  year,  and  they  insinuated  that  it  was 
a  judgment  upon  the  "  invading  Yanks." 

Soon  after  taking  command  of  the  brigade,  Gfeneral 
Patrick  introduced  the  practice  of  having  prayers  at  his 
headquarters,  when  in  camp,  conducted  by  some  one  of 
the  several  chaplains  of  the  brigade.  The  chaplain  of 
the  Twentieth  thus  describes  the  situation  in  which  he 
found  the  General,  when  he  went  to  his  quarters,  during 
the  storm  at  Bristoe,  to  conduct  the  evening  service : 


1862.]  A   RIDE   AND   AN  INCIDENT.  199 

"I  found  the  General  sitting  before  his  tent,  wrapped 
in  his  india-rubber  robe,  his  feet  resting  on  a  log,  and 
striving  to  get  some  warmth  from  a  fire  of  logs,  which 
was  struggling  with  the  storm  for  its  very  existence. 
He  was  far  from  well,  but  received  me  cordially,  ex 
pressing  his  gratification  that  1  had  ventured  to  come 
half  a  mile  through  such  a  storm  for  such  a  purpose. 
He  feared,  however,  that  his  usual  attendance  of  officers 
would  be  missing,  which  proved  true,  for  on  the  sound 
ing  of  the  bugle  none  came,  and  a  chapter  was  read  and 
a  prayer  offered  in  his  tent,  with  none  present  but  our 
selves." 

While  tarrying  at  this  place  three  or  four  of  our  offi 
cers  rode  off  some  miles  to  the  house  of  a  Mr.  Marcel- 
lus,  who  was  the  prominent  man  of  that  section  of  coun 
try.  He  stood  at  the  gate  in  front  of  his  house  when 
the  officers  came  up,  and  received  them  with  an  air  of 
unmitigated  disdain.  While  they  were  transacting 
their  business  with  him,  he  did  not  ask  them  to  dis 
mount.  After  this  was  over,  one  of  them  inquired  if  he 
could  not  accommodate  them  with  something  to  eat  ? 

He  then  very  reluctantly  invited  them  to  dismount 
and  walk  into  the  house.  The  parlor  was  a  pleasant 
room,  uncarpeted  and  plainly  furnished,  and  contained 
a  book  case  with  a  very  good  selection  of  rather  ancient 
literature. 

Leaving  the  officers  here  some  little  time,  Mr.  Mar- 
cellus  announced  dinner  in  an  adjoining  room.  There 
they  found  a  table  spread  with  a  dish  of  cold  baked 
beans,  a  few  slices  of  fat  pork,  and  a  plate  of  corn 
bread.  After  partaking  of  these  substantial s,  they  re 
turned  to  the  parlor,  whither  Mr.  Marcellus  had  gone 
immediately  after  showing  them  to  the  table,  and  one  of 
the  party  offered  him  the  contents  of  a  pocket  flask. 
It  was  politely  accepted,  and  under  its  mollifying  influ 
ence  our  host's  austerity  yielded  to  a  more  genial  mood 
and  a  more  benign  manner. 


200  STATE    PRIDE.  [1862. 

He  took  the  trouble  to  produce  and  exhibit  an  old- 
fashioned  silver-mounted  horse-pistol,  which  he  said 
was  one  of  a  pair  General  Washington  carried,  and 
which  had  somehow  become  an  heir-loom  in  the  Marcel- 
lus  family.  He  professed  to  regard  it  with  great  ven 
eration,  and  had  concealed  it  on  the  approach  of  the 
Northern  vandals  ;  but  a  little  good  bourbon  had  re 
moved  all  his  fears  and  inspired  him  with  unreserved 
confidence  in  his  visitors. 

As  his  unbidden  guests  were  about  to  depart,  one  of 
them,  considering  that  their  entertainment,  such  as  it 
was,  had  been  very  reluctantly  furnished,  hinted  as 
delicately  as  he  could,  that  they  would  like  to  make 
some  compensation  for  it.  This  was  too  much  for  the 
blood  of  one  of  the  first  five  families  !  Straightening  his 
tall  form  and  putting  on  an  air  of  insulted  dignity,  he 
exclaimed:  "  Sir,  Iain  a  Virginian!"  Of  course,  an 
adequate  apology  was  tendered,  and  the  parties  sep 
arated  on  the  best  of  terms. 

This  incident  is  related  merely  to  show  the  inordin 
ate  conceit  of  these  lords  of  the  South.  It  was  this 
overweening  vanity — this  self-ascribed  superiority  and 
importance,  which  manifested  itself  in  such  expressions, 
as  "  Sir,  I  am  a  Virginian  ;"  "Sir.  I  am  a  South  Caro 
linian,"  that  did  so  much  to  engender  a  disdain  for 
the  non-slave-holding  portions  of  the  country. 

A  reasonable  degree  of  State  pride  is  certainly  allow 
able,  but  to  suppose  that  the  accident  of  birth  or  the 
circumstance  of  residence  in  any  particular  State  con 
fers  superior  virtues  and  dignity,  was  the  antiquated 
notion  of  an  arrogant  aristocracy. 

To  appreciate  the  absurdity  of  this  fond  conceit, 
imagine,  if  you  can,  a  citizen  of  one  of  our  rich  and 
growing  Western  States,  under  like  circumstances, 
clothing  himself  with  an  oppressive  weight  of  dignity, 
and  exclaiming  to  his  startled  guest:  "Sir,  I  am  a 
Mich  -  i- gander  /' ' 


1862.]  POOR    WHITE   TRASH.  201 

No  !  Let  us  not  glory  in  that  we  are  citizens  of  an 
Eastern,  Western,  Northern  or  Southern  State,  for  all 
are  equal  under  the  Constitution  and  Laws.  But  let  us 
glory  rather  in  the  inestimable  civil  and  religious  privi 
leges  which  we  enjoy,  as  American  citizens. 

Another,  and  a  much  more  numerous  class,  with 
which  a  longer  sojourn  in  the  State  brought  us  in  con 
tact,  was  what  was  known  in  the  South  as  "poor  white- 
trash,''  and  probably  this  term  describes  the  despised 
people  to  whom  it  was  applied,  as  well  as  any  English 
words  can.  There  are  nowhere  else  in  this  country,  a 
people  who  can  be  likened  to  these  pitiable  specimens 
of  degraded  humanity. 

In  the  North,  the  poorest  and  most  ignorant  of  our 
population  have  some  sentiment  of  manliness  and  inde 
pendence — some  enterprise  and  thrift. 

But  these  poor  creatures  were  the  veriest  slaves  of  a 
race  of  slaves,  and  possessed  no  sentiment  above  the  in 
stincts  of  the  brute. 

Dwelling  in  miserable  kennels  and  sustaining  a  bare 
existence  by  the  fitful  tillage  of  a  few  acres  of  worn  out 
land — the  property  of  some  neighboring  planter — they 
came  and  went  at  the  beck  or  nod  of  their  imperious 
landlords,  and  were  as  obedient  to  their  commands  as 
the  colored  slave,  who  felt  it  a  degradation  to  associate 
with  these  dependent  whites. 

Grown  up  themselves,  and  their  children  growing  up 
in  the  most  abject  ignorance — mentally,  morally  and 
physically  debased  by  their  condition  and  habits  of  life 
—excluded  from  intercourse  with  the  planters  around 
them,  and  barely  tolerated  by  the  slaves,  they  were  the 
dupes  of  the  nearest  demagogue  and  the  willing  tools  of 
their  task-masters. 

Ignorant  of  the  simplest  forms  of  intelligible  expres 
sion,  they  had  an  idiom  constructed  of  negro  dialect 
and  words  of  unknown  derivation.  If  you  asked  one  of 
them  the  name  of  his  country  or  township,  it  was  an 


202  WHAT  IT  MAY  REALIZE.  [1862. 

even  chance  he  could  not  tell  you.  If  you  inquired  the 
distance  to  the  nearest  planter's,  and  he  ventured  upon 
the  intellectual  effort  to  inform  you,  it  would  be  exe 
cuted  by  a  combination  something  like  "  two  rises  and 
a  right  smart  level ',"  or,  "three  sigJits  and  a  go-by,  I 
reckon"  He  "totes"  your  baggage  and  "carries" 
your  horse  to  water. 

It  was  such  men  who  made  up  the  great  mass  of  the 
rebel  army,  and  who  knew  no  more  of  the  cause  or  pur 
pose  of  the  war,  than  they  did  of  the  planetary  system. 
If  light  ever  breaks  in  upon  their  clouded  perceptions, 
they  will  realize  that  it  was  not  the  blacks  alone  who 
were  emancipated  by  the  failure  of  their  master's  rebel 
lion. 


CHAPTEK    XIV. 

PLEASANT  "WEATHER — MANASSAS  JUNCTION — MORTALITY  AMONG  CONFED 
ERATE  SOLDIERS — REMINISCENCES  OF  BULL-RUN — REJOICING  AND 
PRAYING — ERRONEOUS  NOTIONS  OF  ARMY  DEMORALIZATION— WHAT 
DISCIPLINE  DOES  IN  THIS  REGARD — ORDER  NO.  36. — A  LETTER  ON 
ARMY  INFLUENCES— MEN  PRONE  TO  BELIEVE  EVIL  OF  THEIR  FEL 
LOWS — CRITICS  OF  MILITARY  OFFICERS — ANECDOTE  OF  LINCOLN — REV. 
DR.  BALCH  AND  TREASONABLE  TALK — BRUTE  INSTINCT — MARCHING 
SOUTH — ''GO  AS  YOU  PLEASE"— SKIRMISHING  AT  THE  FRONT — FAL- 
MOUTII — BRIDGES  BURNED — VESSELS  BURNED — THE  "FRENCH  LADY" — 
ACROSS  THE  RIVER — HOW  WE  WERE  RECEIVED — FREDERICKSKURGERS 
AND  THEIR  ANECDOTES  OF  WASHINGTON — HE  WAS  MASTER  OF  THEIR 
MASONIC  LODGE — HIS  LETTER  TO  THE  GRAND  LODGE  OF  MARYLAND — 
THE  GRAVE  OF  WASHINGTON'S  MOTHER — THE  CONSIDERATION  FOR  A 
MONUMENT,  AND  HOW  ONE  OF  THE  CONTRACTING  PARTIES  FAILED 
TO  PERFORM — TRUE  LOVE  NEVER  DID  RUN  SMOOTH — VALLEY  OF  THE 
RAPPAHANNOCK — ARMIES  ENCOMPASSING  IT — FEDERAL  BANDS — ''MU 
SIC  IN  CAMP." 

WE  were  lying  west  of,  and  but  four  miles  from  Manas - 
sas  Junction.  The  Orange  and  Alexandria  Railroad  had 
been  repaired,  and  supplies  were  sent  to  the  corps  by 
rail.  The  storm  was  succeeded  by  warm  and  beautiful 
weather,  which  soon  dispelled  the  feelings  of  discontent 
and  discomfort  which  for  sixty  hours  had  made  several 
thousand  men  and  several  hundred  horses  very  miser 
able  indeed.  The  ground  dried  rapidly,  and  in  a  few 
hours  after,  the  snow  and  hail  had  disappeared.  Offi 
cers  were  in  the  saddle,  giving  themselves  and  their  ani 
mals  a  little  agreeable  exercise,  and  inspecting  their 
surroundings. 

Manassas  Junction  was  a  favorite  resort,  because  it 
had  already  become  historical,  as  rebel  headquarters 
for  nearly  a  year,  and  there  were  still  many  evidences 
lingering  about  it  of  the  occupation  and  destructive 
proclivities  of  Johnson's  army.  And,  in  the  vicinity  of 

203 


204  REMINISCENCES   OF   BULL   RUN.  [1862. 

the  Junction,  there  were  also  abundant  evidences  of  the 
fearful  mortality,  especially  among  the  troops  from  the 
more  southerly  portion  of  the  Confederacy,  which  had 
prevailed  during  the  preceding  winter.  In  one  lot  we 
discovered  seventy-four  graves,  with  plain  wooden  head 
boards,  the  inscriptions  on  which  showed  that  they  had 
died  of  disease,  and  not  in  battle,  and  most  of  them  had 
belonged  to  the  10th  Alabama  regiment.  The  period 
covered  by  these  interments  was  less  than  three  months. 
During  the  nine  days  the  brigade  remained  at  Bris- 
toe,  we  revisited  Bull  Run  battlefield,  and  gave  it  a 
more  leisurely  inspection  than  we  had  been  able  to  on 
former  occasions.  But  there  is  little  to  be  added  to 
what  has  been  already  said  of  that  famous  field.  The 
rebels  had  done  an  immense  amount  of  work  in  build 
ing  huts,  stables  and  corduroy  roads.  Their  cabins 
were  comfortable,  but  their  arrangements  for  fires  and 
cooking  seemed  to  have  been  very  inadequate.  In  one 
hut  was  this  attempt  at  practical  versification : 

"  To  this  cabin  there  is  a  door, 
To  this  cabin  there  is  a  floor  ; 
So  coming  in  please  scrape  your  feet, 
And  closing  the  door  there'll  be  some  heat." 

On  the  plateau,  heretofore  described,  where  the 
rebels  made  their  final  stand  on  the  21st  of  July,  and 
upon  the  identical  spot  where  he  is  said  to  have  fallen, 
a  small  marble  shaft  had  been  erected  to  the  memory  of 
the  Confederate  Colonel,  Francis  S.  Bartow,  and  en 
graved  upon  it  are  the  last  words  he  uttered:  "They 
have  killed  me,  boys,  but  never  give  up  the  fight." 
They  remind  one  of  Bainbridge's  dying  exclamation  : 
"Never  give  up  the  ship."  It  is  only  a  heroic  spirit, 
that  can  thus,  in  the  agonies  of  death,  forget  self,  and 
as  the  soul  is  rending  its  mortal  tenement,  devote  its 
last  earthly  thought  to  the  cause  for  which  the  body 
dies. 


1862.]  GENERAL   ORDER  NO.    36.  205 

On  the  tenth  of  April,  news  was  received  in  camp  of 
the  capture  of  Island  No.  10;  of  a  Federal  victory  at 
Corinth,  and  that  McClellan  was  driving  the  enemy  be 
fore  him  at  Yorktown.  The  following  Sunday  morn 
ing,  after  inspection,  prayers  were  offered  before  the 
troops,  in  thanksgiving  for  recent  victories  to  the  Union 
arms,  and  all  seemed  to  unite  devoutly  in  the  solemn 
ceremony. 

The  notion  used  to  be  very  prevalent  that  the  sol 
diers  were  prone  to  profanity,  dissipation  and  wicked 
ness  of  all  sons,  and  not  mucli  given  to  prayer. 

I  suppose  that  opinion  still  prevails.  But  I  utterly 
and  entirely  dissent  from  it.  Necessarily,  in  a  large 
army,  there  will  be  men  of  bad  character,  and  there  will 
also  be  weak  men  who  may  be  corrupted  by  the  bad. 
This  is  true  of  all  times  and  places.  But  the  tendency 
of  military  life,  in  well  organized  and  properly  discip 
lined  troops,  is  the  reverse  of  evil.  It  teaches  men 
"Cleanliness  which  is  next  to  Gfodliness.  "  It  imbues 
them  with  self-respect  and  a  regard  for  law  and  order. 
It  gives  them  a  sense  of  the  dignity  of  manhood,  and  of 
their  just  relations  to  their  fellow  men. 

While  some  men  were  morally  ruined  by  their  con 
nection  with  the  army,  a  great  many  more,  morally  ruin 
ed  men,  were  regenerated  and  made  good  citizens,  in  the 
same  great  school. 

Officers,  who  have  a  just  conception  of  the  duties  and 
obligations  they  owe  their  men,  will  look  after  their 
moral  as  well  as  their  physical  condition;  and  I  find  an 
order  issued  by  Colonel  Pratt  on  the  12th  of  May,  1861, 
which  is  so  admirable  that  I  quote  it :  "General  Orders 
No.  36.  The  Colonel  commanding,  reminds  the  officers 
and  soldiers  of  the  20th  Regiment,  that  no  one  can  ex 
pect  the  favor  of  the  God  of  battles,  who  habitually 
takes  His  name  in  vain.  Profanity  in  any  man  is 
among  the  worst  of  vices  ;  in  the  soldier,  who  is  subject 


206  CRITICS  OP  MILITARY  OFFICERS.  [1862. 

to  especial  hazard,  it  is  casting  away  the  help  of  the 
only  arm  that  can  give  victory. 

"The  Colonel  commanding  therefore  hopes  that  he 
shall  hear  of  no  cases  of  profanity,  which  require  the 
severe  notice  of  military  law.  " 

The  Articles  of  War,  which  constitute  the  military 
law,  prohibit  profanity  and  drunkenness,  and  are,  in 
fact,  a  thorough  moral  code. 

In  a  letter  written  from  my  camp  in  1864,  after  three 
years'  experience  of  army  life,  I  said;  "it  is  doubtless 
true  that  military  camps  contain  much  wickedness,  but 
it  does  not  follow,  necessarily,  that  every  one  who  be 
longs  to  them,  is  sinful  beyond  the  ordinary  degree  of 
human  weakness.  Such  camps  contain  all  sorts  and 
conditions  of  men  ;  good,  bad  and  indifferent.  But  I  do 
not  believe  these  people  are  any  worse  in  the  army,  than 
they  would  be  anywhere  else.  In  fact,  I  do  not  think 
there  are  half  so  many  temptations  to  err,  in  the  army, 
as  there  are  in  Kingston  or  Saugerties,  or  any  other  lit 
tle  village  in  your  county.  I  do  not  think  the  men  of 
my  command,  who  may  be  so  fortunate  as  to  live  to  get 
home,  will  be  any  worse  citizens,  because  they  have  been 
soldiers.  " 

That  opinion  has  been  strengthened  by  subsequent 
observations. 

Men  are  too  ready  to  believe  evil  of  their  fellow-men. 
It  is  a  pitiable  human  infirmity.  And  it  was  fashion 
able  to  charge  officers,  especially  if  they  were  unsuccess 
ful,  with  drunkenness.  This  charge  was  brought  against 
McDowell,  after  the  first  Bull  Run,  when  in  fact  he 
never  touched  a  glass  of  wine  in  his  life.  He  is,  and 
always  has  been,  a  total  abstainer.  He  drinks  neither 
wine,  tea  or  coffee. 

The  corps  of  military  critics  and  self-constituted 
mentors  was  very  large  during  the  war,  and  they  pro 
nounced  Sherman  crazy  and  Grant  habitually  drunk. 

One  of  them  complained  to  the  President  of  Grant's 


1862.]  DR.    BALCH  AND   TREASONABLE  TALK.  207 

supposed  inebriety.  Mr.  Lincoln  asked  the  grumbler  if 
he  knew  what  kind  of  liquor  Grant  drank.  "  No, ' '  said 
he  ;  "why  do  you  ask?"  "  Because,"  said  the  Presi 
dent,  "  I  would  like  to  send  some  of  the  same  brand  to 
the  other  Generals." 

Accompanied  by  the  Regimental  Surgeon  and  Adju 
tant,  we  paid  a  visit  to  the  residence  of  the  Rev.  Dr. 
Balch,  a  learned  and  distinguished  divine  of  that 
neighborhood,  and  were  invited  to  remain  to  tea.  The 
doctor's  house  was  some  six  miles  from  camp,  and  it 
was  the  best  furnished  house,  and  seemed  more  like  a 
comfortable  Northern  home,  than  any  other  country 
house  we  saw  in  the  State.  His  family  consisted  of  a 
grown-up  son  and  daughter,  and  a  young  lady  from 
Washington  was  a  guest  in  his  house,  at  the  time  of  our 
visit.  It  was  evident  from  the  manner  of  the  young 
man  that  he  had  been  in  the  army,  and  he  was  then 
probably  at  home  on  furlough.  Both  young  ladies 
played  the  piano,  and  the  parlor  contained  a  very  good 
instrument.  The  entire  household  were  bitter  seces 
sionists,  and  had  no  hesitation  in  expressing  their  senti 
ments.  They  differed  from  most  other  rebels  one  met 
in  this,  that  while  they  detested  the  cause  which  brought 
you  into  their  State,  their  intelligence  enabled  them  to 
distinguish  between  the  cause  and  the  individuals,  who, 
as  officers  of  the  Federal  Government,  were  acting  in  the 
line  of  their  duty,  in  endeavoring,  by  proper  means,  to 
sustain  the  cause.  If  it  were  not  some  such  reasoning 
as  this,  then  it  was  their  superior  refinement  which 
secured  for  us  very  courteous  treatment,  in  so  far  as 
we  were  personally  concerned. 

Dr.  Balch,  however,  inveighed  against  the  administra 
tion  in  as  strong  language  as  was  permissible  to  one  of  his 
calling,  and  totally  unrestrained  by  our  presence.  Mr. 
Green,  of  Greenwich,  a  friend  of  the  doctor's,  had  then 
recently  been  sent  to  Fort  Lafayette  for  some  act  of  dis 
loyalty,  and  the  doctor  was  greatly  incensed  there- 


203  BRUTE    INSTINCT.  [1862, 

at,  and  declared  that  the  Federal  Government  had  be 
come  the  most  arbitrary  and  tyrannical  Government  on 
earth — that  a  citizen  could  no  longer  express  his  honest 
convictions  upon  political  matters  without  being  arrest 
ed  and  immured  in  a  Northern  fort,  subject  to  the 
caprice  of  some  civil  or  military  officer  of  the  Govern 
ment.  We  told  Mr.  Balch,  that  if  he  really  believed 
what  he  said,  he  was  either  a  very  bold  man  or  he 
wanted  to  become  a  martyr  to  the  Confederate  cause. 
That  he  had  charged  the  officers  of  the  Federal  Govern 
ment  with  arresting  citizens  for  distasteful  political 
utterances,  and  that  he,  nevertheless,  had  not  hesitated, 
in  presence  of  three  officers  of  the  Government,  to  de 
nounce  that  Government  in  the  strongest  language  a 
minister  of  the  gospel  could  venture  to  use.  That  if  the 
policy  of  the  Government  was  such  as  he  had  asserted 
it  to  be,  it  was  evidently  our  duty  to  arrest  him  and 
take  him  to  camp  with  us,  but  we  did  not  believe  he 
himself  expected  any  such  result,  and  we  did  not  under 
stand  that  the  Government  required  us  to  arrest  men 
for  talking  treason  in  a  treason-saturated  State. 

When  we  left  Dr.  Balch' s  house,  evening  had  set  in 
and  it  was  very  dark.  Our  route  thither  had  been  very 
circuitous,  and  we  had  to  guess  as  to  the  direction  to 
camp.  Roads  there  were  none,  and  after  riding  through 
fields  and  woods  for  an  hour,  we  confessed  to  each  other 
that  we  did  not  know  in  which  direction  the  camp  lay. 
We  finally  told  our  comrades  that  we  would  give  our 
horse  the  rein  and  let  him  take  his  own  course,  believing 
his  instinct  would  guide  him  aright.  The  surgeon  had 
little  faith  in  brute  instinct,  but  the  experiment  was 
tried,  and  at  midnight  our  horses  drew  up  in  front  of 
our  quarters. 

On  the  18th  of  April,  our  brigade  moved  seven  miles 
farther  west,  and  encamped  at  Catlett's  Station — consist 
ing  of  a  shed  and  a  station-house,  both  in  a  state  of 
mournful  dilapidation.  The  next  morning  at  six  o'  clock 


1862,,]  THE    "  FRENCH  LADY."  209 

we  faced  toward  the  south,  and  set  out  for  the  Rappa- 
hannock  River.  The  first  night  out,  we  halted  some 
time  after  dark,  in  a  furious  rain  storm  and  in  impeni- 
trable  darkness.  We  marched  twenty  miles,  much  of 
the  way  over  a  road  ankle-deep  with  mud.  The  men 
were  very  tired,  and  dropped  on  the  saturated  ground, 
when  the  order  to  halt  for  the  night  reached  them,  and 
went  to  sleep  supperless. 

Perhaps  there  are  pedestrians,  "go  as  you  please," 
who  may  peruse  these  pages,  and  who  regard  twenty 
miles,  even  over  a  muddy  road,  an  easy  day's  work. 
Very  well !  Let  them  put  the  equipments  of  a  soldier 
on  their  backs  ;  rifle,  bayonet,  sixty  rounds  ammunition, 
haversack,  knapsack,  overcoat,  blanket,  section  of  tent 
tfabri,  say  40  pounds,  and  then  see  how  they  feel 
at  the  end  of  twenty  miles — if  they  get  there. 

The  next  day,  after  a  march  of  14  miles,  during  the 
latter  part  of  which  our  advance  was  skirmishing  with 
the  rebel  cavalry,  we  entered  Falmouth,  a  village  on  the 
north  side  of  the  Rappahannock  River,  at  the  head  of 
navigation,  and  opposite  the  city  of  Fredericksburg. 

There  were  three  bridges,  one  railroad  bridge  and  two 
others,  uniting  Falmouth  and  Fredericksburg.  These 
the  enemy  had  saturated  with  oil  and  kerosene,  and 
having  fled  across,  burned  them,  and  thus  checked  our 
advance. 

They  also  burned  a  number  of  vessels  lying  in  the 
harbor,  including  the  steamer  St.  Nicholas,  which  they 
had  captured  some  little  time  before,  by  a  neat  ruse.  A 
number  of  passengers  went  on  board,  as  she  was  about 
sailing  from  Baltimore,  among  whom  was  a  person  in 
woman's  apparel,  addressed  by  the  others  as  Miss 
Thomas.  When  the  steamer  reached  Chesapeake  Bay, 
Miss  Thomas  suddenly  shed  her  feminine  garments  and 
revealed  herself — if  I  may  keep  up  the  assumed  gender, 
as  a  Confederate  officer,  and  with  her  fellow  passengers, 

14 


210  WASHINGTON   AS  A  MASON.  [1862. 

who  were  in  the  plot,  overpowered  the  crew  and  seized 
the  steamer,  and  ran  her  up  to  Fredericksburg. 

Some  days  elapsed  before  we  were  able  to  cross  the 
river  and  enter  the  ancient  city,  whose  church-spires 
and  dingy  houses  lay  so  invitingly  before  us — so  near 
and  yet  so  far.  But  when  the  pontoons  arrived,  and  a 
bridge  was  thrown  across  the  river,  we  took  possession 
of  the  town  without  opposition — the  enemy  falling  back 
to  the  valley  of  the  Mattepony. 

The  city  seemed  at  first  nearly  deserted,  and  there 
were  really  very  few  able-bodied  men  among  its  then 
inhabitants.  As  a  rule,  the  men  we  met  received  us 
with  cold  civility,  while  the  women  secluded  themselves 
in  their  closed  houses. 

Rebels,  as  they  were,  against  the  government  he,  of 
all  men,  had  done  most  to  institute,  these  Fredericks- 
burgers  professed  great  veneration  for  the  memory  of 
Washington,  and  claimed  a  special  ownership  in  the 
glory  of  his  name  and  reputation.  Although  born  at 
Bridges  Creek,  near  the  mouth  of  the  Rappahannock, 
young  Washington  soon  thereafter  became  a  resident  of 
Stafford  County,  opposite  Fredericksburg,  whither  his 
father  removed  while  George  was  an  infant.  The  20th 
encamped  upon  the  Washington  farm.  The  new  home 
stead  overlooked  the  river  and  the  city,  and  here  the 
future  commander  of  the  Continental  armies  and  the 
first  President  of  the  Republic,  grew  to  manhood  ;  well 
may  the  city  be  proud  of  this  distinction,  but  how  much 
more  consistent  would  have  been  its  pride,  if  it  had 
stood  fast  by  the  principles  which  Washington  himself 
declared,  and  by  the  government  which  he  created  ! 

Washington  became  a  member  of  Fredericksburg 
Lodge,  number  Four,  F.  &  A.  M.,  November  4, 1752,  and 
was  raised  August  4,  1753,  and  subsequently  became  Mas 
ter  of  the  lodge.  A  very  fair  portrait  of  him  is  suspend 
ed  on  the  wall  of  the  lodge-room,  and  the  jewels  used 
in  his  initiation  and  the  regalia  he  wore,  as  Master,  are 


1862.]  HIS  LETTER  TO  GRAND  LODGE.  £11 

sacredly  preserved.  In  1848  the  lodge  procured  Hiram 
Powers  to  make  a  statue  of  Washington,  at  a  cost  of 
$5,000,  which  it  designed  to  place  in  its  hall.  This  loca 
tion,  on  account  of  weight  and  size,  was  found  imprac 
ticable,  and  Virginia-like,  no  other  recourse  has  been 
devised,  and  the  statue  remains  in  its  case  to  this  day. 

In  1798,  while  Washington  was  in  retirement  at 
Mount  Vernon,  and  in  the  sixty-sixth  year  of  his  age, 
trouble  sprung  up  between  this  Government  and  the 
French  Directory,  and  war  seemed  imminent.  Presi 
dent  Adams  appointed  General  Washington,  Command 
er-in-chief  of  the  American  army — to  be  created  ;  and 
the  Grand  Lodge  of  Maryland  sent  him  a  congratulatory 
letter  upon  his  appointment.  His  reply  thereto  is  pre 
served  by  the  Frederick sburg  Lodge.  He  writes  from 
Elkton,  the  capitol  of  Cecil  County,  Maryland,  where, 
doubtless,  his  new  duties  had  called  him.  It  will  be 
seen  that  he  reaffirms  his  faith  in  the  Order  of  F.  and 
A.  M.,  and  exhibits  a  devotion  to  the  Government  which 
his  Fredericksburg  admirers  would  have  done  well  to 
imitate. 

"  To  the  Right   Worshipful  Grand  Lodge  of  Free  Masons,  of  the  State  of 
Maryland  : 

GENTLEMEN  AND  BROTHERS  : 

Your  obliging  and  affectionate  letter,  together  with  a  copy  of  the  Con 
stitutions  of  Masonry,  have  been  put  into  my  hands  by  your  Grand  Mas 
ter,  for  which  I  pray  you  accept  my  best  thanks. 

So  far  as  I  am  acquainted  with  the  principles  and  doctrines  of  Free 
Masonry,  I  conceive  it  to  be  founded  in  benevolence,  and  to  be  exercised 
only  for  the  good  of  mankind.  I  cannot  therefore,  upon  this  ground, 
withhold  my  approbation  of  it. 

While  I  offer  my  grateful  acknowledgments  for  your  congratulations 
on  my  late  appointment,  and  for  the  favorable  sentiments  you  are  pleased 
to  express  of  my  conduct,  permit  me  to  observe,  that  at  this  important 
and  critical  moment,  when  high  and  repeated  indignities  have  been  offered 
to  the  Government  of  our  country,  and  when  the  property  of  our  citizens 
is  plundered  without  a  prospect  of  redress,  I  conceive  it  to  be  the  indis 
pensable  duty  of  every  American,  let  his  situation  and  circumstances  in 
life  be  what  they  may,  to  come  forward  to  support  the  Government  of  his 


212  THE   GRAVE   OF   MARY  WASHINGTON.  [1862. 

choice,  and  to  give  all  the  aid  in  his  power  toward  maintaining  that  inde 
pendence  which  we  have  so  dearly  purchased ;  and  under  this  impression, 
I  did  not  hesitate  to  lay  aside  all  personal  considerations  and  accept  my 
appointment. 

I  pray  you  to  be  assured  that  I  receive  with  gratitude  your  kind  wishes- 
for  my  health  and  happiness,  and  reciprocate  them  with  sincerity. 
I  am,  gentlemen  and  brothers, 

Very  respectfully,] 

Your  most  obedient  servant, 

G.  WASHINGTON. 
ELKTON,  November  8th,  1798. 

In  the  cemetery  just  back  of  the  city  of  Fredericks- 
burg,  is  an  unfinished  marble  monument ;  around  the 
base  of  an  incomplete  column  some  eight  feet  high  lie 
the  marble  blocks  once  designed  for  finishing  the  struc 
ture  ;  that  column  rests  upon  the  grave  of  Washington's 
mother,  and  its  curious  history  is  thus  briefly  told. 

A  Southern  gentleman  of  wealth  and  high  social 
position  became  enamoured  of  a  beautiful,  self-willed, 
imperious,  unscrupulous  lady  of  Fredericksburg,  who, 
with  no  affection  for  him,  yet  told  him,  if  he  would 
erect  a  certain  designed  kind  of  monument  over  the 
neglected  grave  of  Mary  Washington,  she  would  become 
his  wife. 

With  all  the  eagerness  love  could  inspire,  he  set 
about  his  task.  Marble  from  Italy,  and  cunning  work 
men  from  all  parts  of  the  country  were  soon  upon  the 
ground,  and  block  after  block  assumed  its  place,  until 
the  impatient  lover  was  beginning  to  count  the  days 
when  the  last  stone  should  be  lifted  to  its  position,  and 
this  monument  to  the  dead  should  also  mark  the  period 
from  which  was  to  be  dated  the  bliss  of  its  devoted 
builder. 

But  alas,  the  familiar  aphorism,  that  true  love  never 
runs  smooth,  was  doomed  to  an  exceptionally  cruel 
illustration  in  the  case  before  us.  While  the  day 
dreams  of  the  fond  swain  were  making  even  this  grave 
yard  a  paradise  to  the  unsuspecting  lover,  the  object  of 


1862.]  VALLEY  OP   THE   RAPPAHANNOCK.  213 

his  adoration  was  quietly  wedded  to  another,  and  was 
on  her  way  to  a  distant  part  of  the  State  before  her 
dupe  awoke  from  the  stupor  into  which  he  was  thrown 
by  this  sudden  unvailing  of  his  destiny. 

Since  then,  and  that  was  many  years  ago,  no  chisel 
has  rung  upon  the  marble,  nor  has  another  block  been 
added  to  the  pile.  Rebel  soldiers  had  used  the  monu 
ment  as  a  target,  and  defaced  it  with  their  sacrilegious 
musketry,  bruising  it — as  the  heart  of  its  builder  had 
been  bruised — and  just  as  wantonly. 

The  Valley  of  the  Rappahannock,  in  the  neighbor 
hood  of  Fredericksburg,  is  very  beautiful.  It  is  only 
some  three  miles  in  width,  but  is  perfectly  level  and 
the  soil  is  exceedingly  rich.  It  is  shut  in  by  high 
hills  on  the  north  and  south,  running  parallel  with  the 
river.  The  city  lies  at  the  upper  end  of  this  valley  and 
stretches  back  from  the  river  to  Marye's  Hill.  The  rail 
road,  from  Acquia  Creek  to  Richmond,  crosses  the  river 
at  the  lower  end  of  the  town,  skirts  the  valley  for  two 
miles,  and  then  finds  its  way  southward,  through  an 
opening  in  the  hills,  near  Hamilton's  house,  where 
Franklin  was  ordered  to  penetrate  the  rebel  line,  at  the 
battle  of  Fredericksburg. 

For  months  and  months,  at  different  times  during 
the  war,  hostile  armies  occupied  opposite  sides  of  the 
river,  and  Rebel  and  Federal  cannon  frowned  from 
numberless  batteries  along  both  ranges  of  hills — so 
planted  as  to  command  the  river,  Fredericksburg  and 
the  valley  below. 

Much  of  the  time,  these  armies  were  merely  watching 
each  other,  while  plans  were  being  matured  for  future 
operations.  During  such  periods,  though  cannon  would 
occasionally  echo  through  the  valley,  and  a  random  shot 
•or  shell  drop  or  burst  along  the  lines,  the  men  would 
come  down  to  the  opposite  banks  of  the  river  and  talk 
with  each  other  across  the  stream. 

One   of  the   distinguishing    characteristics    of    the 


214  MUSIC  IN  CAMP  [1862. 

Union  army,  was  its  numerous  bands  of  music,  while 
the  Confederates  had  scarcely  any.  The  boys  in  butter 
nut,  however,  seemed  as  fond  of  music  as  their  adver 
saries  in  blue  were,  and  would  often  gather  at  the 
brink,  on  their  side  of  the  river,  to  hear  our  bands. 
Such  an  incident  is  very  prettily  expressed  in  the  fol 
lowing  lines,  entitled  "  Music  in  Camp.  " 

1.  "  Two  armies  covered  hill  and  plain, 

Where  Rappahannock's  waters 
Ran,  deeply  crimsoned  with  the  stain 
Of  battle's  recent  slaughters. 

2.  The  summer  clouds  lay  pitched  like  tents 

In  meads  of  heavenly  azure  ; 
And  each  dread  gun  of  the  elements, 
Slept  in  its  hid  embrasure. 

3.  The  breeze  so  softly  blew,  it  made 

No  forest-leaf  to  quiver, 
And  the  smoke  of  the  random  cannonade 
Rolled  slowly  from  the  river. 

4.  And  now,  where  circling  hills  looked  down 

With  cannon  grimly  planted, 
O'er  listless  camp  and  silent  town 
The  golden  sunset  slanted. 

5.  When  on  the  fervid  air  there  came 

A  strain,  now  rich,  now  tender, 
The  music  seemed  itself  aflame, 
With  day's  departing  splendor. 

6.  A  Federal  band,  which  eve  and  morn, 

Played  measures  brave  and  nimble, 
Had  just  struck  up  with  flute  and  horn, 
And  lively  clash  of  cymbal. 

7.  Down  flocked  the  soldiers  to  the  banks, 

'Till  margined  by  its  pebbles, 
One  wooded  shore  was  blue  with  "  Yanks,  "" 
And  one  was  gray  with  "  Rebels.  " 

8.  Then  all  was  still  :  and  then  the  band, 

With  movement  light  and  tricksy, 
Made  stream  and  forest,  hill  and  strand, 
Reverberate  with  "Dixie." 

9.  The  conscious  stream,  with  burnished  glow, 

Went  proudly  o'er  its  pebbles, 
But  thrilled  throughout  its  deepest  flow 
With  yelling  of  the  Rebels. 


1862.  MUSIC   IN   CAMP.  215 

10.  Again  a  pause— and  then,  again, 

"  The  trumpet  pealed  sonorous, 
And  "  Yankee  Doodle  "  was  the  tune 
To  which  the  shore  gave  chorus. 

11.  The  laughing  ripples  shoreward  flew 

To  kiss  the  shining  pebbles, 
Loud  shrieked  the  swarming  boys  in  blue, 
Defiance  to  the  rebels. 

12.  And  yet  once  more  the  bugle  sang 

Above  the  stormy  riot  ; 
No  shout  upon  the  evening  rang; 
There  reigned  a  holy  quiet. 

13.  The  sad,  slow  stream,  its  noiseless  flood 

Poured  o'er  the  glistening  pebbles ; 
All  silent,  now,  the  Yankees  stood, 
All  silent  stood  the  rebels. 

14.  No  unresponsive  soul  had  heard 

That  plaintive  note's  appealing, 
So  deeply  "Home,  sweet  Home  "  had  stirred 
The  hidden  founts  of  feeling. 

15.  Of  blue  or  gray,  the  soldier  sees, 

As  by  the  wand  of  Fairy, 
The  cottage  'neath  the  live  oak  trees, 
The  cabin  by  the  prairie. 

16.  Or  cold  or  warm,  his  native  skies, 

Bend  in  their  beauty  o'er  him 
Seen  through  the  tear  mist,  in  his  eyes, 
His  loved  ones  stand  before  him. 

17.  As  fades  the  iris  after  rain 

In  April's  tearful  weather, 
The  vision  vanished,  as  the  strain 
And  daylight,  died  together. 

18.  But  memory,  waked  by  music's  art, 

Expressed  in  simplest  numbers 
Subdued  the  sternest  Yankee's  heart, 
Made  light  the  rebel's  slumbers. 

19.  And  fair  the  form  of  music  shines, 

That  bright  celestial  creature, 
Who  still  'mid  war's  embattled  lines, 
Gave  this  one  touch  of  nature.  " 


CHAPTER    XV. 

AUGER'S   BRIGADE — BROOKLYN    FOURTEENTH — KILLED    AND    WOUNDED — 
FREDERICKSBURG    SURPRISED — ITS    BUSINESS    AND    SOCIETY  —  THE 

CHANGE     FROM    GRAY     TO    BLUE — GENERAL    FIELD    NOT    A    HECTOR- 
GENERAL   ANDERSON    AND   WEST   POINT — HIS    OBSERVATIONS    THEREON 
AND     UPON     OTHER    MATTERS — "THE     CLATTERING     CAR" — DOES     IT 
PORTEND    AN   ATTACK  ? — SOME   OBSERATIONS  THEREON — THE    "  PECU 
LIAR  INSTITUTION" — STRANGE  MANIFESTATIONS — LIEUTENANT  DECKER 

— FALMOUTH — DILAPIDATION  AND  DECAY — CHIMNEYS — NO  TOWNSHIPS 
IN  VIRGINIA — PHILLIPS  AND  LACY  HOUSES — JUDGE  COULTER  AND  HIS 
WIDOW — MANUMISSION  OF  SLAVES  DISALLOWED — LACY  TAKES  THE 
ESTATE  AND  ITS  HUMAN  CHATTELS — GENERAL  WADSWORTH  RIDES 
INTO  CAMP — THE  BOYS  GO  FOR  HIM — A  PONTOON  BRIDGE  —  THE 
TWENTIETH,  TWENTY-THIRD  AND  THIRTY-FIFTH  TAKE  POSSESSION  OF 
FREDERICKSBURG  —SOMETHING  ABOUT  THE  CITY — CONTRABAND  OF 
WAR — RESIDUE  OF  BRIGADE  AND  GENERAL  PATRICK  CROSS  RIVER- 
FIRST  CORPS— REPAIRING  RAILROAD — A  RECONNOISSANCE,  AND  WHAT 
CAME  OF  IT — PICKET  DUTY — ALARMS — CHEERS — DREAMS — ST.  GEORGE'S 
— FLAG  OF  TRUCE — MCDOWELL  ANGRY — ADVANCE  OF  PICKETS — REBS 
SPITEFUL — MESSRS.  STEELE  AND  HASBROUCK — THE  PRESIDENT — HOW 
REAPPEARED  ON  HORSEBACK — ORDERS — COUNTERMAND — "WAITING 

MARCH" — A  HALT. 

THE  rebel  forces  encountered  on  our  way  to  Fal- 
mouth,  consisted  of  one  regiment  of  infantry,  one  of 
cavalry,  and  a  light  battery,  all  under  command  of  Gen 
eral  Field.  Our  advance  was  led  by  General  Augur's 
brigade,  with  Kilpatrick,  then  Lieutenant-Colonel  of  the 
"  Harris  Light  Cavalry,"  and  commanding  the  regi 
ment,  at  the  front.  General  Augur  himself,  with  a  sec 
tion  of  artillery  and  the  "  Brooklyn  Fourteenth  "  infan 
try,  kept  close  on  the  heels  of  the  cavalry  ;  the  14th  en 
tering  Falmouth  after  a  wonderful  march,  without  hav 
ing  left  a  single  straggler  behind.  The  loss  in  the  cav 
alry  was  twenty -five  men  killed  and  wounded,  and  a 
number  of 


1862.]  GENERAL   ANDERSON  AND  WEST  POINT.  217 

The  arrival  of  the  Union  troops  was  a  surprise  to  the 
good  people  of  Fredericksburg.  They  had  profited  by 
the  war  up  to  this  time,  and  did  not  expect  a  visitation 
by  Federal  troops  in  a  long  time,  if  ever.  Fredericks- 
burg  had  an  air  of  business  in  its  streets  and  ware 
houses,  and  in  the  conversation  and  manner  of  its  men, 
that  could  be  found  nowhere  else  in  the  State,  except  in 
Richmond  itself.  Its  society  was  aristocratic,  after  the 
model  of  aristocracy  in  the  days  of  the  Revolution. 
Confederate  officers  were  exceedingly  popular  in  Fred 
ericksburg,  and  the  city  swarmed  with  them  after  the 
first  battle  of  Bull  Run.  Every  one  was  a  hero,  and 
nightly  crowned  with  laurels.  Nothing  was  too  good 
for  them,  and  every  door  opened  at  their  approach,  and 
fair  women  contended  with  each  other  for  precedence 
in  doing  them  honor.  It  was  a  grievous  humiliation  to 
these  over-confident  Secessionists,  to  see  the  gray  uni 
forms  of  the  Confederacy  fade  away  in  the  dim  distance 
and  the  blue  of  the  Union  troops  take  their  place. 
They  did  not  hesitate  to  censure  General  Field  for  giv 
ing  way  before  us,  and  insinuated  that  he  was  not  as 
brave  as  Hector.  But  it  did  no  good  ;  we  were  there, 
and  they  made  up  their  minds  to  make  the  best  of  the 
situation. 

General  Robert  H.  Anderson,  a  graduate  of  West 
Point,  was  lying  a  few  miles  south  of  Fredericksburg, 
with  a  considerable  force  of  Rebel  troops,  to  which  body 
the  command  of  General  Field  belonged,  and  to  which 
it  returned  after  its  futile  attempt  to  retard  McDowell's 
march.  It  strikes  a  cursory  observer  of  current  events 
as  a  singular  fact,  that  this  General  Anderson  is,  at  this 
present  writing,  (June,  1879,)  one  of  the  Board  of  Visi 
tors  attending  the  examination  of  West  Point  cadets, 
appointed  by  the  President  of  the  United  States.  "  To 
err  is  human — to  forgive,  Divine."  There  has  been  lots 
of  humanity  and  divinity  in  this  view  of  those  qualities, 
in  this  country,  during  the  last  eighteen  years.  A 


218  HIS  OBSERVATIONS  THEREON  [1862. 

Herald  reporter  interviewed  General  Anderson,  and 
drew  from  him  some  interesting  statements  about  the 
Academy,  the  war,  and  Georgia  politics  : 

"It  is  twenty-two  years  ago,"  said  he,  "since  I 
graduated  here,  but  there  was  some  difference  in  the 
studies  then  and  now.  There  was  an  examination  in 
gunnery  but  none  in  ordnance,  that  being  an  addition 
since  my  time ;  and  no  wonder,  for  gunnery  has  un 
dergone  a  complete  revolution.  Why,  the  largest 
pieces  we  ever  saw  were  ten-inch,  and  besides  all  the 
new-fangled  ideas  in  ordnance,  rifled  shells  and  oblong 
shots  that  go  through  iron  and  stone  like  a  knife,  were 
then  unknown.  Why,  at  the  breaking  out  of  the 
war  as  good  an  artillery  officer  as  General  Lee  was 
satisfied  Fort  Pulaski  was  safe  from  Gilmore'  s  guns 
at  a  mile  distance,  but  three  and  four  miles  was  no 
thing  impossible  to  Gilmore' s  artillery.  Another 
study  they  have  here  now  is  much  more  extensive 
than  it  was  over  twenty  years  ago,  and  that  is  law. 
We  merely  studied  principles  of  international  law, 
but  now  there  is  enough  taught  to  set  a  man  up  in 
business  as  a  lawyer  ;  besides,  they  have  what  is  call 
ed  a  judge-advocate,  whose  business  is  all  law.  In 
old  times  an  officer,  when  the  occasion  called  for  it, 
was  detailed  to  attend  to  the  necessary  legal  business, 
and  that  over,  he  returned  to  his  army  duties." 

"  What  graduates  in  your  class  became  distinguish 
ed  in  the  Confederate  army  ?" 

"  Well,  several  of  them  were  killed  early  in  the  war, 
who  promised  to  be  brilliant.  There  were  Generals 
Strong  and  Putnam,  besides  Marmaduke,  who  was 
well  known,  and  Kirby  Smith." 

"  Do  you  recognize  any  old  comrades  here  ?" 
"  Only  a  few  who  are  instructors  or  professors." 
"  How  do  you  get  on  with  the  Union  officers  ?" 
"  Very  well.     As  Bishop  Beck  with  said  of  the  Epis 
copal   Church  in  the    late  struggle,    '  We  cherish  no 


1862.]  AND  UPON  OTHER  MATTERS.  219 

animosities  between  brethren,'  and  so  with  the  men 
of  West  Point.  Though  on  opposite  sides,  they  were 
ever  ready  to  clasp  hands,  and  no  set  of  men  ever  left 
a  college  or  institution  of  this  kind  who  cherish  such 
ardent  friendships  for  each  other  as  the  graduating 
class  of  West  Point.  Theirs  is  more  than  a  masonic 
tie,  and  many  illustrations  of  its  strength  and  fervor 
were  shown  during  the  late  war." 

"  What  else  do  you  find  changed  here,  General  ?" 

"  Well,  all  the  changes  I  have  noted  are  for  the  bet 
ter.  The  quality  of  the  food  is  greatly  improved,  and 
not  alone  that,  but  the  cadets  are  charged  less  for  it 
than  in  my  time.  It  was  a  good  idea  to  take  the  sup 
plying  away  from  a  civilian  and  give  it  to  an  officer 
like  the  one  who  has  charge  of  it  at  present — Com 
missary  Mills.  Another  thing  to  be  commended  is 
the  superintendency  of  General  Schofield.  He  is 
managing  this  Academy  with  great  tact  and  wisdom. 
In  place  of  using  repressive  measures,  he  has  trusted 
the  honor  of  the  boys,  and  he  has  never  been  deceived. 
He  allows  them  to  go  boating  on  the  river  up  and 
down,  and  several  other  small  indulgences  that  in  no 
way  interfere  with  the  strict  discharge  of  duty,  and 
yet  the  boys'  lives  are  all  the  brighter  and  more  cheer 
ful." 

"  How  is  your  State  of  Georgia  getting  on  ?" 

u  Georgia  is  going  forward  to  a  prosperous  destiny. 
Every  town  of  any  consequence  in  the  State  is  increas 
ing  in  wealth  and  size.  The  colored  people  have  turn 
ed  round  to  steady  work,  and  the  whole  population 
has  but  one  object  in  view,  the  material  advancement 
of  the  State." 

"  You  don't  bother  much  with  politics  ?" 

"  Not  much.     Don't  even  vote." 

"  What  do  you  think  of  Tilden's  chances  in  the 
South  r 

' '  I  don' t  think    much  of  them .    A  much  stronger 


220  THE  CLATTERING   CAR.  [1862. 

man  than  Tilden  would  be  General  Hancock,  but  the 
southern  people  are  far  less  anxious  about  political 
matters  than  you  would  ever  imagine,  to  judge  by  the 
newspapers." 

On  the  night  of  the  twenty-first  of  April,  and  while 
we  were  still  lying  on  the  north  side  of  the  Rappahan- 
nock,  trains  of  cars  were  heard  coming  into  Fredericks- 
burg,  from  the  direction  of  Richmond,  in  rapid  succes 
sion,  and  it  was  believed  at  corps  headquarters  that 
the  rebels  were  concentrating  troops  with  the  view  to 
attack  McDowell.  Orders  were  issued  putting  brigade 
commanders  on  their  guard,  and  the  troops  were  pre 
pared  for  battle.  Most  of  the  heavy  artillery  of  the 
corps  had  been  planted  on  Stafford  Heights,  overlook 
ing  Fredericksburg,  on  our  arrival,  and  the  infantry  was 
now  posted  so  as  to  cover  any  point  where  it  was 
thought  the  enemy  might  attempt  to  cross  the  river. 
The  enemy's  pickets  had  been  visible,  along  the  hills  in 
rear  of  Fredericksburg,  from  the  day  of  our  advent  at 
Falmouth,  and  the  Confederate  authorities  doubtless 
knew  our  strength  and  position.  It  would  have  been  a 
brilliant  coup  de  main  to  have  swooped  down  upon  Mc 
Dowell,  and  gobbled  him  up  before  McClellan  could 
have  learned  that  such  an  enterprise  was  on  foot.  But 
it  did  not  strike  me  as  very  probable  that  the  wily  ad 
versary  would  advise  us  of  his  design,  by  rumbling  a 
dozen  trains  of  cars  into  Fredericksburg  under  our  very 
noses,  or  that  he  would  attack,  if  at  all,  from  that  di 
rection,  and  with  a  river  to  be  crossed,  under  fire  of  all 
arms.  What  he  would  have  accomplished  by  moving  a 
large  body  to  our  right,  under  some  such  leader  as 
Jackson,  I  do  not  know,  but  certain  I  am  that  McDowell 
would  have  given  a  good  account  of  himself.  But  the 
cars  came  and  went  all  through  the  night,  and  they 
were  probably  removing  rebel  stores  from  the  city. 

On  our  march  from  Catlett's  Station  to  Falmouth, 
and  in  and  about  the  latter  place,  the  "  peculiar  institu- 


1862.]  PALMOUTH — DILAPIDATION   AND  DECAY.  221 

tion,"  manifested  its  presence  in  groups  of  negroes 
along  the  wayside,  and  at  the  doors  and  windows  of 
every  house  we  passed.  Girls,  especially,  were  numer 
ous  about  the  dwellings,  giving  one  the  impression  that 
the  hive  had  swarmed.  We  were  struck  by  the  variety 
of  colors  presented  by  these  scions  of  Africa,  ranging, 
as  they  did,  from  a  glistening  ebony  to  a  white,  hardly 
distinguishable  from  the  Anglo-Saxon  hue.  The  latter 
complexions  often  accompanied  with  blue  eyes,  and 
hair  more  curly  than  kinky.  The  anomaly  could  only 
be  accounted  for  by  assuming  that  the  climate  had  dif 
ferent  effects  upon  different  temperatures — bleaching 
some,  while  the  blackness  of  others  was  what  the  mer 
chant  would  call  a  "  fixed  color." 

Among  the  killed,  in  one  of  the  skirmishes  between 
Catlett's  and  Falmouth,  was  Lieutenant  Decker,  of  the 
Harris  Cavalry.  I  got  the  impression,  at  the  time,  that 
he  belonged  to,  or  was  connected  with  an  Ulster  County 
family  of  that  name. 

Falmouth  was  an  insignificant  village,  lying  along 
the  river's  bank,  at  the  foot  of  Stafford  Heights,  in 
Stafford  County,  and,  with  few  exceptions,  its  buildings 
were  in  that  state  of  dilapidation  common  to  old  south 
ern  towns.  Painting,  repairing,  or  any  attempt  to  keep 
houses  or  grounds  in  neatness  and  order,  seemed  never  to 
have  been  thought  of.  '  *  Time' s  erasive  fingers ' '  have  left 
their  indelible  marks  on  every  village  in  the  South,  and 
decay  is  accepted  in  perfect  contentment,  and  without 
an  effort  to  arrest  it.  Nearly  every  dwelling-house 
south  of  the  Potomac  is  disfigured  by  a  huge  chimney, 
often  constructed  of  rough  stone,  standing  against  one 
end  of  the  building,  from  which  capacious  fire-places 
open  into  the  house.  It  is  said  they  build  the  chimney 
first,  and  then  lean  the  house  against  it,  but  I  cannot 
vouch  for  the  truth  of  this  statement,  as  I  never  saw  a 
dwelling— except  soldier's — in  process  of  construction, 
in  the  South. 


222  PHILLIPS   AND   LACY   HOUSE.  [1862. 

It  will  have  been  observed  that  localities  have  been 
designated,  in  this  volume,  by  the  names  of  individuals 
in  the  possessive  case,  as  a  rule,  and  it  may  be  well  to 
remind  the  reader  that  the  Territorial  division  of  the 
Old  Dominion  does  not  include  townships.  Therefore 
it  is  we  find  places  bearing  such  names  as  "Upton's 
Hill,"  "Fall's  Church,"  "  Catlett's  Station,"  "Spotted 
Tavern,"  where  we  bivouacked  the  first  night  out  from 
Catlett's;  "  Piney  Branch  Church,"  where  the  hero 
Sedgwick  was  killed.  Falmouth  was  named  after  an 
individual,  and  its  neighbor,  Fredericksburg,  was  so 
called  in  honor  of  Prince  Frederick,  father  of  England's 
George  the  Third. 

There  were,  however,  a  few  fine  and  well-kept  places 
in  the  vicinity  of  Falmouth.  One  of  them  was  the  prop 
erty  of  a  Mr.  Phillips,  who  was  reputed  to  be  a  Union 
man  at  heart,  but  constrained  by  his  surroundings  to 
act  with  the  Secessionists.  He  owned  a  large  plantation 
on  the  Stafford  Plains,  two  miles  from  Falmouth,  upon 
a  well-chosen  site,  on  which  stood  an  elegant  mansion, 
designed  and  constructed  with  a  view  to  beauty  and  do 
mestic  comfort.  The  rooms  were  numerous,  spacious 
and  pleasant,  and  reminded  one  of  the  better  class  of 
country  houses,  on  the  banks  of  the  Hudson.  The 
house  was  subsequently  burned,  whether  by  accident  or 
design,  I  do  not  know.  About  opposite  to  the  central 
part  of  Fredericksburg,  and  a  few  hundred  feet  from 
the  river,  was  an  old  brick  mansion,  known  as  the 
"Lacy  House,"  from  its  owner.  Lacy  was  a  rebel 
from  choice,  and  ranked  as  Major  in  the  Confederate  ar 
my.  His  house  was  very  large,  with  no  attempt  at  exte 
rior  ornamentation  ;  within,  however,  wealth  and  art 
had  left  abundant  evidence  of  their  profuse  employ 
ment  to  make  the  dwelling  a  fit  abode  for  the  most  re 
fined  and  esthetic  inhabitants.  The  grounds  descended 
to  the  river  in  terraces,  and  the  house  and  its  surround 
ings  could  not  well  be  surpassed  for  beauty,  elegance  and 


1862.]  TAKE   POSSESSION   OF   FREDERICKSBURG.  223 

oomfort.     The  property  came  to  Lacy  through  Judge 

Coulter,  who  formerly  owned  and  lived  upon 

it.  He,  dying,  left  it  to  his  widow,  who  also  died  about 
1857.  She  left  a  will,  manumitting  her  slaves,  some 
eighty-five  in  number.  The  Courts  of  Virginia  held 
that  this  provision  of  the  will  contravened  the  laws  of 
the  State,  and  they  annulled  it.  Lacy,  a  relative  of 
Mrs.  Coulter,  succeeded  to  the  estate,  and  entered  upon 
the  enjoyment  of  the  blessings  which  are  vouchsafed  to 
the  owner  of  eighty-five  human  beings — black  and  white 
—more  or  less.  General  McDowell  established  his 
headquarters  at  the  Lacy  house,  and  General  King  fixed 
his  at  the  Phillips  house. 

While  lying  at  Falmouth,  General  Wadsworth  and 
staff  surprised  his  old  brigade  by  riding  into  its  camp, 
and  there  was  a  rush  of  officers  and  men  to  greet  their 
former  commander.  His  kind  face  lighted  up  with 
more  than  its  usual  benignity,  as  he  saw  how  universal 
and  genuine  was  the  esteem  in  which  his  old  command 
held  him. 

On  the  fifth  of  May,  a  pontoon  bridge  was  completed 
across  the  Rappahannock,  from  in  front  of  the  Lacy 
house,  and  at  five  o'clock  in  the  afternoon  three  com 
panies  of  the  Twentieth  Regiment,  two  of  the  Twenty- 
third,  and  one  of  the  Thirty -fifth,  all  under  command  of 
Lieutenant-Colonel  Gates,  of  the  Twentieth,  crossed  the 
river  and  took  possession  of  the  city,  without  opposi 
tion. 

The  city  is  in  Spottsylvania  County,  seventy  miles 
south  of  Washington,  and  sixty  miles  north  of  Rich 
mond.  The  "  Richmond,  Fredericksburg  and  Potomac 
Railroad  ?'  passes  through  the  easterly  end  of  the  city, 
crosses  the  Rappahannock,  and  terminates  at  Aquia 
Creek,  on  the  Potomac  River,  eight  miles  north  of 
Fredericksburg  ;  from  thence  to  Washington  the  jour 
ney  is  by  steamboat.  It  is  the  most  direct  route  be 
tween  Washington  and  Richmond.  The  population  of 


224  PATRICK'S  BRIGADE  CROSS  THE  RIVER.  [1862. 

Fredericksburg  in  1862,  was  about  5,000,  a  large  propor 
tion  of  whom  were  negroes.  The  Court  House  and 
County  offices  were  located  here,  and  the  usual  division 
in  religious  views  was  represented  by  five  churches  of 
different  denominations,  one  Baptist,  one  Episcopalian, 
one  Methodist,  one  Presbyterian  and  one  Reformed 
Baptist.  The  city  boasted  three  newspapers,  embrac 
ing  a  daily,  a  semi-weekly,  and  a  weekly.  It  contained 
an  orphan  asylum,  two  seminaries,  and  two  banks. 
The  Falls  of  the  Rappahannock,  a  mile  above  the  city, 
afford  excellent  water-power,  which  is  employed  for 
milling  purposes  of  various  kinds.  The  Rappahannock 
is  navigable  up  to  Fredericksburg,  a  distance  of  one 
hundred  and  ten  miles  from  the  Chesapeake,  into  which 
it  empties  at  Windmill  Point.  Its  course  is  nearly  par 
allel  with  that  of  the  Potomac.  Prior  to  the  war,  Fred 
ericksburg  did  a  flourishing  trade  in  the  export  of  grain, 
flour  and  tobacco,  the  aggregate  often  exceeding  $4, 000,  - 
000  per  annum. 

Several  thousand  bushels  of  Confederate  corn  was 
found  in  the  city,  which  the  rebels  had  been  unable  to 
remove,  and  it  was  found  quite  useful  to  the  Federal 
troops.  Various  kinds  of  property — army  material- 
was  discovered  about  the  city,  from  time  to  time,  and 
confiscated. 

On  the  tenth  of  May  the  residue  of  the  Twentieth 
entered  the  city,  and,  passing  through,  encamped  along 
the  telegraph  road  to  Richmond,  about  a  mile  and  a 
half  beyond  Fredericksburg.  The  other  regiments  of 
the  brigade  encamped  in  the  same  neighborhood,  and 
General  Patrick  was  placed  in  command  of  the  cityy 
with  headquarters  in  the  building  formerly  ' '  The  Bank 
of  Virginia,"  and  which  showed  evidences  of  a  very 
hurried  departure  by  its  late  occupants. 

By  the  twentieth  of  May,  the  army  had  repaired  the 
railroad  from  Aquia  Creek  to  Fredericksburg,  including 
the  re-building  of  the  trestle  bridge,  over  the  Potomac 


1862.]  A  RECONNOISSANCE  AND  WHAT   CAME   OF   IT.  225 

Run,  and  the  bridge  across  the  Rappahannock  at 
Fredericksburg.  The  work  was  done  with  astonishing 
rapidity,  and  the  bridges  were  splendid  specimens  of 
engineering  and  mechanical  skill.  The  restoration  of 

O  O 

this  road  enabled  the  Government  to  supply  McDowell's 
corps  with  very  little  hauling,  and  in  the  event  of  its 
moving  toward  Richmond,  or  of  McClellan's  army 
swinging  around  between  Richmond  and  Fredericks- 
burg,  this  road  could  feed  either  or  both,  with  ease  and 
economy. 

On  Sunday  afternoon,  May  the  eleventh,  Major 
Duffie,  with  a  squadron  of  the  Harris  Cavalry,  and  ac 
companied  by  the  Lieutenant-Colonel  of  the  Twentieth, 
made  a  reconnoissance  down  the  Bowling  Green  Road, 
and  about  four  miles  below  Fredericksburg,  surprised 
and  captured  a  picket  post  of  one  officer  and  eleven 
men,  together  with  three  horses  and  their  accoutre 
ments.  The  picket  was  posted  at  the  edge  of  an  exten 
sive  forest,  within  which,  as  we  soon  discovered,  was  a 
strong  body  of  Anderson's  infantry  and  cavalry.  The 
news  of  the  capture  of  the  picket  was  speedily  convey 
ed  to  these  troops,  and  they  at  once  set  out  to  re-cap 
ture  their  men,  and  punish  the  captors  for  their  temeri 
ty.  A  large  party  of  cavalry,  followed  by  a  strong  in 
fantry  force,  was  now  seen  rapidly  advancing  through 
the  woods  and  up  the  road,  and  quite  too  numerous  to 
justify  Major  Duffie  in  engaging  them.  It  was  resolved, 
however,  to  carry  our  prisoners  into  camp  at  all  haz 
ards,  and,  mounting  some  of  them,  the  others  were 
sent  to  the  front,  and  the  retrograde  movement  began. 
At  the  same  time  a  messenger  was  dispatched  to  head 
quarters,  to  inform  General  Patrick  of  impending  dan 
ger.  The  brigade  was  immediately  put  underarms,  and 
advanced  down  the  road  to  the  succor  of  the  scouting 
party,  whom  it  received  into  its  friendly  embrace  before 
the  pursuers  could  do  it  any  harm.  A  few  shots  were 
exchanged,  but  the  only  loss  on  our  side  was  one  horse 

1  5 


226  PICKET  LINE — ALARMS — CHEERS.  [1862. 

killed.  The  enemy  withdrew,  and  our  troops  returned  to 
their  camps.  As  we  were  still  quite  new  to  warfare,  the 
incident  was  very  enlivening,  and  gave  the  men  some 
thing  to  talk  and  write  about. 

From  the  time  we  entered  Fredericksburg,  we  had 
maintained  a  picket  line  around  the  city,  starting  from 
the  river,  above  the  falls,  running  along  the  plateau  in 
rear  of  the  town,  crossing  the  plank  road,  telegraph 
road,  and  all  other  approaches  to  the  city,  and  termina 
ting  on  the  river  below  the  town.  This  picket  line  was 
manned  by  details  from  all  the  regiments  of  the  brigade, 
with  a  field  officer  to  command  it.  About  nine  o'clock 
in  the  evening  of  the  day  on  which  the  affair  narrated 
in  the  above  paragraph,  took  place,  musketry  opened 
on  the  picket  line,  and  the  brigade  was  again  put  under 
arms,  but  the  firing  ceased,  and  quiet  resumed  its  do 
minion  along  the  line,  and  in  the  out-lying  camps. 
Tattoo  (a  drum  beat,  giving  notice  to  soldiers  to  repair 
to  their  quarters  or  tents)  had  been  beaten  and  taps 
(a  like  signal  to  put  out  lights)  had  been  sounded, 
when  a  noise  like  the  rumbling  of  a  gun-carriage  was 
heard  in  the  direction  of  the  river,  beyond  which  the 
bulk  of  our  corps  lay.  Gathering  volume  as  it  moved 
along  the  streets  of  the  canvas  city,  on  Stafford 
Heights,  it  took  on  form  and  expression,  and  reached  our 
camps  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  river,  in  a  succes 
sion  of  exultant  cheers,  such  as  Union  soldiers  alone 
could  give.  This  was  the  third  startling  event  of  the 
day,  and  the  most  mysterious  one  of  all.  Had  McClel- 
lan  captured  Richmond  ?  Had  the  Confederates  con 
fessed  their  sins  and  asked  to  be  taken  back  into  the 
family  mansion  ?  Or  what  Jiad  happened  to  justify 
such  a  breach  of  military  decorum,  as  to  be  cheering 
after  taps  ?  At  length  our  curiosity  was  relieved,  and  we 
sent  back  to  the  boys  on  the  other  side  as  hearty  a 
cheer  as  thirty-five  hundred  pairs  of  sound  lungs  and 
glad  throats  could  give,  and  all  because  the  enemy  had 


1862.]  ST.  GEORGE'S— FLAG  OF  TRUCE.  227 

evacuated  Norfolk,  and  blown  up  the  monster  Merri- 
mac.  Then  we  went  to  bed,  and  saw  in  our  dreams  the 
horrid  fabric  of  the  Confederacy  scattered  like  the 
fragments  of  an  exploded  shell,  glowing  with  a  lurid 
glare  for  one  single  moment,  as  the  flame  that  destroy 
ed  it  lighted  it  up,  as  though  it  would  make  its  ending 
a  spectacle  that  should  stand  as  a  warning  to  future 
ages,  then  dropping  into  gloom  and  darkness  while  the 
bright  rays  of  a  newly  risen  sun  reveal  the  beautiful  en 
sign  of  the  Republic,  floating  over  every  fort,  and  rec 
ognized  as  the  symbol  of  undisputed  authority  in  every 
part  of  our  domain. 

On  Sunday,  the  eighteenth  of  May,  we  attended  St. 
George's  Protestant  Episcopal  Church.  The  Rector 
was  the  Reverend  Alfred  M.  Randolph,  a  sincere  Seces 
sionist.  He  omitted  the  prayer  for  the  President  of  the 
United  States,  and  it  was  the  first  and  only  time  we 
ever  knew  it  to  be  omitted  from  the  service  of  the 
Church.  Mr.  Randolph  did  not  pray  for  the  President 
of  the  Confederate  States,  an  omission  which,  I  have  no 
doubt,  was  owing  to  the  presence  of  U.  S.  officers  in  his 
church,  and  Federal  troops  in  his  city. 

Sunday  seemed  to  be  our  day  for  events — it  was  so 
all  through  the  war.  On  this  particular  Sunday  the 
sensation  w#s  produced  by  the  arrival  from  the  picket 
line,  under  guard,  of  course,  of  an  officer  in  Confederate 
uniform,  who  gave  his  title  and  name  as  Captain  Wor- 
thington,  A.  D.  C.  to  General  Anderson.  He  was  the 
bearer  of  a  letter  from  General  Anderson  to  General 
McDowell,  and  wished  to  deliver  the  missive  in  person. 
General  Patrick  directed  Lieutenant-Colonel  Gates  to 
inform  General  McDowell,  who  was  at  his  headquarters 
in  the  Lacy  House,  of  the  circumstance.  Colonel  Gates 
rode  across  the  river  and  reported  to  General  McDowell 
what  had  transpired  on  the  other  side,  and  informed 
him  that  the  bearer  of  the  flag  wished  to  be  conducted 
to  his  quarters.  Learning  that  the  officers  on  the  picket 


228  ADVANCE   OF   PICKETS.  [1862. 

line  had  sent  this  Confederate  inside,  and  even  into  the 
heart  of  Fredericksburg,  without  blindfolding  him,  Me 
Do  well  became  very  angry,  and  it  was  not  entirely 
agreeable  to  be  in  his  presence  when  he  was  in  such  a 
mood.  He  ordered  that  the  man  be  sent  back  immedi 
ately,  and  that  any  communication  he  might  have  for 
him.  be  left  with  General  Patrick. 

I  was  reminded  of  this  incident  by  one  of  General 
McDowell's  answers  to  Mr.  Choat,  General  Fitz-John 
Porter's  counsel  in  the  recent  re-hearing  of  his  case,  be 
fore  a  Board  of  army  officers.  McDowell  is  a  bluff  and 
somewhat  irascible  man,  and  strangers  might  think  him 
angry  when,  in  fact,  he  is  in  the  best  of  humor.  He 
has  some  of  the  peculiarities  of  the  late  Judge  William 
B.  Wright,  in  that  respect.  But  when  he  is  downright 
angry,  no  one  in  his  presence  can  possibly  be  deluded 
with  the  notion  that  he  is  in  an  amiable  mood.  Mr. 
Choat  mistook  the  General's  manner  for  anger,  and 
asked  him  why  he  was  angry.  "  Angry,"  replied  Gen 
eral  McDowell,  "  Sir,  you  don't  know  what  it  is  to  see 
me  angry."  No,  indeed  ;  if  Choat  had  seen  the  Gen 
eral  real  angry,  he  would  not  have  stayed  to  ask  him 
what  it  was  about. 

On  the  night  of  the  twentieth  of  May,  the  picket 
lines  of  the  Twentieth,  covering  the  plank  road,  were 
pushed  forward  to  the  toll-gate,  driving  the  Rebel  pick 
ets  down  through  the  valley  between  the  toll-gate  and 
New  Salem  Church.  Provoked  by  this  little  aggression, 
they  thereafter  kept  up  a  lively  firing  wherever  the 
head  of  one  of  our  men  could  be  seen  apparently 
within  range.  This  circumstance  came  very  near 
proving  a  serious  matter  for  a  couple  of  Ulster 
County  gentlemen  who  were  making  the  Twentieth  a 
brief  visit  at  that  time,  and  who  rode  out  to  the  front 
with  Colonel  Gates.  The  gentlemen  were  Honorable 
John  B.  Steele  and  Mr.  Jansen  Hasbrouck.  As  the 
party  rode  into  the  enclosure  covering  the  toll-gate,  the 


1862.]  MESSRS.    STEELE  AND  HASBROUCK.  229 

Rebel  sharp-shooters  opened  a  brisk  fire,  and  the  bul 
lets  rattled  around  us  in  a  lively  and  suggestive  manner. 
The  civilians  manifested  the  utmost  coolness,  but  they 
deemed  it  a  duty  they  owed  their  families'  and  friends 
to  get  out  of  range  as  soon  as  they  could,  with  due  re 
gard  to  the  dignity  that  ought  to  accompany  the  move 
ment.  Mr.  Steele  remarked  that  he  was  riot  at  all 
afraid,  and,  on  the  whole,  perhaps  had  rather  be  shot 
than  not,  but  he  could  easily  imagine  the  uncomplimen 
tary  remarks  such  an  event  would  call  forth  from  his 
more  judicious  acquaintances,  to  the  effect  that  "it 
served  him  right ;"  "  what  was  he,  a  civilian  and  Mem 
ber  of  Congress,  doing  on  the  picket  line  ?  He  might 
have  known  he  would  be  shot,  and  he  ought  to  have 
been,  forgoing  there."  The  probability  of  some  such 
observations  being  indulged  in,  in  the  event  of  either 
gentleman  being  hit,  and  the  considerations  first  above 
suggested,  induced  Messrs.  Steele  and  Hasbrouck  to 
fall  back,  in  good  order,  however,  to  a  point  where  the 
gate-house  covered  them  from  the  observation  of  the 
particular  party  of  rebel  riflemen  whose  fire  they  had 
drawn,  and  who  seemed  to  be  concealed  in  a  clump  of 
woods  on  the  hillside  in  front  of  New  Salem  Church. 
Mr.  Hasbrouck  was  determined  to  carry  home  a  memen 
to  of  his  first  experience  under  fire,  and  he  obtained  one 
of  the  bullets  which  had  struck  the  building  near  him, 
and  only  partially  imbedded  itself  in  the  wood.  Mr. 
Hasbrouck  thought  he  had  rather  take  the  trouble  to 
cut  it  out  of  the  wood  and  carry  it  home  in  his  pocket, 
than  to  have  it  "imbedded"  in  his  flesh  and  carry  it 
home  in  that  way.  I  have  no  doubt  Mr.  Hasbrouck 
has  preserved  that  bullet  to  this  day. 

On  the  twenty-third  of  May,  his  Excellency,  Presi 
dent  Lincoln,  visited  the  troops  at  Falmouth  and  Fred- 
ericksburg,  and  had  a  sort  of  informal  review.  He  was 
mounted  on  a  horse  that,  at  first  sight,  seemed  a  mere 
pony,  whose  belly  was  very  near  the  ground.  A  horse 


#30  A  WAITING   MARCH — A   HALT.  [1862. 

ridden  by  Mr.  Lincoln  always  appeared  so  to  the  casual 
observer  ;  but  on  inspection  it  would  be  found  that  his 
horse  was  of  the  medium  size,  and  the  deceptive  im 
pression  was  produced  by  reason  of  the  spare  figure  and 
long  limbs  of  the  rider,  whose  feet  seemed  to  sweep 
dangerously  near  the  ground,  even  when  mounted  on  a 
horse  fourteen  and  a  half  hands  high.  We  supposed 
the  President's  visit  to  Fredericksburg  foreshadowed 
some  movement  of  the  first  corps.  Two  days  later,  or 
ders  were  issued  for  the  corps  to  march  to  Catlett's 
Station,  and  the  commands  of  Generals  Shields  and 
Ord  proceeded,  but  the  order,  so  far  as  the  first  division 
was  concerned,  was  countermanded,  and  the  other 
brigades  of  the  division  were  ordered  to  join  the  first  on 
the  south  side  of  the  river. 

On  Monday,  the  twenty-sixth  of  May,  the  first  divis 
ion  struck  camp,  and,  facing  Richmond-ward,  set  out  at 
half-past  two  P.M.  over  the  so-called  ''Telegraph 
Road,"  towards  the  Rebel  Capital,  halting  for  the  night 
at  Massaponix  Creek,  six  miles  south  of  Fredericks- 
burg.  The  march  was  tardy  and  hesitating,  as  though 
it  was  considered  of  doubtful  expediency,  or  as  liable  to 
attack.  It  seemed  to  me  as  though  it  were  a  "waiting 
march  ;"  a  movement  which  was  half  real  and  half  a 
feint,  with  an  expectation  that  an  event  or  an  order 
would  intervene  to  determine  which  character  the 
movement  would  finally  assume.  General  Anderson's 
men  had  evidently  been  disturbed  by  our  advance,  and 
we  occupied,  on  the  night  of  the  26th,  ground  that  they 
had  just  abandoned.  Companies  C,  Captain  Tappen, 
and  G,  Captain  Hendricks,  under  command  of  Major 
Hardenburgh,  did  picket  duty  through  the  night. 


CHAPTER    XYI. 

AT  MASSAPONIX  CREEK — MARCH  NORTHWARD — HUMAN  ENDURANCE— WHAT 
WE  GET  USED  TO — NIGHT  MARCHES' — VISITORS  —  RE-ENTRE  INTO 
FREDERICKSBURG  —  RECONNOISSAN  CES  —  CAPTURES  —  THE  ARMY  OF 
VIRGINIA — WHAT  IT  WAS,  AND  WHAT  IT-  WAS  EXPECTED  TO  DO — 
EFFECT  OF  MCCLELLAND  DEFEAT— KING'S  OPERATIONS— JACKSON  AT 
GORDONVILLE— LOCATION  OF  POPE'S  ARMY — ENEMY  DRIVE  IN  OUR 
CAVALRY — POPE  CONCENTRATES — BANKS  AT  CEDAR  MOUNTAIN — DE 
CEIVED  BY  BEBEL  TACTICS—BRINGS  ON  ENGAGEMENT  AGAINST  ORDERS 
— REPULSED — RICKETT  REINFORCES  BANKS — ENEMY  ADVANCE  AND  ARE 
DRIVEN  BACK — HEAVY  LOSS — KING'S  DIVISION  MARCHES  TO  JOIN  POPE 
— CAPTURE  OF  LEE'S  LETTERS — RENO  ARRIVES— BLUFF — ARMY  FALLS 
BACK— CROSSES  THE  RAPPAHANNOCK — KILPATRICK — THE  IRA  HARRIS 
CAVALRY  CHARGE  A  STONE  WALL — SOMEBODY  BLUNDERED— THE  CON 
TRABANDS. 

FOE  sixty  hours  we  remained  at  Massaponix  Creek, 
waiting  for  some  event  or  order  to  determine  our  future 
movements.  What  had  become  of  General  Anderson  ? 
All  around  us  were  the  abandoned  sites  of  numerous 
Confederate  camps,  and  his  force  must  have  been  large 
enough  to  make  McDowell' s  position,  with  his  diminish 
ed  members,  dangerous.  But  no  enemy  appeared  to  dis 
turb  our  quiet  in  the  valley  of  the  Massaponix.  Indeed, 
on  the  afternoon  of  the  second  day  of  our  sojourn,  Colo 
nel  Lord,  of  the  35 tli  Regiment,  and  Colonel  Pratt,  Lieu 
tenant-Colonel  Gates,  and  Major  Loughran,  of  the  20th, 
rode  to  Massaponix  church,  three  miles  farther  to  the 
front,  without  encountering  a  Confederate  soldier.  For 
some  reason  we  were  being  let  severely  alone,  and  we 
did  not  know,  at  the  time,  why. 

On  the  29th  of  May,  the  division  faced  to  the  north 
and  retraced  its  steps  to  Fredericksburg,  and.  crossing 
the  river,  the  head  of  the  column  took  the  direction  of 
Catlett's  Station,  from  which  we  had  advanced  to  Fred 
ericksburg  something  over  a  month  before.  The  cause 
of  this  retrograde  movement  was  the  raid  of  Stonewall 

231 


232  HUMAN   ENDURANCE.  [1862. 

Jackson  down  the  Shenandoah  Valley,  the  capture  of 
Milroy,  the  retreat  of  Banks,  and  the  possible  danger  of 
the  Federal  Capital. 

Twenty-six  days  later,  the  regiment  went  into  camp 
upon  the  ground  it  first  occupied,  opposite  Fredericks- 
burg.  In  the  interim,  it  had  marched  over  a  hundred 
miles,  and  the  outward  march,  to  Hay  Market,  near 
Thoroughfare  Gap,  was  a  forced  march,  and  a  very 
fatiguing  one.  The  weather  was  excessively  warm  and 
sultry,  with  frequent  rains,  which  seemed  to  have  no 
other  effect  than  spoiling  the  roads,  soaking  the  men 
and  driving  the  heat  of  the  earth  up  into  the  atmos 
phere,  making  it  hotter  than  it  was  before.  In  this 
march  the  men  of  the  first  corps  proved  the  superiority 
of  human  over  brute  endurance.  The  best  horses  gave 
out  under  the  heat  and  fatigue  of  the  journey,  while 
the  boys  tightened  cartridge-belts  and  knapsacks,  and 
marched  from  early  morning  until  late  at  night,  without 
a  murmur. 

It  is  wonderful  how  much  severe  treatment  the  deli 
cate  mechanism  of  the  human  system  will  bear,  and  yet 
be  none  the  worse  for.  What  we  are  apt  to  regard  as 
privations  and  injurious  exposures,  the  thought  of 
which  strikes  terror  to  the  indolent  and  luxurious,  are, 
after  all,  more  conducive  to  robust  health  and  manly 
development  than  the  lives  of  ease  and  sumptuous- 
ness  so  many  lead,  and  so  many  others  sigh  for. 

True,  one  would  not,  ordinarily,  choose  army  rations 
in  preference  to  the  savory  viands  and  tempting  delica 
cies  that  grace  the  table  of  the  epicure.  Yet  I  do  not 
doubt  the  superior  wholesomeness  of  the  soldier' s  bill  of 
fare. 

Neither  is  it  natural  that  we  should  be  indifferent 
to  the  comforts  of  a  cozy  apartment  and  a  spring  mat 
tress.  And  yet,  the  time  soon  comes,  when  the  weary 
soldier  finds  dear  mother  earth  as  soft  as  eider-down  ; 
and  wrapping  himself  in  his  blanket,  with  a  saddle  or 


1862.]  RE-ENTREE   INTO   FREDERICKSBURG.  233 

stone  for  a  pillow,  says  his  orisons,  and  then,  languidly 
seeking  to  trace  some  constellation  in  the  pictured 
vault  above,  the  stars  are  transformed  into  faces  of 
loved  ones  far  away,  and  slumber  steals  upon  him  laden 
with  pleasant  visions  of  home. 

But,  ah !  if  the  windows  of  heaven  are  open,  and 
the  rain  invades  his  spacious  chamber,  he  experiences 
the  truth  that  "  night  and  storm  and  darkness  are  won 
drous  strong,"  but  fails  to  discover  in  them  that  "beauty 
which  the  poet  says  is  "like  the  light  of  a  dark  eye  in 
woman." 

But  the  night  is  not  always  spent  in  slumber.  Often 
through  its  long  hours,  "Tramp,  tramp,  tramp,  the 
boys  are  marching,"  guided,  perhaps,  by  some  "in 
telligent  contraband,"  or  some  less  reliable  specimen  of 
"  poor  white  trash,"  who,  closely  watched  by  a  file  of 
soldiers,  or  mounted  between  two  cavalrymen,  is  made 
to  do  unwilling  service  in  his  country's  cause. 

While  lying  in  our  Stafford  Heights  camp  after  our 
return,  we  were  visited  by  Messrs.  Erastus  Cooke  and 
Jacob  Hardenburgh,  of  Kingston,  who  spent  several 
days  with  the  regiment,  in  which  they  had  hosts  of 
friends.  Colonel  Zadock  Pratt  also  paid  us  a  visit  at 
this  time. 

At  daylight,  on  the  28th  of  July,  the  regiment  again 
entered  Fredericksburg,  and  the  four  right  companies, 
A,  Captain  James  Smith  ;  C,  Captain  J.  Rudolph  Tap- 
pen  ;  H,  Captain  Abram  S,  Smith ;  and  K,  Captain 
Ambrose  N.  Baldwin,  all  under  command  of  Lieutenant- 
Colonel  Gates,  marched  to  the  vicinity  of  the  Stanbury 
House,  in  the  upper  part  of  the  city,  to  cover  the  plank 
road  and  the  adjacent  country  ;  while  Colonel  Pratt, 
with  the  residue  of  the  regiment,  took  post  near  Fen- 
nihoe's  House,  at  the  lower  suburb  of  the  town.  A  cor 
don  of  sentinels  was  again  thrown  around  the  city,  and 
thus  things  continued  until  the  fourth  of  August,  when 
the  detachment  under  Colonel  Gates  joined  the  main 


234  RECONNOISSANCES.  [1862. 

body  of  the  regiment,  under  Colonel  Pratt.  On  the 
sixth  of  August,  Colonel  Pratt  with  companies  A,  E, 
K,  I  and  C,  of  the  Twentieth,  and  two  companies  of 
the  23d,  and  a  section  of  artillery,  made  a  reconnois- 
sance  down  the  Bowling  Green  Road,  returning  to 
camp  at  three  o'clock  next  morning,  without  having 
fallen  in  with  the  enemy. 

On  the  eighth  of  August,  the  rebels  captured  thir 
teen  of  our  wagons  and  a  number  of  men  of  Gibbon's 
and  Hatch's  brigades,  at  Massaponix  Creek,  on  the 
Telegraph  Road.  Thereupon,  Colonel  Pratt,  in  command 
of  companies  D  and  B,  of  the  Twentieth,  six  companies 
of  the  23d,  four  companies  of  Third  Indiana  Cavalry, 
and  a  section  of  the  First  N.  H.  Battery,  marched  on  a 
reconnoissance  and  foraging  expedition,  at  7  P.  M.,  to 
Round  Oak  Church,  southeast  of  Fredericksburg,  while 
at  the  same  time  Lieutenant-Colonel  Gates,  with  four 
companies  of  the  20th,  marched  up  the  Telegraph  Road 
to  Massaponix  Creek,  the  bridge  over  which  the  Confed 
erate  guard  fired,  and  then  fled,  as  the  Federal  troops 
approached.  Colonel  Gates  then  marched  across  the 
country  to  the  Bowling  Green  Road,  where  he  joined 
Colonel  Pratt,  and  the  entire  force  returned  to  camp  at 
half -past  three  o'clock  next  morning,  bringing  in  two 
prisoners,  twenty-five  mules,  thirty  horses,  and  fifty 
head  of  cattle. 

While  the  unimportant  events  narrated  in  this 
chapter  were  just  sufficiently  interesting  to  save  us 
from  ennui,  affairs  were  culminating  on  the  upper  Rapi- 
dan  that  soon  involved  the  Twentieth  in  the  more  terri 
ble  and  destructive  scenes  of  war. 

The  Peninsular  campaign  had  ended,  and  the  shat 
tered  army  of  the  Potomac  was  making  its  way  back  to 
Aquia  Creek,  Alexandria  and  Washington.  General 
John  Pope,  with  the  army  of  Virginia,  comj^osed  of  the 
first,  second  and  third  army  corps,  commanded  respec 
tively  by  Generals  McDowell,  Banks  and  Siegel,  had 


1862.]  WHAT   POPE   WAS  REQUIRED  TO  DO.  235 

been  thrown  forward  along  the  line  of  the  Rapidan,  to 
create  a  diversion  in  favor  of  McClellan,  and  facilitate 
thereby  the  withdrawal  of  the  latter' s  army  from  Har 
rison's  Landing.  King's  division  of  the  first  corps  com 
posed  a  part  of  the  forces  subject  to  Pope's  orders,  but 
it  had  been  left  at  Fredericksburg,  because  it  menaced 
Richmond,  and  at  the  same  time  covered  Aquia  Creek, 
where  some  portion  of  McClellan' s  army  was  expected 
to  land. 

The  Government  counted  upon  rapidly  re-enforcing 
Pope  from  the  army  of  the  Potomac,  and  designed  to 
hold  the  line  of  the  Rappahannock,if  possible,  because  it 
was  a  constant  menace  to  Richmond,  and  covered  Wash 
ington.  An  army  stationed  along  that  river  could  be 
supplied  by  two  lines  of  railroads.  These  roads  had 
been  put  in  order  at  great  expense,  and,  in  every  point 
of  view  it  was  important  that  the  position  should  be  re 
tained.  The  miscarriage  of  the  Union  cause  on  the 
Peninsula  had  discouraged  the  friends  of  the  Govern 
ment,  at  home  and  abroad,  and  to  have  the  Federal 
forces  between  Washington  and  Richmond  forced  back 
into  the  works  along  the  Potomac,  would  be  a  great 
humiliation,  and  might  seriously  affect  our  relations 
with  European  powers. 

General  Halleck,  therefore,  who  had  been  appointed 
General-in-chief ,  had  ordered  Pope  to  hold  on  to  Fred 
ericksburg,  and  to  reach  out  with  his  left  and  keep  up 
his  communications  with  General  King,  and  guard  all 
the  passes  of  the  river.  Pope  was  required,  at  the  same 
time,  to  cover  the  front  of  Washington,  to  guard  the 
Valley  of  the  Shenandoah,  and  so  to  operate  upon  the 
enemy's  lines  of  communication,  to  the  west  and  north 
west,  that  he  would  be  compelled  to  make  large  drafts 
upon  his  army  at  Richmond,  and  thereby  be  disabled 
from  making  any  serious  demonstration  against  the 
army  of  the  Potomac,  while  withdrawing  from  the 
Peninsula. 


236  LOCATION   OF  HIS  ARMY.  [1862, 

In  carrying  out  these  objects,  General  King  had 
sent  out  his  cavalry  to  operate  on  the  line  of  the  Vir 
ginia  Central  Railroad,  which  connects  Richmond  with 
the  Valley  of  the  Shenandoah,  and  it  had  torn  up  the 
road  at  several  points  and  on  several  occasions.  Gener 
al  Banks  sent  forward  all  his  cavalry,  supported  by  a 
brigade  of  infantry,  about  the  tenth  of  July,  and  took 
possession  of  Culpepper  Court  House,  and  on  the  17th 
of  July  this  force  had  advanced  to  Madison  Court 
House,  west  of  Robertson's  River. 

On  the  16th  of  July  Jackson's  division  of  the  Con 
federate  army  occupied  Gordonsville,  and  checked  any 
further  movement  of  the  Federals  in  that  direction. 
It  was  the  advance  guard  of  the  entire  Confederate  ar 
my,  flushed  with  its  triumph  over  McClellan. 

Pope's  army  was  now  located  along  the  Hedgeman  and 
Rappahannock  Rivers,  with  his  right  thrown  forward 
to  Little  Washington  and  Sperryville,  at  the  foot  of  the 
Blue  ridge,  while  Hatch  lay  at  Madison  Court  House. 
But  the  imminence  of  the  danger  that  soon  threatened 
him  induced  a  concentration  of  his  forces,  and  on  the 
7th  of  August  Banks  was  directed  to  move  down  the 
turnpike  toward  Culpepper,  as  far  as  Hazel  River. 
Rickett's  division  was  ordered  to  Culpepper  Court 
House.  Siegel  was  directed  to  post  a  brigade  of  infantry 
and  a  battery  of  artillery  at  the  point  where  the  road 
from  Madison  Court  House  to  Sperryville  crosses  Rob 
ertson's  River,  as  a  support  to  Buford's  cavalry,  and 
push  on  with  the  balance  of  his  corps  to  Culpepper 
Court  House.  King's  division  was  ordered  to  march 
from  Fredericksburg  on  the  ninth,  for  the  same  destina 
tion.  The  front  of  the  army  was  covered  by  the  cavalry 
along  the  line  of  the  Rapidan,  from  the  Blue  Ridge  to 
the  forks  of  the  Rappahannock,  above  Fredericksburg. 
The  force  thus  brought  within  supporting  distance,  ex 
cluding  King's  division,  which  was  yet  at  Fredericks 
burg,  numbered  about  28,000  men. 


1862.]  BANKS   AT    CEDAR   MOUNTAIN.  237 

On  the  eighth  of  August,  the  enemy  began  to  press 
the  cavalry  of  General  Bayard,  who  was  posted  at  Rap- 
idan  Station,  where  the  Orange  and  Alexandria  Rail 
road  crosses  the  river,  with  pickets  extending  eastward 
to  Raccoon  Ford,  and  he  was  compelled  to  fall  back, 
slowly,  before  superior  forces.  At  the  same  time  the 
enemy  advanced  in  heavy  force  against  General  Buford, 
who  was  stationed  at  Madison  Court  House.  Crawford' s 
brigade  of  Banks'  corps  was  dispatched  towards  Cedar 
Mountain,  about  midway  between  Culpepper  Court 
House  and  the  Rapidan,  to  support  General  Bayard, 
who  was  falling  back  in  that  direction.  Banks  and  Siegel 
were  both  directed  to  move  at  once  to  Culpepper.  On 
the  morning  of  the  ninth,  General  Banks'  encire  corps 
joined  Crawford's  brigade  near  Cedar  Mountain.  Siegel 
had  delayed  his  march  from  Sperry ville,  while  he  sent  a 
messenger  to  General  Pope  to  inquire  "what  road  he 
should  march  over."  Banks'  corps  was  only  about 
8,000  strong,  and  it  was  not  General  Pope's  design  that 
he  should  bring  on  an  engagement.  Ricketts'  division 
of  McDowell's  corps  still  lay  at  the  point  where  the  road 
from  Madison  Court  House  to  Culpepper  intersects  the 
road  from  Culpepper  to  Cedar  Mountain,  because  it 
might  be  one  of  the  routes  by  which  the  enemy  would 
advance,  and  it  was  within  easy  supporting  distance  of 
the  forces  at  Culpepper  or  Cedar  Mountain.  On  the 
same  day  Buford  found  the  enemy  in  heavy  force  in  his 
front,  on  both  flanks,  and  partly  on  his  left  rear,  and  he 
was  obliged  to  retire  in  the  direction  of  Sperryville. 

Artillery  firing  opened,  on  the  morning  of  the  ninth, 
between  General  Banks  and  the  Confederates,  whose 
guns  were  posted  in  the  woods  along  the  Rapidan, 
while  Banks'  were  in  strong  positions  at  Cedar  Moun 
tain.  The  enemy's  tactics  led  General  Banks  to  believe 
that  they  were  not  in  force  in  his  front,  and  late  in  the 
day  he  resolved  to  advance  and  attack  them,  and,  if 
possible,  win  a  victory  before  they  could  be  reinforced. 


238  DECEIVED   BY   REBEL   TACTICS.  [1862. 

He  accordingly  threw  forward  his  whole  corps  into  ac 
tion,  and  in  doing  so  was  obliged  to  cross  a  broad,  op^n 
plain,  which,  as  it  proved,  the  enemy  had  so  posted  guns 
as  to  sweep  every  foot  of  apparently  in  anticipation 
of  just  such  a  manoeuvre  as  Banks  executed.  Nev 
ertheless,  the  Federals  pushed  boldly  on  through  this 
unlooked-for  artillery  fire,  and  assaulted  the  enemy  with 
great  fury  and  determination.  They  found  him  in  su 
perior  numbers,  and  strongly  posted  and  sheltered  by 
woods  and  ridges.  His  musketry  fire  became  very  de 
structive  as  our  men  came  within  range,  and,  after  a 
struggle  of  an  hour  and  a  half,  during  which  the  second 
corps  had  displayed  the  utmost  gallantry  and  resolu 
tion,  they  were  gradually  driven  back  to  their  former 
position,  where  Rickett's  division  had  then  just  arrived 
and  joined  in  the  action.  The  enemy  had  followed 
Banks  with  great  caution,  and  seemed  reluctant  to 
emerge  into  the  open  ground,  yet  he  did  leave  his  cover 
in  hopes  of  making  his  victory  more  complete,  but  was 
driven  back  by  the  batteries  of  Ricketts'  division,  with 
considerable  loss.  The  artillery  firing  was  kept  up  un 
til  midnight. 

Banks  was  deluded,  as  our  Generals  often  were,  by 
the  wily  tactics  of  the  enemy,  whereby  they  were  led  to 
believe  that  the  Confederates  were  weak  and  intimidat 
ed  by  our  superior  force,  and  only  anxious  to  make  us 
believe  they  were  strong  to  cover  their  escape  from  a 
perilous  position.  It  seemed  impossible  for  our  Gener 
als  to  believe  this  was  craft.  It  was  always  so  well 
acted  that  it  seemed  real,  and  the  delusions  produced 
by  it  cost  the  Federals  a  great  many  lives.  Our  loss  in 
this  battle,  in  killed,  wounded  and  prisoners,  was  about 
1,800  men.  Among  the  wounded  were  Generals  Geary, 
Augur  and  Carroll,  and  General  Prince  was  captured. 
This  battle  was  fought  in  violation  of  General  Pope's 
orders,  and  was  a  useless  waste  of  life,  in  that  it  pro 
duced  no  appreciable  effect  upon  impending  events, 


1862.]  MARCH  OF  KING'S  DIVISION.  239 

but  rather  operated  to  defeat  the  purposes  of  Pope,  by 
prematurely  developing  his  position  and  resources,  and 
inducing  greater  caution  on  the  part  of  the  enemy. 

Pope  estimated  that  with  King's  division,  his  force 
would  barely  equal  that  of  the  enemy  in  his  immediate 
front,  and  he  resolved  to  attack  him,  as  soon  as  King 
should  come  up. 

King  marched  from  Fredericksburg  at  five  P.M.,  on 
the  ninth,  at  the  hour  when  Banks  was  moving  to  the 
attack,  but  without  any  information  of  the  impending 
battle.  He  knew,  however,  that  he  was  wanted  at  Cul- 
pepper,  and  he  marched  until  ten  o'clock  that  night, 
and  reached  Pope's  headquarters  at  midnight  on  the 
eleventh.  Pope  resolved  to  fall  upon  Jackson  the  next 
morning  at  daylight,  but  a  reconnoisance  revealed  the 
fact  that  he  had,  during  the  night  of  the  eleventh,  fall 
en  back  in  the  direction  of  Gordonsville,  leaving  many 
of  his  dead  unburied,  and  his  wounded  on  the  field  and 
along  the  road  from  Cedar  Mountain  to  Orange  Court 
House.  The  cavalry,  under  Generals  Buford  and  Bay 
ard,  pursued  the  enemy  to  the  Rapidan,  capturing 
many  stragglers,  and  then  resumed  their  picket  line 
along  the  Rapidan,  from  the  Blue  Ridge  to  Raccoon 
Ford.  So  neither  party  seemed  to  have  gained  any 
permanent  advantage  by  the  sharp  battle  of  the  ninth. 
Certainly  none  commensurate  with  the  loss  of  life. 

By  the  eighteenth  of  August,  it  became  manifest  to 
General  Pope  that  his  advanced  position,  with  his 
his  small  force,  was  untenable  in  the  face  of  the  rapid 
ly  mustering  forces  of  the  enemy,  General  J.  E.  B. 
Stuart's  Adjutant-General  was  captured  on  the  17th, 
near  Louisa  Court  House,  and  on  his  person  was  found 
an  autograph  letter  from  General  Lee  to  Jackson,  out 
lining  the  campaign  he  proposed,  and  showing  the  po 
sition  and  force  of  the  Confederate  army  closing  in 
around  Pope. 

General  Reno,  with  8,000  men  from  Burnside's  corps, 


240  KILPATRICK   CHARGES   A   STONE   WALL.  [1862. 

had  joined  Pope  on  the  fourteenth  of  August,  and  he 
had  made  a  demonstration  as  if  to  advance,  by  throwing 
his  whole  force  in  the  direction  of  the  Rapidan,  with 
Sigel  on  the  right,  at  Robertson's  River,  McDowell  in 
the  centre,  at  Cedar  Mountain,  and  Reno  on  the  left, 
near  Raccoon  Ford.  Banks'  corps,  badly  cut  up,  and 
some  of  his  regiments  without  a  commissioned  officer, 
lying  in  the  rear. 

But  this  was  only  a  move  in  the  game  of  bluff,  and 
it  could  not  deceive  the  enemy  long,  if  it  should  have 
that  effect  for  a  moment.  So,  on  the  morning  of  the 
eighteenth,  the  trains  were  ordered  to  the  rear,  and  the 
several  corps  of  the  little  army  were  directed  to  retire, 
after  the  trains  were  well  out  of  the  way,  and,  crossing 
at  different  points,  take  position  on  the  left  bank  of  the 
Rappahannock.  Reno  was  to  cross  at  Kelly's  or  Bar- 
nett's  Ford,  Banks  and  McDowell  at  Rappahannock 
Station,  and  Sigel  at  Warrenton  Sulphur  Springs. 

The  "Twentieth"  moved,  with  its  brigade,  through 
Culpepper  Court  House  and  Brandy  Station,  and  drop 
ped  down  in  the  road,  for  a  few  hours'  sleep,  at  mid 
night,  three  miles  west  of  Rappahannock  Station,  where 
we  were  to  cross  the  river.  Our  brigade  was  the  rear 
guard  of  the  infantry,  but  in  rear  of  us  was  a  body  of  cav 
alry,  one  regiment  of  which  was  the  Harris  Light  Cavalry, 
under  command  of  Lieut. -Colonel  Judson  Kilpatrick. 
When  near  the  station,  on  the  morning  of  the  20th, 
Kilpatrick  charged  a  stone  wall,  behind  which  was  a  body 
of  Confederate  riflemen,  or  dismounted  cavalrymen,  who 
emptied  many  of  the  saddles  of  the  Harris  Light  Cavalry 
as  they  charged  up  to  the  wall,  and  retired  from  it,  as 
they  were  forced  to  do,  and  as  their  commanding  officer 
ought  to  have  known  they  must  do.  It  was  another  ex 
ample  of  bad  judgment  and  profligacy  of  human  life. 
Kilpatrick  was  the  first  of  his  command  to  cross  the 
bridge  at  Rappahannock  Station,  and  while  sitting  on 
his  horse,  on  the  bridge,  two  men  of  his  regiment  rode 


1862.]  THE   CONTRABAND.  241 

up  from  the  direction  of  the  enemy.  Their  Colonel 
halted  them  and  asked  where  the  rest  of  the  regiment 
was.  They  could  give  no  satisfactory  information, 
and  Kilpatrick  gave  them  a  cordial  damning,  apparent 
ly  because  there  were  not  more  of  them,  and  rode  to  the 
east  side  of  the  bridge.  The  matter  was  really  very 
simple  of  explanation,  and  probably  those  two  enlisted 
men  understood  it  perfectly,  but  did  not  dare  to  speak 
of  it,  except  in  whispers,  to  each  other.  "Somebody 
had  blundered,"  and  the  result  was  loss  of  lives,  and 
disintegration  of  a  line  regiment  of  cavalry.* 

A  great  many  negroes  accompanied  the  Union  army 
in  its  retreat,  and  some  of  them  manifested  the  most  ex 
travagant  and  ludicrous  joy  when  they  got  across  the 
river.  One  party  of  them  approached  the  ford  a  few 
rods  below  the  bridge,  where  the  water  was  two  or  three 
feet  deep,  with  an  ox-team  drawing  a  wagon,  filled  with 
their  worldly  goods,  and  on  top  of  these  were  three 
wenches,  and  a  perfect  swarm  of  ebony  children. 

When  they  reached  the  bank  of  the  river  the  oxen 
refused  to  go  down  into  the  water,  and  whipping  and 
coaxing  were  of  no  avail. 

The  black  figures  kept  their  places,  waiting  the  bet 
ter  mood  of  their  cattle.  But  suddenly  the  angry  rat 
tle  of  musketry  in  the  woods  near  by,  suggested,  even 
to  their  obtuse  intellects,  that  they  should  not  stand 
upon  the  order  of  their  going,  but  go  at  once.  Quick  as 
thought  those  black  mothers  siezed  their  youngest 
children,  and,  followed  by  the  others,  sprung  to  the 
ground,  looking,  in  their  descent,  like  fragments  of 
night,  dropping  from  the  sky,  and  dashed  through  the 
water. 

As  they  ascended  the  opposite  bank,  the  matron  of 
the  party  clasped  her  hands,  and,  looking  up  to  heaven, 
exclaimed  :  "  Bress  de  Lord — we'se  on  dis  side  ob 
Jo' don  !" 

*  See  note  1. 


CHAPTER    XVII. 

POSITION   OB"   ARMIES — ARTILLERY  FIRE — FEINTS — POPE'S   DIFFICULT   ROLE 

— HALLECK'S  ORDER — SIGEL — POPE'S  PLAN — ITS  CHANCES  OF  SUCCESS- 
SULPHUR  SPRINGS — A  REBEL  BATTERY — C  COMPANY  AS  SKIRMISHERS  — 
ON  THE  RIGHT  BY  FILE  INTO  LINE — A  FRESHET — NEW  PLANS — POSITION 
OF  POPE'S  ARMY — WHERE  IS  THE  FOE  ? — LEE*S  DESIGNS — JACKSON  IN 
REAR  OF  POPE— CONDITION  OF  POPE'S  ARMY— RE-ENFORCEMENTS— 
JACKSON  DESTROYS  RAILROADS  AND  CARS — GOES  TO  CENTREVILLE — 

POPE'S  TACTICS  TO  CAPTURE  HIM— JACKSON'S  DANGER — HOOKER  AND 
EWELL— PATRICK'S  BRIGADE — MARCH  TO  GAINSVILLE — MARCH  OF 
OTHER  TROOPS — FITZ-JOHN  PORTER  AND  POPE'S  ORDER — JACKSON- 
RETURNS  TO  MANASSAS  JUNCTION — POPE'S  ORDERS  THEREON — NUM 
BER  AND  QUALITY  OF  JACKSON'S  CORPS — MARCHES  FROM  CENTREVILLE — 
POPE  PURSUES — RICKETTS'  DIVISION  SENT  TO  THOROUGHFARE  GAP — 
JACKSON  SURROUNDED — KING'S  DIVISION  ON  CENTREVILLE  PIKE — 

THREE  HORSEMEN — A    BATTERY A  SEVERE   BATTLE — POPE'S   ORDERS 

— HOW    HIS    PLANS  WERE  OVERTHROWN — GENERAL    KING. 

THE  position  of  Pope's  army  on  the  morning  of  the  20th 
of  August,  was  along  the  east  bank  of  the  Rappahan- 
nock,  with  its  left  at  Kelly's  Ford  and  its  right  about 
three  miles  above  Rappahannock  Station,  whither  Sigel 
had  marched  after  crossing  the  Hedgeman,  at  the 
Sulphur  Springs,  until  he  connected  with  McDowell's 
right.  The  enemy' s  advance  pushed  up  to  Kelly' s  Ford 
and  Rappahannock  Station,  almost  immediately  after 
the  Federal  troops  had  crossed  and  drove  in  our  pickets. 
But  finding  the  army  in  position  on  the  opposite  side  of 
the  river,  they  retired  out  of  range,  awaiting  the  arrival 
of  the  main  body  of  their  army. 

The  21st  of  August  opened  with  artillery  fire  along 
the  river,  for  a  distance  of  seven  or  eight  miles,  and 
several  attempts  were  made  by  the  enemy  to  cross,  but 
they  were  each  time  repulsed.  The  same  tactics  were 
continued  through  the  next  day.  The  Twentieth  Regi 
ment  was  engaged  during  this  time  in  supporting  Cap- 

242 


1862.]  HALLECK'S  ORDER— SIGEL.  243 

tain  Reynolds'  Battery  L,  First  New  York  Artillery, 
and  on  picket  along  the  river,  and  was  under  artillery 
lire  most  of  the  time. 

Having  felt  our  lines  at  every  ford  from  Kelly's  to 
Sigel's  right,  probably  as  feints,  rather  than  with  any  de 
sign  to  force  a  crossing,  the  enemy  began  on  the  22d  to 
move  slowly  up  the  river,  with  the  intention  of  turning 
Pope's  right.  This  General  was  constrained  by  his 
orders  from  General  Halleck  to  maintain  his  communi 
cations  with  Falmouth,  to  facilitate  the  junction  with 
him  of  troops  landing  at  Aquia  Creek,  and  for  the  other 
reasons  hereinbefore  mentioned.  His  left  was  thereby 
tied  as  it  were  to  the  lower  fords  of  the  Rappahannock, 
and  to  extend  farther  to  his  right  was  to  weaken  his  line 
to  a  dangerous  degree.  He  represented  this  condition 
of  things  to  Halleck,  but  the  latter  could  not  bring  him 
self  to  contemplate  the  abandonment  of  Aquia  Creek 
and  Fredericksburg,  except  in  the  very  last  emergency, 
and  he  directed  Pope  to  hold  on,  and  promised  re- 
enforcements  from  the  Army  of  the  Potomac  in  a  day 
or  two,  which  would  enable  him  to  maintain  his  line 
and  have  a  force  sufficient  for  any  required  movement. 
On  the  21st  he  telegraphed  Pope  :  "  Dispute  every  inch 
of  ground,  and  fight  like  the  devil,  till  we  can  re-enforce 
you.  Forty-eight  hours  more  and  we  can  make  you 
strong  enough."  But  the  promised  re-enforcements  did 
not  come.  The  Army  of  the  Potomac  moved  slowly 
toward  this  new  field  of  operations,  and  General  Halleck 
and  the  President  exhausted  all  their  powers  of  persua- 
tion  and  commands  to  accelerate  its  movements,  with 
out  avail. 

Sigel,  who  apprehended  his  righc  would  be  turned, 
proposed  to  withdraw  from  his  position,  but  this  Pope 
forbade,  and  directed  him  to  stand  firm,  but  not  to  at 
tempt  to  interfere  with  any  eifort  the  enemy  might  make 
to  cross  the  Hedgeman  above  his  right  at  Sulphur 
Springs.  Pope  then  purposed  to  allow  a  considerable 


£44  POPE'S  CAMPAIGN  IN  VIRGINIA.  [18G2. 

force  of  the  Confederates  to  pass  the  river  at  the  point 
indicated,  and  to  suddenly  mass  a  portion  of  his  forces 
and  fall  upon  their  flank,  as  they  should  move  toward 
Warrenton,  which  was  supposed  to  be  their  first  objec 
tive.  The  cavalry  was  watching  the  movements  of  the 
enemy  at  and  above  Sulphur  Springs.  General  Lee 
himself  was  at  Culpepper  on  the  night  of  the  21st,  and 
it  was  evident  that  his  whole  army  was  confronting 
Pope. 

On  the  night  of  the  22d,  Pope's  information  of  the 
movements  and  position  of  the  enemy  induced  him  to 
contemplate  an  immediate  withdrawal  behind  Cedar 
Run,  or  the  massing  of  his  entire  army,  re-crossing  the 
Rappahannock,  and  attacking  the  flank  and  rear  of  the 
Confederates.  Halleck  assented  to  this  latter  plan,  and 
Pope  arranged  to  carry  it  into  execution  as  soon  as  Lee 
had  thrown  a  sufficient  number  of  his  troops  across  the 
upper  fords  of  the  Hedgeman  to  give  reasonable  hopes 
of  success.  It  was  a  soldierly  conception,  and  if  carried 
out  with  judgment  and  spirit,  would  have  been  success 
ful,  and  would  have  changed  the  entire  aspect  and  re 
sults  of  the  campaign.  Lee's  army  was  now  stretched 
out  from  the  forks  of  the  Rappahannock  to  Waterloo 
Bridge,  and  necessarily  exposed  a  long  flank  to  its  ad 
versary,  and  much  time  would  be  required  to  concen 
trate  a  sufficient  body  to  resist  such  an  assault  as  Pope 
contemplated.  Pope  intended  to  strike  his  blow  on  the 
24th. 

Therefore,  on  the  twenty-third,  McDowell's  corps 
marched  to  Warrenton,  through  a  tremendous  rain 
storm,  and  the  "Twentieth"  bivouacked  in  the  streets 
of  Warrenton  that  night,  after  a  march  of  twelve  miles. 
The  next  day  we  marched  two  miles  toward  the  Springs 
and  encamped.  The  following  morning  we  broke  camp 
at  six  o'clock,  and  marched  to  the  White  Sulphur 
Springs,  seven  miles  west  of  Warrenton.  The  Springs  is 
a  fashionable  summer  resort,  with  a  large  and  fine  hotel 


1802.]  CAPTAIN   TAPPEN — A  PKESHET.  245 

and  a  number  of  cottages,  with  grounds  handsomely 
arranged  and  laid  out.  As  we  approached  the  Springs, 
a  battery,  posted  near  a  large  yellow  house  on  the  op 
posite  side  of  the  river  (the  Hedgeman  river  flows  within 
a  few  hundred  feet  of  the  Springs),  opened  upon  our 
column,  and  at  the  same  moment  a  brisk  musketry  tire 
was  delivered  upon  General  Patrick  and  staff,  who  had 
ridden  to  the  Hedgeman  to  water  their  horses,  unsus 
pecting  the  presence  of  a  foe.  C  Company,  Captain 
Tappen,  was  at  once  deployed  as  skirmishers,  and  ad 
vancing  through  the  grounds  surrounding  the  Springs, 
they  got  into  the  tall  grass  along  the  Hedgeman,  where 
the  rebel  infantrymen  were  concealed,  and  soon  drove 
them  from  cover  and  forced  them  to  retreat,  leaving 
Captain  Tappen  in  possession  of  the  ground.  At  a 
later  hour  of  the  day  Colonel  Pratt  was  ordered  to  move 
across  an  open  field,  almost  under  the  guns  of  the  rebel 
battery,  which  still  maintained  its  tire,  and  take  up  a 
position  on  a  hill  to  our  left  and  front.  The  regiment 
moved  down  the  road  by  wings,  the  right  under  com 
mand  of  Colonel  Pratt,  and  the  left  under  Lieutenant- 
Colonel  Gates.  Reaching  the  vicinity  of  the  Hedgeman, 
they  tiled  to  the  left  into  a  by-road,  and  moving  up  that 
a  few  hundred  yards  tiled  to  the  right  into  an  open  field. 
As  each  wing  entered  the  field  it  formed  line  of  battle- 
on  the  right  by  file — to  present  a  narrower  mark  to  the 
rebel  artillerists,  who  were  now  directing  their  guns  ex 
clusively  at  the  Twentieth.  Our  movements  were  so 
rapid  they  could  not  get  range  of  us,  and  we  reached 
the  position  we  were  directed  to  occupy  without 
casualty.  Infantry  skirmishing  continued  through  the 
day,  and  we  had  a  few  men  wounded.  We  remained  in 
this  position  during  the  night. 

The  next  day  the  streams  began  to  experience  the 
effect  of  the  heavy  rains,  and  before  night  they  had 
risen  six  feet.  Both  the  Hedgeman  and  the  Rappahan- 
nock  were  fordable  at  several  different  places  from 


246  POPE'S  CAMPAIGN  IN  VIRGINIA.  [1862, 

Kelly's  to  the  Blue  Ridge,  in  ordinary  August  weather, 
but  now  both  were  impassable,  except  by  the  bridge  at 
Rappahannock  Station.  So,  the  strategy  on  which  so 
many  hopes  had  been  grounded  came  to  naught,  and 
it  was  necessary  to  recast  a  plan  of  campaign  to  meet 
the  changed  circumstances,  and  to  utilize,  if  possible, 
the  unlooked-for  flood. 

It  was  believed  at  headquarters  that  a  considerable 
body  of  the  enemy  was  on  the  left  side  of  the  river, 
and  Pope  resolved  to  attack  them  before  the  subsidence 
of  the  water  should  allow  them  to  retreat  or  to  be  re -en 
forced.  The  Federals  were  posted  on  the  night  of  the 
24th  as  follows :  Ricketts'  division  of  McDowell's 
corps,  on  the  road  from  Warrenton  to  Waterloo  Bridge, 
and  about  four  miles  west  of  Waterloo  ;  King's  division, 
between  Warrenton  and  Sulphur  Springs  ;  Sigel's 
corps,  near  the  Rappahannock,  with  his  advance  at 
Waterloo,  and  his  rear  in  the  direction  of  Sulphur 
Springs  ;  in  his  rear  and  immediately  in  contact  with 
him,  was  Banks'  corps  ;  while  Reno  was  lying  east,  and 
very  near  the  Springs. 

But  it  was  found  that  the  enemy  had  not  exposed 
himself  to  this  peril.  He  certainly  was  not  on  the  left 
side  of  the  river,  and  wliere  he  was,  became,  for  a  time, 
the  leading  question.  No  fact  could  more  forcibly  con 
vey  an  idea  of  the  topography  of  the  country  in  which 
these  military  operations  were  being  carried  on,  than 
that  each  army  was  often  in  ignorance  of  the  position  of 
the  other,  although  they  were  manceuvering  within  a 
few  miles  of  each  other.  On  the  25th,  General  Sigel 
insists  that  the  main  force  of  the  enemy  is  advancing  on 
Waterloo  Bridge,  where  he  is  stationed,  and  he  wants 
20-pound  Parrott  guns  at  once.  Pope  orders  Sigel  to 
ford  the  river  in  the  morning,  at  daylight,  and  lind  out 
what  is  in  front  of  him.  Pope  does  not  believe  there  is 
any  enemy  in  force  there,  but  thinks  they  have  gone  to 
the  west  and  northwest.  McDowell  telegraphs  Pope  : 


1802.]  WHERE   IS  THE   FOE  ? — LEE'S  DESIGNS.  247 

"  What  is  the  enemy's  purpose — it  is  not  easy  to  dis 
cover.  Some  have  thought  that  he  means  to  march 
around  our  right  through  Rectortown  to  Washington. 
Others  think  that  he  intends  going  down  the  Shenan- 
doah,  either  through  Thornton's  or  Chester  G-ap. 
Others  that  it  was  his  object  to  throw  his  trains  around 
into  the  valley,  to  draw  his  supplies  from  that  direc 
tion,  and  have  his  front  looking  to  the  east  rather  than 
to  the  north.  It  is  also  thought  that  while  a  portion  of 
his  force  has  marched  up  the  immediate  right  bank  of 
the  Rappahannock,  a  large  portion  has  gone  through 
Culpepper,  up  the  Sperryville  road.  Colonel  Clark, 
General  Banks'  Aide-de-Camp,  telegraphs,  August  26th, 
that  a  deserter  has  come  in  and  reports  Longstreet's 
corps,  embracing  Anderson's,  Jones',  Kemper's,  Whit 
ney's  and  Evans'  divisions,  in  the  woods  back  of  Water 
loo  Bridge.  This  seems  to  sustain  Sigel's  opinion.  He 
also  reported  Hill's  division  at  Jefferson  (opposite 
Sulphur  Springs,  and  about  two  miles  from  the  river), 
and  that  Jackson's  corps  was  somewhere  above  Long- 
street's."  On  the  same  day  a  negro  reports  to  General 
Buford  that  the  head  of  the  enemy's  column  was  at 
White  Plains  at  noon  of  that  day.  When  it  is  remem 
bered  that  White  Plains  is  on  the  Manassas  Gap  Rail 
road,  and  north  of  Bull  Run  Mountains,  the  conflicting 
and  distracting  nature  of  these  reports  will  be  appre 
ciated. 

While  this  uncertainty  as  to  the  position  and  pur 
pose  of  his  adversary  hampered  Pope's  movements, 
Lee  was  executing  his  pre-arranged  plan,  with  the 
directness  that  distinguished  his  campaigns.  His  pur 
pose  was  to  sever  Pope' s  communications  with  Wash 
ington,  destroy  the  railroad  behind  him,  and  taking 
position  on  his  flank,  compel  him  to  fight  a  battle  under 
circumstances  favorable  to  the  Confederates. 

The  negro  told  the  truth.  Jackson  did  in  fact  pass 
through  White  Plains  on  the  26th,  and  struck  the  rail- 


248  POPE'S  CAMPAIGN   IN  VIRGINIA.  [18t)2. 

road  in  rear  of  Pope,  at  Kettle  Run,  destroying  it  and 
the  telegraph.  Pope  at  once  appreciated  the  situation, 
and  determined  his  course.  He  resolved  to  abandon  the 
line  of  the  Rappahannock,  and  throw  his  whole  force  in 
the  direction  of  Gainesville  and  Manassas  Junction,  and 
endeavor  to  crush  the  body  of  Confederates  which  had 
separated  themselves  so  far  from  their  main  army. 

Just  one  week  had  elapsed  since  the  retreat  of  Pope 
began,  and  his  troops  had  been  in  march,  more  or  less, 
day  and  night  ever  since,  and  much  of  the  time  under 
fire.  Several  sharp  skirmishes  had  taken  place  between 
detached  bodies  of  infantry  and  cavalry,  and  artillery 
duels  had  been  continuous.  These,  of  course,  were  the 
picket-line  contests,  and  failed  to  reveal  to  either  side 
what  was  transpiring  behind  the  lines.  But  this  con 
tinuous  work  in  August  weather  had  told  tremendously 
upon  the  men,  and  the  sick-list  was  large,  while  the 
killed  and  wounded  had  run  up  to  a  large  number.  Pope 
had  up  to  this  time,  however,  been  re-enforced  by  Gen 
eral  Reynolds,  with  2,500  men  of  the  Pennsylvania  re 
serves,  and  by  General  Kearney,  with  4,500  men.  On 
the  morning  of  the  27th,  Pope  estimated  his  effective 
force  as  follows :  Sigel's  corps,  nine  thousand;  Banks' 
corps,  five  thousand ;  McDowell's  corps,  including 
Reynolds'  division,  fifteen  thousand  five  hundred  ; 
Reno's  corps,  seven  thousand;  the  corps  of  Heintzel- 
man  and  Porter  (which  had  recently  moved  up  the  line 
of  the  Orange  &  Alexandria  Railroad  to  the  vicinity  of 
Warrenton  Junction,  but  had  not  participated  in  the 
movements  of  the  residue  of  the  army),  about  eighteen 
thousand  men,  making  a  total  of  fifty-four  thousand 
five  hundred  men.  The  cavalry  was  about  four  thou 
sand  strong  on  paper,  but  there  were  scarcely  five  hun 
dred  men  fit  for  duty. 

Jackson  moved  down  the  Orange  &  Alexandria  Rail 
road  to  Manassas  Junction,  where  he  found  a  mile  of 
cars  on  the  track  filled  with  supplies  for  Pope's  army  ; 


1862.]  POPE'S  TACTICS  TO  CAPTURE  JACKSON.  249 

these  lie  destroyed,  and  wrecked  everything  at  the 
Junction,  and  then  marched  across  Bull  Run  and  halted 
at  Centreville,  as  though  to  await  developments  from 
this  coign  of  vantage,  where  he  could  not  be  approached 
without  due  notice,  and  where  he  could  fight  with  posi 
tion  in  his  favor,  or  from  whence  he  could  retreat  in 
any  direction. 

Pope  surmised  what  Jackson's  course  would  be,  and 
he  issued  orders  designed  to  cut  off  his  retreat,  and 
bring  him  to  battle.  McDowell,  with  his  own  and 
SigeFs  corps,  and  Reynolds'  division,  was  ordered  to 
march  down  the  Warrenton  Turnpike  to  Gainesville, 
reaching  that  point,  if  possible,  on  the  night  of  the 
27th.  (Gainesville  is  the  point  where  the  Warrenton 
and  Centreville  Turnpike  crosses  the  Manassas  Gap 
Railroad,  and  its  occupation,  by  a  sufficient  force, 
would  effectually  close  the  road  by  which  Jackson 
could  march  toward  the  head  of  Lee's  approaching  but 
still  distant  army.)  Heintzleman  and  Reno  were  to 
march  to  Catlett's  Station,  and  thence  to  Greenwich, 
reaching  there  the  night  of  the  27th,  or  early  next  morn 
ing.  (Greenwich  is  in  the  angle  formed  by  the  Orange 
&  Alexandria  and  the  Manassas  Gap  Railroad,  and 
about  midway  between  them.  A  road  runs  northerly 
from  it  through  Hay  Market,  west  of  Gainesville,  and 
intersects  the  road  from  Centreville  to  Aldie.)  Porter 
was  to  remain  at  Warrenton  Junction  until  Banks 
reached  that  place,  and  was  then  to  push  forward  in  the 
direction  of  Greenwich  and  Gainesville.  Banks  was 
ordered  to  retire  along  the  railroad,  moving  trains  back 
toward  Manassas,  rebuilding  bridges  where  necessary, 
and  in  case  the  enemy  should  attack  and  be  too  strong 
for  him,  to  destroy  locomotives,  cars  and  stores,  and 
unite  himself  with.  Porter. 

These  dispositions  of  Pope's  army  were  judicious, 
and  if  his  plans  had  been  carried  out,  it  seems  hardly 
possible  that  Jackson  could  have  escaped.  He  was  two 


250  POPE'S  CAMPAIGN  IN  VIRGINIA.  [1862. 

days'  march  in  advance  of  Lee's  main  body,  or  of  any 
considerable  supports.  The  Bull  Run  mountains  lay 
between  him  and  his  Confederates,  and  the  only  practic 
able  passes  for  an  army,  large  or  small,  were  Thorough 
fare  and  Aldie,  the  former  of  which  was  to  be  barricaded 
by  McDowell's  force,  and  the  latter  was  too  remote,  and 
carried  him  still  farther  from  his  supports.  To  pass 
around  Pope's  right  would  necessitate  a  very  great 
detour,  and  throw  him  utterly  out  of  connection  with 
Lee,  and  place  Pope  between  the  two  forces  of  the  Con 
federates,  at  liberty  to  strike  either  way. 

Jackson  saw  the  Federal  army  gathering  around  him 
on  the  27th,  and  Swell's  division  was  struck  by  General 
Hooker,  near  Bristow  Station,  whither  the  former  had 
been  sent  on  a  reconnoissance,  and  a  sharp  engagement 
ensued,  in  which  Ewell  was  driven  back  along  the  rail 
road,  but  as  darkness  came  on  posted  himself  along  the 
banks  of  Broad  Run,  and  checked  pursuit.  The  loss 
was  about  three  hundred  killed  and  wounded,  on  each 
side  ;  Ewell  left  his  dead  and  many  of  his  wounded,  and 
much  of  his  baggage  on  the  field  of  battle. 

Patrick's  brigade  marched  with  its  division  from 
Sulphur  Springs,  at  twelve  o'clock  on  the  twenty- 
seventh,  and  reached  the  vicinity  of  Gainesville  at  mid 
night,  as  did  also  the  residue  of  McDowell's  command. 
Reno  and  a  portion  of  Heintzleman's  corps  arrived  at 
Greenwich  on  time.  At  dusk  on  the  same  evening  Pope 
sent  an  order  to  Porter  to  march  at  one  o'clock  that 
night  to  Bristow,  arriving  there  at  dajdight  next  morn 
ing  (28th),  to  re-enforce  Hooker,  and  co-operate  in  the 
contemplated  attack  on  Jackson  in  the  morning. 

This  was  one  of  the  orders  in  a  series  of  three  for  the 
alleged  disobedience  of  the  last  of  which  Porter  was 
cashiered,  and  whose  case  is  now  before  Congress  upon 
the  report  of  a  Board  of  Officers,  before  whom  he  had  a 
rehearing.  It  may  be  of  sufficient  interest  to  the  gen- 


1862.]  JACKSON   RETURNS  TO  JUNCTION.  251 

era!  reader  to  warrant  its  reproduction.     It  is  as  fol 
lows  : 

HEADQUARTERS  ARMY  OF  VIRGINIA,        ) 
BRISTOW  STATION,  Aug.  27,  1862,  6:30  P.M.  j" 

GENERAL  :  The  major-general  commanding  directs 
that  you  start  at  one  o'clock  to-night,  and  come  for 
ward  with  your  whole  corps,  or  such  part  of  it  as  is 
with  you,  so  as  to  be  here  by  daylight  to-morrow  morn 
ing.  Hooker  has  had  a  very  severe  action  with  the  en 
emy,  with  a  loss  of  about  three  hundred  killed  and 
wounded.  The  enemy  has  been  driven  back,  but  is  re 
tiring  along  the  railroad.  We  must  drive  him  from 
Manassas,  and  clear  the  country  between  that  place  and 
Gainesville,  where  McDowell  is.  *  *  *  It  is  neces 
sary  on  all  accounts  that  you  should  be  here  by  day 
light.  I  send  an  officer  with  this  dispatch,  who  will 
conduct  you  to  this  place.  *  *  * 
By  command  of  General  Pope. 

GEORGE  D.  RUGGLES, 

Colonel  and  Chief  of  Staff \ 

MAJOR-GENERAL  F.  J.  PORTER,  Warrenton  Junction  : 

The  distance  from  Bristow  Station  to  Warrenton 
Junction  is  about  seven  miles,  and  the  road,  in  dry 
weather,  is  a  very  good  one.  Porter,  however,  did  not 
arrive  at  Bristow  until  half-past  ten. 

On  the  night  of  the  27th  it  was  discovered  that  Jack 
son  had  moved  from  Centreville  to  Manassas  Junctionr 
and  thereupon  McDowell  was  ordered  to  push  on,  with 
his  own  and  Sigel's  and  Reynolds'  commands,  from 
Gainesville  along  the  Manassas  Gap  Railroad  to  Manas 
sas  Junction — the  distance  being  about  eight  miles. 
At  the  same  time,  Reno,  Porter,  Kearney  and  Hooker, 
were  ordered  to  the  same  destination.  Ewell  had,  in 
the  meantime,  fallen  back  and  joined  Jackson  at  Man 
assas  Junction. 


252  POPE'S  CAMPAIGN   IN  VIRGINIA.  [1862. 

Jackson's  force  numbered  about  30,000  men,  and 
was  composed  of  the  best  material  in  Lee's  army.  It 
had  undergone  a  severe  march  since  the  20th  of  the 
month,  but  for  two  days  most  of  it  had  been  resting, 
and  was  tolerably  fresh.  It  was  a  dangerous  army  to 
attack,  except  with  superior  numbers,  or  from  a  very 
advantageous  position.  Jackson  determined  to  get 
nearer  his  supports,  and,  about  three  o'clock  on  the 
morning  of  the  28th,  he  commenced  to  evacuate  Manas- 
sas  Junction,  via  the  Centreville  and  Sudley  Springs 
Roads ;  each  of  which  intersect  the  Warrenton  Turn 
pike.  Jackson  himself  rode  out  of  Manassas  Junction, 
with  the  rear  of  his  army,  at  eleven  o'clock  on  the  28th, 
and  an  hour  afterward,  Pope,  at  the  head  of  Kearney's 
and  Reno's  troops,  entered  the  place.  Hooker,  Kear 
ney  and  Reno  pushed  on  in  the  direction  of  Centreville. 
McDowell  was  now  ordered  to  recall  his  forces,  moving 
toward  Manassas  Junction,  and  to  march  down  the 
turnpike  toward  Centreville,  thus  confronting  Jackson, 
if  he  should  attempt  to  reach  Thoroughfare  Gap.  Mc 
Dowell,  in  the  meantime,  and  without  Pope' s  knowledge, 
had  sent  Ricketts'  division,  of  his  corps,  toward 
Thoroughfare  Gap,  to  obstruct  the  approach  of  any 
Confederate  forces — a  disposition  which  seems  to  have 
been  judicious,  but  it  seriously  weakened  him  in  the 
operations  he  was  now  called  upon  to  perform. 

These  shifting  circumstances  had  necessitated  a  fre 
quent  change  of  tactics  upon  the  part  of  the  Union  com 
mander,  and  the  afternoon  of  the  twenty-eighth  was 
well  advanced  when  Kearney  came  up  with  the  rear  of 
the  Confederates,  as  they  were  withdrawing  from  Centre 
ville.  Jackson  now  had  Kearney,  Hooker  and  Reno,  in 
his  rear,  at  Centreville  ;  McDowell,  Sigel  and  Rey 
nolds  in  his  front,  and  advancing  upon  him  ;  Heintzle- 
man,  Banks  and  Porter  covering  the  ways  of  egress  be 
tween  the  forces  in  front  and  rear  on  one  side,  and  the 
Bull  Run  mountains  shutting  him  in  on  the  other.  His 


1852.]  THREE   HORSEMEN — A  BATTERY.  253 

situation  seemed  to  be  desperate,  except,   perhaps,    to 
himself. 

McDowell's  corps  moved  cautiously  down  the  Centre- 
ville  Turnpike  until  the  head  of  column  was  about  two 
miles  west  of  Gainesville,  and  near  the  hamlet  called 
Groveton,  when  it  was  halted.  It  was  then  near  six 
o'clock  of  a  beautiful  August  afternoon.  The  country 
on  the  southerly  side  of  the  turnpike  was  densely 
wooded ;  on  the  opposite  side,  for  the  distance  of  a  mile 
from  the  road,  there  were  cleared  fields,  which  ended  in 
heavy  woods  among  the  foot-hills  of  Bull  Run  Moun 
tain.  At  a  point  in  front  of  these  woods,  and  about  op 
posite  the  head  of  McDowell's  column,  were  seen  three 
horsemen,  apparently  observing  the  movement  of  the 
Federal  troops.  Field-glasses  soon  enabled  us  to  deter 
mine  the  character  of  these  spectators,  and  after  they 
had  spent  a  few  minutes  in  the  inspection  of  our  forces, 
they  disappeared  in  the  woods.  Five  minutes  later  a 
battery  dashed  out  from  the  forest,  and,  unlimbering, 
opened  fire  upon  the  fiank  of  the  Union  column.  Gib 
bon's  brigade,  of  King's  division,  was  in  the  advance, 
and  it  and  Doubleday's  brigade,  of  the  same  division, 
were  thrown  into  the  field  on  our  left,  deployed  into 
line,  and  advanced  to  attack  the  hidden  foe.  The  Twen 
tieth  Regiment  was  thrown  into  the  woods  on  the  right 
of  the  road,  where  an  ambush  was  suspected,  and 
marching  some  distance  through  these  woods,  and  find 
ing  no  enemy,  was  recalled  and  posted  in  support  of 
Gibbon  and  Doubleday.  The  enemy  advanced  his  in 
fantry  to  meet  the  attack  of  the  Federal  troops,  and  for 
two  hours,  and  until  after  dark,  the  fighting  was  ex 
ceedingly  severe.  The  Federals  maintained  their  ground 
until  darkness  put  an  end  to  the  combat. 

News  of  this  battle  reached  Pope,  at  Centre ville, 
about  ten  o'clock  that  night,  and  he  sent  word  to  Mc 
Dowell  and  King  to  hold  the  ground,  at  all  hazards,  and 
prevent  the  retreat  of  Jackson  to  the  west,  and  that  at 


254  POPE'S   CAMPAIGN   IN   VIRGINIA.  [1862. 

daylight  our  whole  force  from  Centre  ville  and  Manas  - 
sas  Junction  would  be  up,  ready  to  fall  upon  the  en 
compassed  foe.  Kearney  was  ordered  to  march  from 
Centreville  that  night  at  one  o'clock,  drive  in  the  pickets 
of  the  enemy  and  keep  closely  in  contact  with  him 
during  the  night,  and  at  daylight  to  assault  vigorously. 
Hooker  and  Reno  were  ordered  to  follow  Kearney. 
Other  troops  had  orders  conforming  their  movements  to 
this  new  plan.  These  arrangements  were  all  disconcert 
ed,  however,  by  the  unauthorized  withdrawal  of  King's 
division,  in  the  course  of  the  night,  towards  Manassas 
Junction.  It  was  a  most  ill-advised  and  unfortunate 
movement.  There  is  hardly  room  to  harbor  the  shadow 
of  a  doubt,  but  that  Jackson  would  have  been  over 
whelmed  in  the  morning,  if  King  had  stood  fast  and 
the  other  commanders  had  obeyed  the  orders  that  Pope 
issued  on  the  night  of  the  twenty-eighth.  McDowell's 
corps  had  been  divided,  and  he  himself  was  not  present 
with  King's  division,  otherwise  different  results  would 
have  ensued.  King — as  loyal  a  man  as  ever  lived,  and 
full  of  the  noblest  instincts  ;  popular  with  officers  and 
men,  and  beloved  by  those  who  knew  him  well — was 
overcome  by  the  tremendous  responsibilities  in  which 
he  found  himself  placed.  The  loss  in  one  of  his  bri 
gades  had  been  terrible ;  the  fighting  after  dark  was  a 
grand  and  thrilling  spectacle  ;  dead  and  wounded  cover 
ed  the  field,  and  the  moans  of  the  sufferers  filled  the 
night  air  ;  the  implements  of  the  surgeons  were  being 
plied  around  division  headquarters,  and  some  of  the 
best  officers  of  the  division  were  lying  dead  on  the  field, 
or  writhing  in  the  agony  of  mortal  hurts.  The  morning 
would  bring  a  renewal  of  the  carnage,  and  King  could 
endure  no  more,  and  at  midnight  he  marched  for  Man 
assas  Junction,  thus  uncovering  the  way  for  Jackson  to 
escape  or  to  be  re-enforced. 


CHAPTER     XVIII. 

"RENEWED  EFFORTS  TO  CAPTURE  JACKSON — HIS  POSITION — UNION  LINE — RE 
TURN  TOWARDS  GAINESVILLE — FILE  RIGHT — KING'S  DIVISION  ATTACK — 
REPULSED — CAPTAIN  J.T.  IIENDRICKS — WOULD  GO  INTO  ACTION  WITH 
HIS  COMPANY — A  LETTER  TO  HIS  FATHER — POPE'S  FAMOUS  ORDER  TO 

PORTER — HEINTZLEMAN  AND  RENO  ATTACK PORTER  DOES  NOT  FIRE  A 

GUN — HIS  DISOBEDIENCE  OF  ORDERS — DRUM-HEAD  COURT  MARTIAL — 
CRYING  EVIL  IN  FEDERAL  ARMY — INSTANCES  IN  POPE'S  CAMPAIGN — 
DISTINCTION  BETWEEN — EXCUSES  OFFERED  FOR  PORTER — UNTEN 
ABLE — LONGSTREET'S  STATEMENT — WHY  SHOULD  PORTER  HAVE  WAIT 
ED  FOR  ORDERS — THE  BUSINESS  WAS  TO  FIGHT — WHAT  INFLUENCED 

PORTER— MCCLELLAN'S  GRIEVANCE  AGAINST  POPE — ARMY  OF  POTOMAC 
WITHDRAWAL  ORDERED— MCCLELLAN'S  FINESSE—DELAYS— CONFEDER 
ATES  MOVING  NORTH — HALLECK  URGES  EXPEDITION — MCCLELLAN  PRO 
CRASTINATES—REACHES  ALEXANDRIA— ORDERED  TO  SEND  FRANKLIN  TO 
POPE — HOW  HE  DOES  IT — HIS  IDEA  OF  OBEYING  ORDERS — HOW  POPE 
COULD  HAVE  BEEN  SAVED — "LEAVE  POPE  TO  GET  OUT  OF  HIS  SCRAPE" 
— A  PREVARICATION — WAS  THIS  TREASON? — MCCLELLAN'S  COTERIE — 
PORTER  A  MEMBER. 

POPE  was  reluctant  to  abandon  the  scheme  he  had  ar 
ranged,  and  which  had  seemed  to  promise  so  well,  for 
the  capture  or  destruction  of  Jackson's  corps.  He 
therefore,  at  daylight,  on  the  morning  of  the  29th,  sent 
orders  to  Sigel  and  Reynolds,  who  were  yet  in  the 
neighborhood  of  Groveton,  to  attack  the  enemy  as  soon 
as  it  was  light  enough  to  see,  and  bring  him  to  a  stand, 
if  it  were  possible  to  do  so.  Heintzleman,  Hooker, 
Kearney  and  Reno  were  ordered  to  advance  from  Cen- 
treville  at  the  earliest  dawn,  and  attack  in  flank  and 
rear.  Porter  was  ordered  to  move  with  his  own  corps 
and  King' s  division  of  McDowell' s  corps  from  Manassas 
Junction  to  Gainesville,  and  participate  in  the  attack. 

Sigel  attacked  the  enemy  at  daylight,  a  mile  or  two 
east  of  Groveton,  and  was  soon  joined  by  the  divisions 

255 


256  rorE's  CAMPAIGN  IN  VIRGINIA.  [1862, 

of  Hooker  and  Kearney.  Their  onset  forced  Jackson' s 
left  back  nearly  two  miles  to  the  neighborhood  of  Sad- 
ley  Springs,  where  he  struck  the  line  of  an  old  railroad 
embankment,  running  nearly  north  and  south,  and 
which  constituted  an  admirable  breastwork.  Forming 
his  line  behind  this,  he  was  able  to  resist  the  attacks  of 
the  Federal  troops.  This  railroad  grade  leads  from 
Gainesville  in  the  direction  of  Leesburg,  and  was  just 
adapted  to  Jackson's  wants,  both  as  to  position  and 
form.  It,  together  with  the  dense  woods  through  which 
it  was  constructed,  afforded  his  men  excellent  shelter. 
The  railroad  embankment  runs  obliquely  to  the  War- 
renton  turnpike,  and  intersects  it  near  Gainesville.  Here 
rested  the  Confederate  right,  commanding  the  turnpike, 
the  Manassas  Gap  railroad,  and  the  debouch  from 
Thoroughfare  Gap. 

Confronting  this  line  were  Heintzleman  on  the  right 
and  west  of  the  Sudley  Springs  road  ;  on  his  left  Sigel, 
who  extended  across  the  turnpike,  and  on  his  left  Rey 
nolds.  Reno  came  on  the  ground  in  the  course  of  the 
forenoon,  and  a  portion  of  his  troops  were  put  into  ac 
tion,  while  the  remainder  were  held  in  reserve.  Severe 
skirmishes  occurred  at  different  points  along  this  line 
throughout  the  day,  and  losses  on  both  sides  were 
heavy,  although  no  general  engagement  took  place. 

It  was  ten  o'clock,  on  the  morning  of  the  29th,  when 
Porter's  corps  moved  from  Manassas  Junction  toward 
Gainesville.  King's  division  fell  in  at  the  rear,  and  pro 
ceeded  about  three  miles,  when  Gen.  McDowell  directed 
the  division  to  file  to  the  right ;  and,  crossing  a  portion 
of  the  old  Bull  Run  battle-field,  the  division  struck  the 
Sudley  Springs  road  ;  and,  advancing  to  near  the  War- 
renton  turnpike,  were  posted  in  line  of  battle  on  the 
left  of  the  road.  General  Pope  says,  in  his  official 
report : 

u  By  this  time  General  McDowell  had  arrived  on  the 
field,  and  I  pushed  his  corps  immediately  to  the  front, 


1862.]  CAPTAIN   J,    T.    HENDRICKS.  257 

along  the  Warrenton  Turnpike,  with  orders  to  fall  upon 
the  enemy,  who  was  retreating  toward  the  pike  from 
the  direction  of  Sudley  Springs.  The  attack  along  the 
turnpike  was  made  by  King's  division  at  about  sunset  ; 
but  by  that  time  the  advance  of  the  main  body  of  the 
enemy,  under  Longstreet,  had  begun  to  reach  the  field, 
and  King's  division  encountered  a  stubborn  and  deter 
mined  resistance  at  a  point  about  three-fourths  of  a 
mile  in  front  of  our  line  of  battle." 

It  was  on  the  march  from  Manassas  back  towards 
Gainesville,  that  the  incident  narrated  in  the  following 
letter  occurred  : 

"HEADQUARTERS  20TH  REGIMENT,  1ST.  Y.  S.  M.,  ) 
"SHARPSBURG,  MD.,  Sept.  24,  1862.          I 

"COLONEL  HENDRICKS,  Rondout,  N.  Y. 

"My  Dear  Sir  ; — I  was  painfully  shocked  yesterday 
by  receiving  information  of  the  death  of  your  son,  Cap 
tain  J.  T.  Hendricks,  of  this  regiment. 

"  I  had  formed  a  very  warm  attachment  to  him,  and 
regarded  him  as  one  of  our  best  and  most  promising 
officers.  He  was  always  anxious  to  do  his  duty  to  the 
uttermost,  and  was  accounted  one  of  the  most  thorough 
read  and  best  drilled  officers  of  the  regiment,  insomuch 
that  whilst  I  was  in  temporary  command  last  spring,  I 
assigned  to  him  the  duty  of  drilling  and  instructing  the 
non-commissioned  officers. 

"Our  march  from  Fredericksburg  to  Cedar  Moun 
tain,  and  our  retreat  thence  to  Manassas,  was  too  much 
for  his  physical  endurance,  and  he  broke  down  under  it. 
He  was  sent  to  the  hospital  a  few  days  before  the  battle 
of  Manassas,  and  I  hoped  he  was  comfortably  provided 
for,  and  would  soon  rejoin  us  with  health  restored. 
You  may  imagine  my  surprise  when,  on  the  morning  of 
the  battle,  Captain  Hendricks  rejoined  the  regiment.  I 
had  not  Lime  to  inquire  particularly  where  he  had  come 
from;  but  it  seemed  he  had  walked  some  miles  to 


i  7 


258  POPE'S  CAMPAIGN  IN  VIRGINIA.  [1862. 

join  us,  and  he  was  completely  worn  out.  The  reason 
he  gave  me  for  leaving  his  sick-bed  and  coming  into  the 
field  was,  that  he  understood  there  was  to  be  a  battle  in 
which  our  regiment  would  be  engaged,  and  he  could  not 
bear  the  thought  of  his  company  going  into  the  action 
without  him.  It  soon  became  evident,  however,  that 
Captain  Hendricks  was  too  ill  to  keep  his  feet ;  and  he 
was  put  into  an  ambulance  ;  and,  after  following  the 
movements  of  the  regiment  for  a  time,  was  sent  to  the 
rear  and  thence  to  Washington. 

"After  the  regiment  crossed  the  Potomac,  I  went  to 
Washington  and  saw  the  Captain  in  the  hospital.  He 
was  well  cared  for,  as  I  learned  from  himself  and  one 
of  the  volunteer  nurses,  who  seemed  very  much  inter 
ested  in  him.  I  left  him  expressing  the  hope  that  I 
should  see  him  with  the  regiment  again. 

"I  know  he  would  have  preferred  to  die  on  the  field 
at  the  head  of  his  company,  but  it  was  ordered  other 
wise  ;  and  I  feel  that  in  his  death  I  have  lost  the  sup 
port  of  an  ardent  and  gallant  officer,  and  the  society  of 

an  accomplished  and  amiable  gentleman. 

•*  *  *  *  •*  * 

"Truly  yours, 

"THEODORE  B.    GATES, 

"  Colonel  Commanding" 

Porter  was  expected  to  attack  the  enemy' s  right  near 
Gainesville  ;  but,  up  to  half-past  four  o'clock,  he  haqL  not 
delivered  the  meditated  blow.  Pope  then  sent  him  the 
famous  order,  the  alleged  disobedience  of  which  sub 
jected  Porter  to  a  trial,  and  resulted  in  his  being 
cashiered.  The  order  was  as  follows  : 


1862.]  HEINTZLEMAN  AND  RENO  ATTACK.  £59 

"  HEADQUARTERS  IN  THE  FIELD, 
"August  29,  4:30  P.M. 

"  MAJOR-GENERAL  PORTER  : 

"Your  line  of  march  brings  you  in  on  the  enemy's 
right  flank.  I  desire  you  to  push  forward  into  action  at 
once  on  the  enemy's  flank,  and,  if  possible,  on  his  rear, 
keeping  your  right  in  communication  with  General 
Reynolds.  The  enemy  is  massed  in  the  woods  in  front 
of  us,  but  can  be  shelled  out  as  soon  as  you  engage 
their  flank.  Keep  heavy  reserves,  and  use  your  bat 
teries,  keeping  well  closed  to  your  right  all  the  time. 
In  case  you  are  obliged  to  fall  back,  do  so  to  your  right 
and  rear,  so  as  to  keep  you  in  close  communication  with 
the  right  wing." 

Pope  supposed  Porter  would  strike  the  enemy  within 
an  hour ;  and  to  distract  his  attention  and  hold  his 
forces  on  his  left,  he  ordered  Heintzleman  and  Reno  to 
attack.  They  did  so  at  half-past  five,  and  doubled  the 
left  of  the  Confederate  line  back  toward  its  centre  ;  and, 
in  the  end,  held  the  scene  of  the  conflict,  with  the  en 
emy's  dead  and  wounded.  It  was  the  effect  of  this 
gallant  assault,  probably,  that  induced  Pope  to  believe 
the  enemy  were  "retreating  toward  the  pike,"  when  he 
ordered  McDowell  to  attack. 

Porter  did  not  fire  a  gun.  With  the  freshest,  finest 
corps  in  the  army,  he  lay  all  the  afternoon  within  smell 
ing  distance  of  the  smoke  of  the  battle-field,  knew  his 
fellow  soldiers  were  engaged  in  a  doubtful  struggle  for 
victory  over  an  able  chieftain  ;  that  Pope  was  expecting 
every  moment  to  hear  the  thunder  of  his  cannon  on  the 
enemy's  right,  and  that  the  issues  of  the  fight  might 
depend  upon  his  action — yet  Porter  did  not  fire  a  gun  ! 

Porter  had  disobeyed  the  order  of  August  27th,  re 
quiring  him  to  be  at  Bristoe  at  daylight  next  morning  ; 
he  disobeyed  the  order  of  August  29,  3  A.M,,  requiring 
him  to  move  at  the  first  dawn  of  day  ;  and  now  he  had 


260  POPE'S  CAMPAIGN   IN   VIRGINIA.  [1862.. 

disobeyed  this  order,  given  in  the  very  heat  of  battle, 
and  lay  upon  his  arms  without  firing  a  gun,  while  the 
conflict  was  raging  within  cannon  shot  of  him. 

Fitz-Jolm  Porter  should  have  been  tried  by  drum 
head  court-martial ;  and,  if  these  charges  were  estab 
lished,  he  should  have  been  shot  within  forty-eight 
hours  thereafter.  The  example  would  have  been  worth 
a  hundred  thousand  men  to  the  Union  cause — it  would 
have  saved  the  lives  of  a  hundred  thousand  men.  Dis 
regard  of  orders  was  the  crying  evil  in  the  Federal 
army  throughout  the  war  until  Grant  took  command. 
Campaigns  miscarried,  and  battles  were  lost,  because 
subordinates  assumed  the  responsibility  of  disobeying 
the  orders  of  their  superiors,  and  acting  on  their  own 
judgments.  War  can  never  be  successfully  carried  on 
on  any  such  principle  as  this,  except  at  great  sacrifice, 
and  the  Federals  experienced  it  to  a  lamentable  degree. 
There  were  a  dozen  notable  instances  of  it  in  this  cam 
paign  ;  and  they  implicate  Banks,  Sigel,  King,  and 
Porter;  but  Porter's  offence  overshadowed  the  others, 
and  was  repeated  again  and  again.  In  the  case  of 
General  Banks,  his  disobedience  was  of  that  quality 
that  wins  forgiveness,  because  it  was  on  the  side  of  gal 
lantry  and  in  the  pursuit  of  victory  ;  but  Porter's  was 
of  that  base  character  that  offers  no  redeeming  features, 
and  is  explainable  upon  but  one  of  two  theories — cow 
ardice  or  disloyalty.  It  matters  not  whether  it  was 
provoked  by  disrespect  of  Pope,  and  was  designed  to 
subject  him  to  the  ignominy  of  defeat ;  for  on  that  field 
disloyalty  to  Pope  was  disloyalty  to  the  Government, 
and  it  was  "  aid  and  comfort "  to  the  enemy. 

Porter  and  his  apologists  seek  to  excuse  his  failure 
to  attack  upon  the  ground,  in  the  first  place,  that  the 
order  of  4:30  did  not  reach  him  until  6:30.  Assuming 
this  to  be  so,  although  on  Pope's  side  it  is  claimed  that 
Porter  received  it  much  earlier  ;  still,  it  left  an  hour  and 
a  half  of  daylight,  and  if  Porter  was  in  the  position  he 


1862.]  PORTER'S  DISOBEDIENCE  OF  ORDERS.  201 

was  supposed  to  occupy,  he  had  time  to  strike  an  ef 
fective  blow  before  it  became  too  dark  for  troops  to 
manoeuvre.  Another  reason  urged  in  extenuation  of 
Porter's  delinquency  is,  that  Longstreet  was  in  front  of 
him,  and  therefore  the  proposed  movement  was  hazard 
ous  ;  that  it  would  involve  a  battle  with  other  forces 
than  those  Pope  supposed  to  occupy  the  right  of  the 
enemy's  line.  This  is  equivalent  to  saying,  that  "be 
cause  the  enemy  had  increased  in  numbers,  and  an  at 
tack  was  therefore  more  dangerous,  the  freshest  and 
best  corps  of  the  army  should  lie  idly  by,  and  leave  its 
comrades  to  meet  and  bear  the  whole  brunt  of  the  bat 
tle."  The  moral  effect  of  a  vigorous  attack  by  Porter, 
even  if  unsuccessful,  would  have  stimulated  and  aided 
the  Union  troops  engaged  on  his  right  ;  and  would,  in 
an  equal  degree,  have  discouraged  and  demoralized  the 
Confederates,  and  the  results  would  more  than  have 
neutralized  any  losses  which  he  might  have  sustained. 

Longstreet  says  the  head  of  his  column  reached  the 
field  about  eleven  o'clock  on  the  morning  of  the  29th, 
and  his  last  division  (Anderson's,  of  three  brigades) 
did  not  arrive  until  after  dark.  These  troops  had 
marched,  almost  continuously  for  twenty -four  hours, 
through  heat  and  dust,  and  were  not  in  a  condition  to 
make  a  long  or  vigorous  fight,  and  Porter  graciously 
allowed  them  a  resting  spell.  They  were  quite  fresh  in 
the  morning. 

But  wJiy  should  it  have  been  necessary  to  send  an 
order  to  Porter  to  attack  at  4:30  ?  At  three  o'clock  that 
morning  Pope  had  notified  him  of  the  imminence  of  a 
battle,  and  the  importance  of  his  putting  in  his  corps. 
Why  should  he  have  loitered  all  day  in  the  rear?  He 
was  a  West  Pointer,  and  a  regular  army  officer,  and 
why  should  he  have  needed  an  order  at  all  to  put  his 
splendid  corps  into  action  ?  The  business  there  was 
fighting,  and  Pope's  orders  were,  practically,  "Fight, 
fight,  fight/'  But  again,  why  wait  for  orders  ?  Porter 


262  POPE'S  CAMPAIGN  IN  VIRGINIA.  [1863. 

ought  to  have  been  familiar  with  the  only  maxim  ap 
plicable  in  such  a  case,  "March  toward  the  sound  of 
the  cannon." 

Assuming  that  Porter  was  not  influenced  by  so  grov 
elling  an  instinct  as  cowardice,  it  maybe  asked,  "  What 
motive  could  have  induced  him  to  disobey  orders, 
stay  out  of  the  fight,  and  risk  the  sacrifice  of  the  Union 
army?"  Let  us  see  if  the  following  facts  throw  any 
light  upon  this  question  : 

Pope's  orders  on  taking  command  of  the  Army  of 
Virginia  contained  some  expressions  that  McClellan  and 
nis  friends  regarded  as  reflections  on  the  cautious  policy 
of  that  officer.  Moreover,  Pope  had  suggested  to  the 
Administration  the  appointment  of  a  General-in-Chief, 
and  was,  therefore,  to  some  extent,  responsible  for  the 
displacement  of  McClellan  and  the  appointment  of  Gen 
eral  Hal  leek. 

So  it  came  to  pass,  that  General  McClellan,  who  was 
watching  the  proceedings  at  the  capital  in  his  rear  quite 
as  closely  as  he  was  the  Confederate  army  lying  be 
tween  him  and  the  rebel  capital  in  his  front,  imagined 
that  Pope  was  his  rival,  and  was  gaining  an  ascendancy 
over  him  in  the  favor  of  the  Administration.  A  great 
victory  by  Pope  would  assure  that  ascendancy,  and 
perpetuate  that  influence.  The  loss  of  an  army,  or  a 
year's  prolongation  of  the  war,  were  evils  less  to  be 
dreaded,  in  the  judgment  of  the  select  McClellan  coterie, 
than  the  obscuration  of  the  brilliant  military  luminary 
who  commanded  the  Army  of  the  Potomac. 

The  Seven  Days'  battles  had  been  fought,  and 
McClellan  had  been  hurled  back  from  the  gates  of 
Richmond,  and,  when  Pope's  campaign  began,  lay 
behind  entrenchments  thirty  miles  from  the  city.  Pope 
had  taken  command  of  the  newly  organized  "  Army  of 
Virginia,"  and  advanced  to  Culpepper  Court  House. 
His  army  was  less  than  50,000  men.  McClellan' s  yet 
numbered  85,000.  The  Confederate  army,  flushed  with 


1862.]  ARMY   OF   THE   POTOMAC.  263 

victory  over  McClellan,  lay  between  him  and  Pope, 
ready  to  strike  in  either  direction.  McClellan  would 
not  co-operate  with  Pope,  and  declined  Pope's  offer  of 
conference  and  mutual  support.  In  those  untoward 
circumstances,  Pope  asked  the  Administration  to  re 
lieve  him  of  command  in  Virginia  ;  or,  declining  that,  to 
appoint  a  General-in-Chief,  who  would  be  the  superior 
of  both  himself  and  McClellan,  and  who  could  direct  all 
military  operations. 

As  McClellan  was  disinclined  to  advance  without 
re-enforcements  that  would  strip  Washington  of  an  ade 
quate  defence,  the  Administration  resolved  to  recall 
the  Army  of  the  Potomac  from  the  Peninsula  ;  and,  on 
the  3d  of  August,  1862,  General  Halleck  telegraphed 
McClellan  to  withdraw  to  Aquia  Creek,  and  directed 
him  to  take  immediate  measures  therefor. 

To  receive  an  order  and  obey  it,  without  question  or 
evasion,  was  not  in  the  nature  of  'General  McClellan ; 
and,  in  answer  to  this  dispatch,  he  wished  to  know, 
among  other  things,  "  the  intention  of  the  Government 
in  regard  to  this  army."  The  army  had  now  been  lying 
in  camp  something  over  a  month,  and  its  commander 
had  reported  it  in  fine  condition  and  eager  for  battle  ;  but 
he  himself  seemed  to  have  no  use  for  it.  The  President 
sententiously  declared,  a  few  months  before,  that  "  If 
General  McClellan  had  no  use  for  the  army,  he  would 
like  to  borrow  it."  And,  possibly,  McClellan  thought 
Mr.  Lincoln  had  some  such  design  now. 

Notwithstanding  the  fact,  that  the  order  of  August 
3d  required  immediate  obedience,  and  that  the  tele 
graph  wires  were  kept  hot  with  orders  and  urgent  ap 
peals  for  expedition,  it  was  not  until  the  14th  of  the 
month  that  McClellan  was  able  to  announce  to  the 
General-in-Chief  that  "  the  movement  has  commenced." 

McClellan  had  placed  himself  as  far  as  possible 
from  Pope's  army,  and  refusing  all  overtures  for  co 
operation,  it  only  remained  for  the  Administration  to 


264  POPE'S   CAMPAIGN   IN   VIRGINIA.  [1862. 

load  the  army  on  shipboard  again,  and  bring  it  back— 
if  McClellan  would  allow  it.  I  shall  not  discuss  the 
policy  of  a  union  of  the  two  armies,  at  or  near  Freder- 
icksburg,  by  marching  towards  each  other  across  the 
country,  because  the  position  that  McClellan  took  up, 
after  Pair  Oaks,  rendered  such  an  undertaking  difficult. 
On  the  9th  of  August,  Halleck  telegraphed  McClel 
lan :  "lam  of  opinion  that  the  enemy  is  massing  his 
forces  in  front  of  Generals  Pope  and  Burn  side,  and  that 
he  expects  to  crush  them  and  move  forward  to  the 
Potomac.  You  must  send  re-enforcements  instantly  to 
Aqnia  Creek.  Considering  the  amount  of  transporta 
tion  at  your  disposal,  your  delay  is  not  satisfactory  ; 
you  must  move  with  all  possible  celerity." 

McClellan,  as  has  already  been  said,  had  about 
85,000  men  at  this  time,  who  had  been  in  camp  along 
the  James  River,  thirty  miles  below  Richmond,  since 
the  beginning  of  July.  Yet  he  seems  to  have  been  ut 
terly  ignorant  of  the  position  and  movements  of  the 
enemy  in  front  of  him,  and  was  content  to  rely  upon 
telegrams  from  Washington  for  information  of  his  ad 
versary's  operations. 

The  fact  was,  that  Lee  sent  Jackson  north  with  two 
divisions  of  the  army  on  the  13th  of  July,  and  on  the 
27th  he  was  followed  by  A.  P.  Hill's  division.  On  the 
very  day  the  above  dispatch  was  sent  to  McClellan, 
Jackson,  with  these  three  divisions  of  Lee's  army,  at 
tacked  Pope's  advance,  at  Cedar  Mountain,  near  Cul- 
pepper,  and  the  severe  battle  heretofore  described 
ensued. 

On  the  10th  of  August,  McClellan  was  informed 
that  the  enemy  was  crossing  the  Rapidan  in  large  force, 
and  that  they  were  then  fighting  Pope.  In  this  tele 
gram  General  Halleck  charges  McClellan  with  unneces 
sary  delay  in  complying  with  former  orders,  looking  to 
the  withdrawal  of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac  from  the 
Peninsula,  and  says  :  "  There  must  be  no  further  delay 


1862.]  McCLELLAN'S   FINESSE.  265 

in  your  movements ;  that  which  has  already  occurred 
was  entirely  unexpected,  and  must  be  satisfactorily  ex 
plained  ;  let  not  a  moment  be  lost.  *  *  *  " 

On  the  12th,  Halleck  telegraphs  McClellan  :  "  There 
has  been,  and  is,  the  most  urgent  necessity  for  dispatch, 
and  not  a  single  moment  must  be  lost  in  getting  troops 
in  front  of  Washington."  So  it  goes  on,  day  by  day, 
.and  McClellan  is  still  on  the  Peninsula.  Lee's  forces 
have  turned  their  faces  to  the  north,  and  are  marching 
toward  the  Rapidan,  while  McClellan  is  daily  appre 
hensive  of  an  attack  by  "  overwhelming  numbers,"  and 
dare  not  send  his  army  away,  except  in  small  detach 
ments,  and  in  the  most  dilatory  and  cautious  manner. 

On  the  21st,  Halleck  telegraphed  McClellan  that 
Burn  side  and  Pope  were  hard  pushed,  and  required  aid 
as  rapidly  as  he  could  send  it,  and  asked  him  to  come 
himself  as  soon  as  he  could.  He  adds  :  "  By  all  means 
see  that  the  troops  sent  have  plenty  of  ammunition. 
We  have  no  time  here  to  supply  them.  Moreover,  the}7 
may  have  to  light  as  soon  as  they  land." 

McClellan  answered  this  dispatch  on  the  same  day, 
.and  said  he  would  try  and  get  some  of  Franklin's 
troops  aboard  that  night ;  he  had  sent  ammunition  for 
ward,  and  hoped  to  get  off  himself  the  next  day  ;  says 
he  has  ample  supplies  of  ammunition  for  infantry  and 
artillery,  and  he  would  have  it  up  in  time.  On  the 
twenty-third,  1.30  P.M.,  McClellan  telegraphs  Halleck 
from  Fortress  Monroe,  as  follows:  "Franklin's  corps 
has  started.  I  shall  start  for  Aquia  in  about  half  an 
hour."  On  the  24th,  he  telegraphs  that  he  is  at  Aquia. 
In  another  dispatch,  on  the  same  day,  he  wants  to 
know  what  his  u  command  and  position  are  to  be." 

General  Halleck  telegraphed  McClellan  on  the  26th 
to  come  to  Alexandria,  some  six  miles  from  Washing 
ton,  and  between  which  places  their  subsequent  tele 
graphic  correspondence  was  carried  on.  On  the  27th, 
Halleck  informs  McClellan  that  a  general  battle  is 


266  POPE'S  CAMPAIGN  IN  VIRGINIA.  [1862. 

imminent,  and  says,  "Franklin's  corps  (now  at  Alexan 
dria)  should  move  out  by  forced  marches.  *  *  *" 
McClellan  replies,  ' '  I  have  sent  orders  to  Franklin  to 
prepare  to  march  at  once,"  and  that  he  had  directed 
him  to  come  to  his  headquarters  to  talk  about  transpor 
tation.  This  was  very  suspicious,  and  looked  like  the 
Peninsula  tactics  over  again.  If  Franklin  was  going  to 
do  any  good  he  had  to  go  at  once.  Halleck  replied  at 
12  M.,  "Franklin's  corps  should  move  out  by  forced 
marches,  carrying  with  them  four  days'  provisions,  and 
to  be  supplied,  as  far  as  possible,  by  railroad." 

At  1.25  P.M.  McClellan  telegraphs  to  know  whether 
it  "would  not  be  advisable  to  throw  the  mass  of  Sum- 
ner's  corps  here,  to  move  with  Franklin."  He  thinks 
a  disaster  would  leave  troops  on  the  lower  Rappahan- 
nock  in  danger,  and  chat  they  would  do  better  service 
in  front  of  Washington.  This  was  evidently  designed 
to  frighten  the  Administration,  as  to  the  safety  of 
Washington,  and  induce  a  countermand  of  the  order 
for  Franklin  to  march,  or  a  suspension  of  the  order  un 
til  Sumner  could  be  brought  up— either  course  prevent 
ing  Franklin  aiding  Pope.  At  1.40  P.M.  General 
McClellan  telegraphs  Halleck,  that  he  learns  that  heavy 
firing  has  been  heard  that  morning  in  the  direction  of 
Centreville,  and  wants  to  know  if  the  works  (around 
Washington)  are  finished  and  ready  for  defence.  As 
suming  that  Pope  would  be  beaten,  and  designed  to  ex 
cite  fears  for  the  safety  of  the  Capital,  At  1.50  P.M. 
he  telegraphs  that  "  Franklin 's  artillery  has  no  horses, 
except  for  four  guns  without  caissons.  I  can  pick  up 
no  cavalry.  In  view  of  these  facts,  will  it  not  be  well 
to  push  Sumner' s  corps  here  l>y  water  as  rapidly  as 
possible,  to  make  immediate  arrangements  for  placing 
the  works  in  front  of  Washington  in  an  efficient  condi 
tion  of  defence  1  *  *  Can  Franklin,  without  his  ar 
tillery  or  cavalry,  effect  any  useful  purpose  in  front  f 
So  suggestions  and  equivocations  continue 


1862.]  M'CLELLAN  PROCRASTINATES.  267 

through  the  day  and  evening,  and  Franklin  does  not 
move. 

On  the  morning  of  the  28th,  Halleck  adopts  new 
tactics,  and  writes  to  Franklin  that  he  parted  with 
McClellan  at  two  o'clock  that  morning,  and  that  it  was 
understood  Franklin  was  to  move  to-day.  That  if  he 
had  not  received  McClellan' s  order  he  should  act  on 
this.  At  1.05  P.M.  McClellan  telegraphs  Halleck,  that 
"The  moment  Franklin  can  be  started  with  a  reasonable 
amount  of  artillery  he  shall  go."  And  he  thinks  the 
enemy  so  strong  "as  to  make  it  necessary  for  us  to 
move  in  force."  To  this  Halleck  replies  that,  "Not  a 
moment  must  be  lost  in  pushing  as  large  a  force  as  pos 
sible  towards  Manassas,  so  as  to  communicate  with 
Pope  before  the  enemy  is  re-enforced."  At  7.30  P.M. 
General  McClellan  telegraphs  to  Halleck,  "General 
Franklin  is  with  me  here  (Alexandria).  *  *  We  are 
not  yet  in  a  condition  to  move ;  may  be  by  to-morrow 
morning"  And  he  again  proceeds  to  urge  the  garri 
soning  of  the  works  in  front  of  Washington.  In  answer 
to  a  dispatch  from  Halleck,  he  telegraphs  him  at  6.15 
P.M.,  "  Neither  Franklin! s  nor  Sumner' s  corps  is  now 
in  condition  to  move  or  fight  a  battle.  It  would  be  sac 
rifice  to  send  them  out  now.  *  *  I  repeat  that  I  will 
lose  no  time  in  preparing  the  troops  now  here  for  the 
field  ;  and  that  whatever  orders  you  may  give,  after 
hearing  what  1  have  to  say,  will  be  carried  out."  Ex 
traordinary  condescension  !  For  nearly  two  days  the 
General-in-Chief  had  been  ordering  and  pleading  that 
his  subordinate  would  dispatch  General  Franklin  to  the 
assistance  of  his  brother  officer,  known  to  be  engaged 
with  Lee's  entire  army,  and  upon  the  issue  of  the  pend 
ing  battles  incalculable  results  were  known  to  depend, 
and  now,  at  the  last  moment,  Halleck  is  told  that 
neither  Franklin  nor  Sumner  can  move.  Neither  of 
these  corps  had  fired  a  gun  since  the  first  day  of  July. 
They  had  come  up  leisurely  from  Harrison's  Landing — 


POPE'S   CAMPAIGN   IN  VIRGINIA.  [1862. 

most  of  the  way  by  transports,  and  now,  in  this  great 
emergency,  were  unfit  for  service,  in  the  judgment  of 
General  McClellan. 

It  was  a  most  discouraging  business  to  attempt  to 
get  McClellan  to  throw  any  of  his  army  towards  Man- 
assas,  but  Halleck  persevered,  and  at  8.40  P.M.,  tele 
graphed,  "  There  must  be  no  further  delay  in  moving 
Franklin's  corps  towards  Manassas.  They  must  go  to 
morrow  morning,  ready  or  not  ready."  McClellan  an 
swers  this  peremptory  order,  by  a  long  telegram,  in 
which  he  reiterates  the  statement  as  to  want  of  horses, 
&c.,  but  says,  "  Franklin  has  been  ordered  to  march  at 
six  o'clock  to-morrow  morning."  He  then  informed  Hal 
leck  that  he  has  learned  that  the  enemy  "  with  120,000 
men,  intend  advancing  on  the  forts  at  Arlington  and 
Chain  Bridge,  with  a  view  to  attacking  Washington  and 
Baltimore."  McClellan  seems  to  have  assumed  from 
the  first  that  Pope  was  to  be  overcome,  and  he  talks  as 
though  no  other  result  were  possible.  With  an  army 
only  half  as  large  as  the  one  with  which  McClellan 
had  made  the  Peninsula  Campaign,  and  confronted,  as 
he  was,  by  the  army  which  had  vanquished  McClellan, 
it  was  but  natural  the  latter  should  expect  a  similar 
misfortune  to  befall  Pope.  Did  he  wish  it  ?  McClellan 
foresaw  that  a  victory  for  Pope  would  place  him  at  the 
head  of  the  army  ;  that  Pope's  defeat,  and  the  advance 
of  the  Confederate  army  toward  Washington,  would 
force  the  Government  to  have  recourse  to  himself,  and 
would  result  in  his  restoration  to  power,  if  not  in  his 
reinvestment  with  authority,  as  General-in-Chief.  It  is 
hazarding  nothing  to  say,  in  the  light  of  known  facts, 
that  an  immediate  and  cordial  co-operation  of  General 
McClellan' s  army  would  have  changed  the  defeat  of 
the  second  Bull  Eun  into  a  victory  for  the  Union  arms. 

Franklin  did  really  set  out  on  the  morning  of  the 
29th  of  August.  But  McClellan  was  continually  tele 
graphing  Halleck  to  induce  him  to  allow  a  suspension 


1862.]  McCLELLAN'g   IDEA   OF   OBEYING    ORDERS.  269 

of  the  movement.  At  12.08  P.M.  he  asks,  "Do  you 
wish  the  movement  of  Franklin's  corps  to  continue?" 
Again:  "Franklin  has  but  forty  rounds  of  ammuni 
tion,  and  no  wagons  to  move  more.  I  do  not  think 
Franklin  is  in  a  condition  to  accomplish  much,  if  he 
meets  strong  opposition.  I  should  not  have  moved  him 
but  for  your  pressing  orders  of  last  night."  Again,  at 
12.50  P.M.  :  "Franklin  has  only  between  10,000  and 
11,000  ready  for  duty.  How  far  do  you  wish  this  force 
to  advance?"  At  1.45  he  telegraphs  that  he  thinks 
Franklin  ought  not  to  go  beyond  Anandale.  Halleck 
replies  that  he  wants  him  to  go  far  enough  to  find  out 
something  about  the  enemy,  and  adds,  "Our  people 
must  move  more  actively  and  find  out  where  the  enemy 
is.  I  am  tired  of  guesses."  Franklin  had  gone  but  six 
miles. 

President  Lincoln,  nowf  at  2.40  P.M.,  telegraphs  to 
McClellan  for  news,  and  in  reply  McClellan  gives  what 
news  he  has,  which  is  very  meagre,  and  then  adds  :  "I 
am  clear  one  of  two  courses  should  be  adopted  ;  first, 
to  concentrate  all  our  available  forces  to  open  commu 
nication  with  Pope  ;  second,  to  leave  Pope  to  get  out  of 
?iis  scrape,  and  at  once  to  use  all  our  means  to  make 
the  capital  perfectly  safe."  Then  comes  the  key  to  all 
this  diplomacy  :  "Tell  me  what  you  wish  me  to  do,  and 
I  will  do  all  in  my  power  to  accomplish  it.  1  wish  to 
know  what  my  orders  and  authority  are" 

At  7.50  P.M.  of  the  29th,  Halleck  telegraphs  Mc 
Clellan  :  "I  have  just  been  told  Franklin's  corps 
stopped  at  Anandale,  and  that  he  was  this  evening  in 
Alexandria.  This  is  all  contrary  to  my  orders."  Mc 
Clellan  replies  that  he  did  not  think  it  safe  for  Franklin 
to  go  beyond  Anandale,  until  he  knew  what  was  at 
Vienna.  That  he  is  responsible  for  the  halting  of  the 
corps  and  Franklin's  presence  in  Alexandria,  but  did 
not  suppose  it  was  contrary  to  orders.  He  then  adds  : 
' '  Please  give  distinct  orders  in  reference  to  Franklin' s 


270  POPE'S  CAMPAIGN  IN  VIRGINIA.  [1862. 

movements  to-morrow"  As  though  McClellan  misun- 
derstood  the  wishes  of  the  General-in-Chief.  As  though 
he  did  not  know,  even  without  orders,  that  Franklin's 
place  was  at  the  front.  As  though  he  and  his  subordi 
nates  did  not  know  it  was  treason  to  their  Government, 
and  to  their  brother  soldiers  in  the  field,  to  hold  the 
splendid  troops  of  Franklin  in  the  leash,  almost  in 
sound  of  the  cannon,  while  a  three  days'  battle  was 
raging  but  a  few  miles  away. 

Franklin  did  finally' advance,  but  reached  Centreville 
only  in  time  to  meet  Pope's  retreating  army,  on  the 
evening  of  the  30th  day  of  August,  twenty-seven  days 
after  McClellan  had  been  ordered  to  withdraw  from  the 
Peninsula,  and  four  days  after  he  had  been  directed  to 
send  Franklin  from  Alexandria  to  the  battle,  a  little 
more  than  a  day's  march  away,  and  with  railroad  com 
munication  to  within  six  miles  of  the  battle-field. 

The  foregoing  narrative  can  leave  no  doubt  upon 
any  unprejudiced  mind,  that  McClellan  was  resolved 
not  to  aid  Pope,  if  he  could  help  it,  and  save  his  own 
position  in  the  army.  In  this  unworthy  purpose,  Mc 
Clellan  had  the  sympathy  of  a  certain  set  of  his  corps 
and  division  commanders,  and  Fitz-John  Porter  be 
longed  to  that  set. 


CHAPTER     XIX. 

THE  WOUNDED  LEFT  ON  THE  FIELD — DIFFICULTY  IN  FINDING  WAY  BACK 
TO  LINES — LOSSES  ON  THE  TWENTY-NINTH — ENEMY  BELIEVED  TO  BE 
RETREATING — WHAT  INDUCED  THIS  OPINION — FEDERALS  EXHAUSTED — 

HOW  MCCLELLAN  WAS  GOING  TO  SEND  SUPPLIES  TO  POPE — OPERATIONS 
ON  THE  THIRTIETH— RICKETT'S—  "ENEMY  IN  FULL  FLIGHT" — A  SAD  MIS 
TAKE — PATRICK'S  BRIGADE  ATTACK — REPULSED — ORDERED  TO  RETIRE 
ARMY  IN  RETREAT — PRATT  MORTALLY  WOUNDED — "TWENTIETH," 
HALT  AT  CUB  RUN — MARCH  INTO  CENTREVILLE  NEXT  MORNING- 

THE  brunt  of  the  attack  by  King's  division,  on  the 
evening  of  the  29th,  was  borne  by  Hatch's  brigade, 
which  suffered  severely.  The  enemy  were  found  strong 
ly  posted  in  the  edge  of  the  woods,  and  their  artillery 
and  musketry  fire  was  murderous  to  the  Union  troops, 
who  had  to  cross  a  broad,  open  field  from  the  Federal 
line  up  to  the  very  muzzle  of  the  rebel  guns.  The  re 
pulse  was  so  severe  and  the  position  so  exposed  that  it 
was  impossible  to  remove  our  wounded,  and  they  lay 
all  that  night  and  through  the  next  day,  between  the 
lines  and  in  view  of  both  sides,  unable  to  help  them 
selves  and  beyond  the  help  of  their  comrades.  The 
poor  fellows  would  signal  for  aid  during  the  30th,  but 
it  would  have  been  death  to  approach  them  from  our 
side.  The  twenty -four  hours  during  which  they  lay  on 
the  field,  suffering  from  wounds  and  dying  of  thirst, 
with  the  roar  of  battle  in  their  ears  and  shells  rushing 
over  and  bursting  around  them,  must  have  seemed  an 
eternity  of  misery.  The  red  trousers  of  the  Brooklyn 
Fourteenth  were  conspicuous  among  the  dead  and 
wounded. 

It  was  late  in  the  'evening  when  the  division  of  King 
got  back  into  its  position  in  line  of  battle  ;  the  night 
had  become  excessively  dark,  and  the  utmost  difficulty 
was  experienced  in  finding  our  way.  While  pausing 

271 


272  TOPE'S  CAMPAIGN   IN  VIRGINIA.  [1862, 

for  a  subdued  conference,  for  we  were  at  last  in  doubt 
whether  we  were  approaching  our  own  line  or  the 
enemy's,  a  body  of  cavalry  dashed  by  the  front  of 
Patrick's  brigade,  discharging  their  carbines  as  they 
passed  the  right  of  the  brigade,  and  shooting  Lieuten 
ant  Bouvier,  one  of  General  Patrick's  aids,  through  the 
body.  It  was  not  known  whether  the  lire  was  from 
friend  or  foe,  and  therefore  it  was  not  returned.  Gen 
eral  Patrick  ordered  the  brigade  to  lie  down,  and  Lieu 
tenant-Colonel  Gates  went  forward  to  find  our  line  of 
battle  ;  he  came  upon  the  line  in  front  of  the  Ohio 
brigade  of  General  McLean,  whom  he  chanced  to  know. 
The  General  had  heard  the  movement  of  troops  in  his 
front  and  the  rush  and  fire  of  the  cavalry.  He  did  not 
understand  it,  but  as  we  were  approaching  him  from 
the  direction  of  the  enemy,  he  had  put  his  brigade  un 
der  arms,  and  they  were  now  drawn  up,  ready  for  bat 
tle.  The  situation  was  explained,  our  place  in  line 
found,  a  little  to  the  left  of  General  McLean,  and  the 
brigade  marched  into  it  at  eleven  o'clock. 

Pope' s  losses  on  the  29th  were  very  large  ;  probably 
not  less  than  7,500  killed  and  wounded.  Generals 
Hooker  and  Kearney,  who  went  over  the  battle-field 
from  whence  the  enemy  had  been  driven  on  our  right, 
estimated  the  Confederate  loss  at  least  two  to  one  of 
the  Federals. 

During  the  night  of  the  29th,  and  up  to  ten  o'clock 
of  the  morning  of  the  30th,  the  impression  was  prevalent 
at  several  corps  and  division  headquarters  of  the  Union 
army,  that  the  Confederates  were  retreating.  On  the 
evening  of  the  29th,  Generals  McDowell  and  Heintzle- 
man  reconnoitred  the  positions  held  by  the  enemy's  left 
during  the  day,  and  they  found  they  had  been  evacu 
ated,  and  there  was  every  indication  that  he  was  re 
treating  in  the  direction  of  Gainesville.  Paroled  Union 
prisoners,  who  came  into  our  lines  on  the  morning  of 
30th,  confirmed  the  impression  of  a  retreat,  and 


1862.]  FEDERALS    EXHAUSTED.  273 

General  Pope,  himself,  became  persuaded  that  the  ene 
my  was  withdrawing. 

These  indications  of  a  retreat  existed,  but  they  were 
misinterpreted  by  the  Federal  officers.  Jackson  had 
shortened  his  line  towards  his  right,  whereby  McDowell 
and  Heintzleman  were  misled,  and  Longstreet,  who 
had  made  a  strong  reconnoissance  at  dark,  on  the 
evening  of  the  29th,  withdrew  his  forces  a  half  mile  to 
the  rear  after  midnight,  and  the  Confederate  line  of 
battle  for  the  next  day  was  then  established. 

The  29th  had  been  warm  and  sultry  ;  the  Federal 
troops  had  been  marching  or  fighting  from  early  in  the 
morning — some  of  them  having  marched  nearly  all  of 
the  preceding  night.  The  skirmishes  along  the  lines 
had  been  kept  up  until  late  in  the  evening,  and  very 
little  rest  or  sleep  was  obtained  during  the  night. 
They  had  had  little  to  eat  for  the  two  previous  days? 
and  no  opportunity  to  build  fires  and  make  coffee. 
The  result  was,  that  on  the  morning  of  the  thirtieth 
the  Federals  were  not  in  a  condition  for  the  most  active 
and  efficient  service.  The  "  Twentieth "  had  been 
without  a  full  ration  since  the  morning  of  the  twenty- 
eighth. 

The  destruction  of  the  cars  and  contents,  at  Manas- 
sas  Junction,  had  produced  an  unlooked-for  deficiency 
in  supplies  for  man  and  beast,  and  General  Pope  tele 
graphed  to  General  Halleck,  on  the  twenty-eighth,  for 
rations  and  forage.  General  Halleck  directed  General 
McClellan  to  forward  the  required  articles,  from  Alex 
andria,  where  the  stores  were  abundant,  and  at  daylight 
on  the  30th,  General  Pope  received  a  note  from  General 
Franklin,  written  by  direction  of  General  McClellan,  of 
which  the  following  is  a  copy  : 


1  8 


274  POPE'S  CAMPAIGN  IN  VIRGINIA.  [1862. 

August  29,  1862,  8  P.M. 

To  the  Commanding  Officer  at  Centremlle  : 

I  have  been  instructed  by  General  McClellan  to  in 
form  you  that  he  will  have  all  the  available  wagons  at 
Alexandria,  loaded  with  rations  for  your  troops,  and 
all  of  the  cars,  also,  as  soon  as  you  will  send  in  a  cav 
alry  escort  to  Alexandria  as  a  guard  to  the  train. 
Respectfully, 

W.  B.  FRANKLIN, 
Maj.-Gen.,  Commanding  Sixth  Corps. 

To  comment  upon  this  letter  would  be  a  work  of 
supererogation;  yet  I  cannot  forbear  a  word.  Pope's 
army  was  in  front  of  an  enemy  by  which  McClellan's 
had  been  beaten  on  the  Peninsula,  a  few  weeks  before. 
Nine  days  of  battle,  skirmishes  and  marches  had  just 
taken  place,  and  the  cavalry  had  been  reduced  to  less 
than  a  regiment  of  effective  men.  Eighty-five  thousand 
Confederates  were  closing  in  around  Pope's  army  of 
less  than  fifty  thousand  men.  Alexandria  was  swarm 
ing  with  troops  of  all  arms,  fresh  and  well  fed,  and  yet, 
before  General  McClellan  wo  aid  send  the  supplies 
necessary  to  feed  the  army  at  the  front,  he  required 
"the  commanding  officer,"  whose  name  he  seemed  not 
to  know,  to  detach  a  force  of  cavalry  from  his  army,  to 
act  as  escort  to  a  railroad  train. 

Ricketts'  division,  which  we  left  at  Thoroughfare 
Gap  on  the  twenty-eighth,  had  failed  to  accomplish  the 
purpose  McDowell  had  in  view  in  sending  it  there,  pri 
marily,  because  it  reached  the  objective  point  too  late. 
Ricketts  found,  on  approaching  the  Gap,  that  the 
enemy  had  already  taken  up  strong  positions  in  the 
narrow  pass,  and  occupied  the  crowning  heights  ;  but 
he  pushed  boldly  on,  and  engaged  them  in  an  action 
which  continued  until  dark  ;  meantime,  finding  this 
obstinate  obstruction  at  Thoroughfare,  the  enemy  threw 


1862. J  "ENEMY  IN  FULL  PLIGHT" — A  MISTAKE.  275 

a  large  body  of  Ms  forces  through  the  mountain,  at  the 
more  difficult  pass  of  Hopewell  Gap,  three  miles  east  of 
Thoroughfare,  which  was  unguarded,  and  through  which 
his  legions  poured.  This  movement  turned  Ricketts' 
right,  and  he  was  forced  to  retire  from  Thoroughfare, 
but  was  unable  to  rejoin  his  corps  until  the  evening  of 
the  twenty-ninth. 

During  the  morning  of  the  thirtieth,  each  army 
appeared  to  be  waiting  for  its  opponent  to  take  the  in 
itiative,  and  with  the  exception  of  artillery  firing,  and 
an  occasional  infantry  skirmish,  quiet  prevailed  along 
the  lines.  About  ten  o'clock  Patrick's  brigade  was 
marched  to  the  right,  and  posted  in  a  piece  of  woods, 
in  support  of  Sigel.  Here  the  brigade  remained,  under 
artillery  fire,  until  about  two  P.M.,  when  it  was  ordered 
to  return  to  its  position  on  the  left,  preparatory  to  its 
participation  in  a  contemplated  attack  upon  the  enemy' s 
position.  As  Patrick's  brigade  moved  down  the  line, 
from  right  to  left,  the  manifestations  of  exultation  over 
the  supposed  flight  of  the  enemy  were  very  conspicu 
ous.  The  writer  distinctly  remembers  encountering 
several  general  officers  who  declared  in  exultant  tones 
that  the  enemy  was  in  full  flight.  Our  stretcher-bearers 
were  marching  in  rear  of  their  several  regiments,  with 
stretchers  in  hand,  and  we  were  subjected  to  some  de 
rision  because  we  were  prepared  to  remove  our  (pos 
sible)  wounded  from  the  field  to  which  we  were  march- 
Ing.  General  Warren,  especially,  ridiculed  the  idea  of 
such  preparations,  and  asserted  that  we  would  not  get 
near  enough  to  the  enemy  to  exchange  shots  with  them. 
All  these  predictions  proved  groundless.  The  enemy 
was  not  only  not  retreating,  but  seemed  to  have  no  in 
tention  of  doing  so. 

About  two  o'clock  in  the  afternoon,  Pope  determined 
to  deliver  a  blow  along  the  enemy's  front  and  flank, 
which  he  believed  would  accelerate  his  flight  and  crown 


276  POPES  CAMPAIGN  IN  VIRGINIA.  [1862. 

the  operations  of  the  Union  army  with  the  laurels  of 
victory. 

Reaching  the  vicinity  of  Groveton,  Patrick's  brigade 
was  formed  for  the  attack,  in  two  lines.  The  first  line 
was  composed  of  the  Twenty-first  New  York  Volun 
teers  on  the  right,  and  Thirty -fifth  New  York  on  the 
left.  Second  line,  Twentieth  New  York  State  Militia 
on  the  right,  and  the  Twenty -third  New  York  Volun 
teers  on  the  left.  It  was  after  three  o'  clock  when  the 
order  was  given  to  advance.  The  two  lines  moved  for 
ward  through  an  open  field  to  the  woods,  in  which  the 
enemy  was  known  to  have  been  swarming  the  night  be 
fore,  but  who  now  gave  no  sign  of  his  presence.  As  we 
entered  the  woods,  we  found  the  Fourteenth  Brooklyn 
and  the  Thirtieth  New  York  Volunteers,  Colonel  Fris- 
bie,  formed  on  our  right.  The  line  was  extended  to 
wards  the  left  by  General  Porter's  corps,  which  now, 
for  the  first  time,  came  into  action.  The  enemy  allowed 
us  to  advance  two  hundred  yards  into  the  woods,  with 
out  giving  us  a  shot  ;  then,  when  our  lines  had  reached 
a  point  within  blank  range  of  the  railroad  embankment 
heretofore  mentioned,  they  opened  a  murderous  fire, 
apparently  in  the  very  face  of  our  men,  from  behind 
the  embankment.  The  first  line  melted  away  under 
this  destructive  fire,  and  the  second  line  then  received 
the  full  force  of  the  leaden  tornado  ;  the  enemy's  artil 
lery,  posted  on  high  ground  in  rear  of  his  infantry  line, 
and  at  openings  at  various  points,  opened  their  fire,  and 
shot  and  shell  came  crashing  through  the  woods,  cut 
ting  down  trees  and  men  alike.  It  was  impossible  for 
the  Union  troops  to  do  any  very  effective  work  upon 
their  adversaries,  by  reason  of  the  admirable  protection 
afforded  to  them  by  the  railroad  embankment,  unless 
they  could  carry  this  line  by  a  charge.  This  was  at 
tempted,  but  the  tire  was  too  heavy  for  men  to  endure, 
and  they  were  forced  to  fall  back.  If  the  ground  in 
front  had  been  open  between  our  line  and  the  embank- 


1862.]  PATRICK'S  BRIGADE  ATTACK — REPULSED.  277 

ment,  the  Federals  could  have  cleared  it  in  a  rush, 
before  the  Confederates  could  have  delivered  more  than 
one  or  two  rounds ;  but  the  trees,  the  lower  limbs  of 
which  had  been  cut  off  so  that  the  Union  line  was  clear 
ly  distinguishable  to  the  Confederates  lying  along  the 
embankment,  from  the  breasts  of  the  men  downwards, 
had  the  higher  branches  remaining,  and  the  Federals 
could  not  see  twenty  feet  before  them,  except  they 
stooped  so  low  as  to  render  it  difficult  to  use  their  arms. 
A  second  and  a  third  time  they  tried  to  reach  the 
hidden  foe,  but  they  were  each  time  repulsed  with 
heavy  loss.  When  they  had  been  driven  back  a  third 
time,  and  while  standing  in  line  of  battle,  irresolute 
whether  to  make  one  more  attempt  to  penetrate  the 
thicket  and  reach  the  enemy,  whose  shots  were  still  rat 
tling  around  them,  an  aide  of  General  Porter  appeared 
upon  the  scene,  with  an  order  for  the  troops  to  retire. 
They  withdrew  leisurely  and  in  perfect  order,  but  with 
the  brigades  and  regiments  somewhat  separated  by  the 
march  through  che  woods  and  the  several  movements 
which  took  place  among  the  dense  trees.  The  enemy 
followed  the  retiring  Federals,  but  when  they  reached 
the  open  country  they  were  met  by  so  destructive  a  fire 
of  artillery  and  musketry  that  they  threw  themselves 
flat  upon  the  ground.  Our  gunners  soon  got  range  of 
them,  and  they  were  forced  to  arise  and  escape  to  their 
cover  in  the  woods,  which  they  did  with  heavy  loss. 
This,  practically,  was  the  end  of  the  second  battle  of 
Bull  Run,  and  the  last  rays  of  that  August  sunset 
shone  upon  a  weary,  battle-stained  and  discomfited 
army  emerging  from  the  woods  and  filing  in  sullen  sil 
ence  across  the  bridges  and  through  the  fords  of  fatal 
Bull  Run.  There  were  thousands  of  brave  fellows  mis 
sing  from  the  ranks,  who  never  would  answer  at  roll- 
call  again.  They  had  fought  their  last  fight,  and  had 
paid  the  highest  price  man  can  pay  for  his  country  ; 
other  thousands  lay  wounded  and  helpless  in  the  fields 


278  POPE'S   CAMPAIGN   IN   VIRGINIA.  [1862. 

and  woods  where  the  combat  had  raged,  aud  darkness 
fell  like  a  pall  upon  the  scene  of  carnage,  and  the  dead 
and  wounded  had  possession  of  the  field. 

It  was  in  this  fight  in  the  woods,  where  Colonel  Pratt 
received  his  death-wound.  Colonel  Pratt  proposed  to 
take  charge  of  the  left  wing  of  the  regiment,  and  direct 
ed  the  Lieutenant-Colonel  to  look  after  the  right.  With 
this  hurried  interview  we  separated,  and  I  never  saw  the 
Colonel  afterwards.  He  was  wounded  early  in  the  bat 
tle,  and  was  taken  from  the  field  and  removed  to  Wash 
ington,  and  from  thence  to  Albany,  where  he  died  on 
the  eleventh  of  September  following. 

The  Twentieth  retired  leisurely  toward  Bull  Run, 
and  at  the  crossing  of  that  stream  at  the  Stone  Bridge, 
they  had  the  good  fortune  to  find  a  commissary  engaged 
in  the  business  of  issuing  fresh  meat.  He  was  persuad 
ed  to  extend  his  attentions  to  the  Twentieth,  although 
he  belonged  to  Franklin' s  corps.  It  was  the  first  fresh 
meat  we  had  had  in  a  week,  and  the  first  mouthful  we 
had  eaten  during  the  day.  The  retreating  army  was 
ordered  to  rendezvous  at  Centreville,  but  the  roads  were 
crowded  with  men,  artillery,  and  cavalry,  rendering 
marching  very  difficult  and  tedious  ;  therefore,  after 
crossing  Cub  Run,  three  miles  west  of  Centreville,  the 
Twentieth  filed  to  the  left,  and,  marching  a  few  hundred 
yards  up  the  stream,  bivouacked,  and  remained  there 
until  daylight,  and  then  proceeded  to  Centreville  and 
joined  the  brigade. 


CHAPTER     XX. 

CONDITION  OF  THE  ARMY — PREPARATIONS  FOR  DEFENCE — DEMONSTRATION 
ON  THE  THIRTY-FIRST — STRENGTH  AND  CONDITION  OF  ARMIES — POPE'S 
WANT  OF  CONFIDENCE  IN  OFFICERS  OF  ARMY  OF  POTOMAC — A  DAY  OP 
REST — WANT  OF  ENERGY  IN  PURSUIT— A  FLANK  MOVEMENT — THE 
TWENTIETH  SENT  TO  MEET  IT — HOOKER — ON  LITTLE  RIVER  TURN 
PIKE — "HOLD  IT  AT  ALL  HAZARDS" — REGIMENT  EMPLOYED  AS  SKIR 
MISHERS — ENEMY  REPULSED — REPORT  AT  HEADQUARTERS — THE  ADJU- 

T ANT-GENERAL'S  VIEW  OF  IT — TURNING  MOVEMENT  ABORTIVE— UPTON'S 
HILL  AGAIN. 

SUNDAY,  the  thirty-first  of  August,  was  a  rainy  and 
sultry  day.  The  army  was  utterly  worn  out,  and,  for 
tunately  for  us,  the  enemy  was  in  a  condition  but  very 
little  better.  Pope  made  his  disposition  to  repel  any 
attack  that  Lee  might  make  on  him  by  posting  his 
troops  at  the  most  defensible  points  around  Centreville. 
Porter  was  assigned  to  the  intrenchments  on  the  north, 
or  right  ;  Franklin  was  posted  on  his  left,  and  in  rear, 
between  Porter  and  Franklin,  Heintzleman's  corps  was 
stationed  ;  while  Sigel  held  the  works  on  the  south  side 
of  the  town,  with  Reno  on  the  left  and  rear.  Banks 
was  posted  on  the  easterly  side  of  Bull  Run,  and  in  dis 
position  to  cover  the  left  flank  of  the  army  and  the  rail 
road  bridge  across  that  stream.  Sumner,  who  arrived 
that  day,  was  stationed  between  Centreville  and  Chan- 
tilly  ;  while  McDowell  occupied  the  road  from  Centre 
ville  to  Fairfax  Court  House, 

The  enemy's  cavalry  appeared  in  considerable  force, 
in  front  of  our  advance,  at  Cub  Run,  on  the  morning  of 
the  thirty-first,  but  made  no  attempt  to  cross.  A  little 
artillery  firing  took  place,  but  there  was  no  fighting 
during  the  day.  Officers  were  engaged  in  ascertaining 
their  losses  and  reorganizing  and  supplying  their  com 
mands  with  rations  and  ammunition. 

Pope's  army,  at  Centreville,  on  the  morning  of  the 

279 


280  POPE'S   CAMPAIGN    IN    VIRGINIA.  [1862. 

first  of  September,  embraced  McDowell's  corps  of  10,000  ; 
Sigel's  corps  of  about  7,000;  Heintzleman's  corps  of 
about  6,000;  Reno's,  6,000;  Banks',  5,000;  Sumner's 
(just  arrived),  11,000  ;  Porter's,  10,000  ;  and  Franklin's 
(came  up  on  the  evening  of  30th),  8,000 — making  a  total 
of  63,000  men — a  larger  army,  by  ten  thousand,  than 
Pope  fought  the  battle  of  the  thirtieth  with.  In  view 
of  this  fact,  it  may  be  asked  :  "  Why  did  not  General 
Pope  renew  the  fight  after  these  re-en t'orcements  had 
joined  him.  The  enemy's  force  was  greatly  reduced 
and  exhausted  by  the  battles  and  marches  which  it  had 
undergone  within  the  last  ten  days,  and  was  there  not 
ground  for  a  reasonable  hope  of  success,  if  Pope  had 
forced  the  enemy  to  renew  the  battle  on  the  second  or 
third  of  September?" 

Pope's  experience  with  the  commanders  of  some  of 
the  newly  arrived  troops  did  not  encourage  him  to  hope 
for  a  cordial  and  efficient  support  from  these  Peninsula 
veterans.  Of  Generals  Heintzleman,  Hooker,  Kearney 
and  Reynolds  he  speaks  in  the  highest  terms  ;  but  in  a 
letter  to  General  Halleck,  written  from  Centreville,  Sep 
tember  1,  he  thus  speaks  of  certain  other  officers  of  the 
Army  of  the  Potomac  :  "  I  think  it  my  duty  to  call  your 
attention  to  the  unsoldieiiy  and  dangerous  conduct  of 
many  brigade  and  some  division  commanders  of  the 
forces  sent  here  from  the  Peninsula.  Every  word  and  act 
and  intention  is  discouraging,  and  calculated  to  break 
down  the  spirits  of  the  men  and  to  produce  disaster.  One 
commander  of  a  corps,  who  was  ordered  to  march  from 
Manassas  Junction  to  join  me  near  Groveton,  although 
he  was  only  five  miles  distant,  failed  to  get  up  at  all ;  and 
worse  still,  fell  back  to  Manassas  without  a  fight,  and 
in  plain  hearing,  at  less  than  three  miles  distance,  of  a 
furious  battle  which  raged  all  day.  It  was  only  in  con 
sequence  of  peremptory  orders  that  he  joined  me  the 
next  day.  One  of  his  brigades,  the  Brigadier- General  of 
which  professed  to  be  looking  for  his  division,  abso- 


1862.]  POPE   ON   OFFICERS    OF   ARMY   OF   POTOMAC.  #81 

lately  remained  all  day  at  Centreville,  in  plain  view  of 
the  battle,  and  made  no  attempt  to  join.  What  ren 
ders  the  whole  matter  worse,  these  are  both  officers  of 
the  regular  army,  who  do  not  hold  back  from  ignorance 
or  fear.  Their  constant  talk,  indulged  in  publicly  and  in 
promiscuous  company,  is  that  '  the  Army  of  the  Poto 
mac  will  not  fight  ; '  that  they  are  demoralized  by  with 
drawal  from  the  Peninsula,  &c.  When  such  example 
is  set  by  officers  of  high  rank,  the  influence  is  very  bad 
among  those  in  subordinate  stations.  You  have  hardly 
an  idea  of  the  demoralization  among  the  officers  of  high 
rank  in  the  Potomac  army,  arising,  in  all  instances, 
from  personal  feeling  in  relation  to  changes  of  Com- 
mander-in-Chief  and  others.  These  men  are  mere  tools 
or  parasites,  but  their  example  is  producing,  and  must 
necessarily  produce,  very  disastrous  results.  You 
should  know  these  things,  as  you  alone  can  stop  it,  Its 
source  is  beyond  my  reach,  though  its  effects  are  very 
perceptible  and  very  dangerous." 

Pope's  army  was  re-victualed  and  given  a  much- 
needed  day's  rest  at  Centreville.  Its  numbers  and  atti 
tude,  and  the  naturally  strong  position  it  occupied,  ad 
monished  the  Confederate  leader  of  the  impolicy  of  an 
attack.  But  during  the  day  and  night  of  the  thirty- 
first,  Lee  dispatched  Jackson,  by  a  broad  detour  around 
Pope's  right,  with  orders  to  strike  the  Little  River 
Turnpike,  and  again  cut  his  communications  near  Fair 
fax  Court  House.  It  was  a  repetition  of  the  strategy  of 
the  preceding  week,  but  it  lacked  the  energy  and  dash 
which  characterized  its  predecessor.  The  campaign  had 
told  upon  the  physique  of  the  Confederates,  and  had 
greatly  subdued  their  ardor.  Moreover,  their  losses 
had  been  very  heavy,  and  they  had  no  expectation  of 
re-enforcements,  while  they  were  aware  their  adversary 
had  already  been  considerably  strengthened,  and  they 
knew  not  how  formidable  his  army  might  become 
before  thev  could  bring  him  to  battle. 


282  POPE'S   CAMPAIGN   IN   VIRGINIA.  [1862. 

General  Lee  was  not  remarkable  for  his  tenacity  in 
pursuit  after  his  opponent  had  once  been  brought  to 
bay  and  had  delivered  battle.  His  energy  for  offensive 
operations  seemed  to  expend  itself  in  the  crisis  of  a 
great  combat.  Indeed,  there  were  no  instances  on  either 
side  on  which  a  pursuit  of  the  defeated  army  was 
pressed  with  vigor  and  persistency,  looking  to  the  cap 
ture  or  destruction  of  the  fleeing  foe,  except  in  Grant' s 
pursuit  of  Lee,  after  the  evacuation  of  Petersburg. 

To  check  this  flank  movement,  and  to  protect  his 
communications,  Pope  threw  a  portion  of  his  troops 
into  Fairfax  Court  House,  and  Patrick's  Brigade  was- 
ordered  out  on  the  Little  River  Turnpike,  towards  Ger 
man  town,  about  two  miles  northwest  of  Fairfax  Court 
House,  and  near  the  road  running  from  the  Little  River 
Pike  to  Flint  Hill. 

The  brigade  marched  from  Centreville  at  three  o'clock 
on  the  morning  of  September  1st.  It  had  rained  the 
preceding  day  and  night,  and  the  roads  were  heavy. 
We  reached  Fairfax  Court  House,  seven  miles  from 
Centreville,  soon  after  daylight,  and  halted  for  break 
fast.  This  over,  we  were  ordered  to  return  to  Centre 
ville,  and  had  marched  two  miles  in  that  direction,  when 
the  head  of  the  column  encountered  General  Joe 
Hooker,  who  had  been  assigned  to  the  command  in  that 
locality,  and  who  ordered  the  brigade  to  face  about  and 
return  to  Fairfax  Court  House  ;  reaching  which  place 
once  more,  we  were  directed  to  the  position,  on  the 
Pike,  above  mentioned. 

We  found  the  point  of  intersection  of  the  Flint  Hill 
Road  with  the  Little  River  Turnpike  very  well  fortified 
by  earth- works,  thrown  up  by  the  Confederates  during 
their  occupation  of  the  place  the  preceding  winter,  and 
Patrick's  Brigade  took  possession  of  them,  and  re 
mained  in  them  until  about  three  o'clock  in  the  after 
noon.  At  that  hour  General  Patrick  said  to  Lieutenant- 
Colonel  Gates,  "General  Hooker  has  sent  an  order  for 


1862.]  TWENTIETH   MEET   FLANK   MOVEMENT.  283 

one  of  my  best  regiments  to  report  to  him,  at  once,  on 
the  Little  River  Turnpike,  and  I  am  going  to  send  you." 
The  Twentieth  fell  in  and  marched  up  the  Turnpike 
about  a  mile,  where  General  Hooker  and  staff  and  a 
squadron  of  cavalry  were  found  watching  the  move 
ments  of  the  enemy,  who  had  appeared  on  the  road 
and  in  the  fields,  at  the  edge  of  a  piece  of  woods,  a  mile 
farther  up  the  pike,  and  who  were  planting  a  battery 
behind  a  ridge,  near  the  woods.  The  ground  they  oc 
cupied  was  considerably  higher  than  that  where  General 
Hooker  was,  and  from  thence  fell  away  in  their  rear, 
enabling  them,  by  the  aid  of  the  woods,  to  conceal  their 
strength.  Opposite  Hooker,  on  the  south  side  of  the 
pike,  was  an  open  woods  extending  westwardly,  in  the 
direction  of  this  Confederate  force,  a  half  mile,  and  be 
yond  that  the  country  was  cleared  up  to  the  woods  oc 
cupied  by  the  enemy.  General  Hooker  directed  Colonel 
Gates  to  enter  the  woods  near  him  and  march  rapidly 
to  the  west  edge  and  take  position  there,  and  "  hold  it 
at  all  hazards." 

The  regiment  was  certainly  not  formidable  in  point 
of  numbers,  and  Colonel  Gates'  countenance  must  have 
expressed  as  much,  for  General  Hooker  remarked,  in 
answer  to  a  look,  "Oh,  I  will  support  you  ;  I  will  sup 
port  you."  The  regiment  moved  as  fast  as  possible 
through  the  woods,  and  approaching  the  farther  side, 
found  the  enemy's  skirmishers  advancing  rapidly,  and 
within  150  yards  of  the  woods,  the  cover  of  which  they 
wished  to  gain.  The  Twentieth,  with  the  exception  of  a 
small  reserve  from  each  company,  was  at  once  deployed 
as  skirmishers,  and  extended,  as  far  as  practicable, 
along  the  edge  of  the  woods,  giving  the  appearance  of  a 
large  force.  They  opened  fire  at  once  on  the  approach 
ing  enemy,  and  compelled  them  to  fall  back.  But  tak 
ing  advantage  of  the  inequalities  of  the  ground,  and 
seeking  cover  wherever  they  could,  they  kept  up  a 
steady  fire  for  two  hours.  Meantime,  a  mountain 


284  POPE'S  CAMPAIGN   IN   VIRGINIA.  [1862. 

howitzer  was  brought  forward,  supported  by  a  body  of 
cavalry,  to  within  range  of  the  woods,  and  opened  a 
vigorous  fire  with  grape  and  canister.  A  small  party  of 
sharpshooters  from  the  regiment  was  sent  across  the 
pike  into  a  corn-field,  from  whence  they  picked  off  some 
of  the  gunners  and  its  supports,  and  the  piece  was  with 
drawn.  Soon,  however,  the  enemy  opened  upon  the 
regiment  with  shot  and  shell  from  their  guns  on  top 
of  the  hill  spoken  of  above,  and  thoroughly  shelled 
the  woods,  but  their  infantry  found,  whenever  they 
essayed  to  advance,  that  the  fire  from  the  woods  was  as 
vigorous  as  ever  ;  and  about  five  o'clock  they  fell  back 
out  of  range,  and  their  artillery  fire  ceased.  Almost 
immediately  thereafter  heavy  artillery  and  musketry 
firing  opened  in  the  woods  in  front  of  us,  and  appar 
ently  well  over  towards  the  Centreville  Road.  This 
combat  was  very  severe,  and  continued  until  dark.  The 
Union  troops  engaged  were  the  forces  of  Generals 
Hooker,  McDowell,  Reno,  Stevens  and  Kearney,  the 
two  latter  of  whom  were  killed.  In  the  midst  of  this 
fight  a  furious  thunderstorm  took  place,  and  earth  and 
heaven  seemed  engaged  in  a  fearful  Titanic  battle. 
Darkness  put  an  end  to  this  engagement — the  storm  in 
the  heavens  passed  away,  and  the  fierce  human  struggle 
in  the  dense  woods  ceased  ;  quiet  reigned  on  the  earth, 
and  the  stars  glimmered  in  the  blue  vault  above,  invok 
ing  peace  and  good  nmong  men. 

At  ten  o'clock  we  were  relieved  by  the  Ninetieth 
Pennsylvania  Volunteers,  Colonel  Lislie,  and  returned 
to  the  brigade,  whither  a  report  had  preceded  us  that 
the  regiment  was  nearly  annihilated,  the  commanding 
and  most  of  the  other  officers  killed.  Colonel  Gates 
aroused  General  Patrick's  Adjutant-General  from  a 
sound  sleep  to  report  his  return  and  to  inquire  for 
orders.  Rubbing  his  eyes  a  minute,  and  staring  at  his 
interlocutor  as  though  he  would  assure  himself  of  the 
identity  of  the  person,  he  finally  ejaculated:  "Why, 


1862.]  UPTON'S  HILL  AGAIN.  285 

Colonel,  is  it  really  you  ?  I  was  never  more  surprised  in 
my  life.  We  had  a  positive  report  of  your  death  four 
hours  ago,  and  we  had  all  given  you  up  as  lost.  I  am 
very  glad  to  see  you  alive."  "Well,  Captain,  the  re 
port  did  not  seem  to  have  made  you  very  unhappy,  for 
I  must  confess  you  were  the  soundest  asleep  man  I  have 
seen  in  three  months.  One  would  not  have  supposed 
you  had  the  slightest  concern  about  anything  or  any 
body  from  the  childlike  slumber  in  which  1  found  you 
five  minutes  ago."  ''Colonel,  the  fact  is  one  can't 
afford  to  make  himself  sleeplessly  miserable  over  the 
casualties  that  befall  his  friends  in  such  scenes  as  we 
are  passing  through.  Friends  and  acquaintances  are 
dropping  all  around  us,  and  we  have  come  to  regard  it 
as  the  natural  and  inevitable  fate  of  soldiers.  We  mur 
mur  a  regret,  and  in  the  hurry  and  excitement  of  the 
next  hour  almost  forget  that  they  ever  lived."  This 
was  not  very  consoling,  but  it  was  a  true  expression  of 
the  effect  produced  upon  the  emotional  part  of  ones' 
nature  by  participating  in  scenes  of  carnage  and  savage 
warfare. 

Lee's  turning  movement  proved  abortive,  and  his 
forces  were  driven  back  with  heavy  loss.  But  Pope 
considered  it  advisable,  for  the  reasons  mentioned  in 
the  foregoing  extract  from  his  letter  to  General  Halleck, 
that  the  army  should  be  drawn  back  to  the  entrench 
ments  in  front  of  Washington,  and  at  twelve  o'clock  of 
the  second  of  September  the  movement  began.  The 
Twentieth  left  Fairfax  Court  House  at  two  o'clock  P.M., 
and  bivouacked  at  ten,  a  few  miles  from  Upton's  Hill. 
The  next  morning  we  marched  into  our  old  camp,  on 
the  Hill,  and  settled  down  like  a  family  who  had  made 
a  long,  fatiguing  and  disastrous  journey,  and  had  once 
more  arrived  at  home,  with  numbers  so  greatly  dimin 
ished  that  they  found  their  old  quarters  too  large  for 
them,  and  two  hundred  and  three  names  on  the  roll 
against  which  was  written  "killed"  or  "wounded." 


CHAPTER    XXL 

A  DAY  AT  THE  FRONT — FAREWELL  TO  UPTON'S  HILL — AT  LEESBORO — A 
TERRIBLE  MARCH — UNEXPECTED  MARCH — DISAPPOINTED  HUSBANDS, 
FATHERS,  WIVES  AND  CHILDREN — LEE'S  STRATEGY — INVADES  MARYLAND 
— MARYLANDERS  DISAPPOINT  THE  CONFEDERATES— DECEIVED  BY  BAL 
TIMORE  SECESSIONISTS — A  RAGGED,  BARE-FOOTED  AND  UNWASHED  ARMY 
— CONFEDERATES  ENCAMP  AT  FREDERICK — UNION  FORCES  ON  THEIR 
LINE  OF  COMMUNICATIONS — LEE'S  ORDER  TO  DISPERSE  THEM — CHAR 
ACTERISTIC  AND  INSTRUCTIVE — CONSOLIDATION  OF  UNION  ARMIES — 
MCCLELLAN  IN  COMMAND — ORGANIZATION  OF  ARMY— ADVANCE  TO  THE 
MONOCACY — THE  SCENERY — CITY  OF  FREDERICK — "ROUND  ABOUT  THE 
ORCHARDS  SWEEP" — PLEASONTON  STRIKES  REBEL  REAR — FORWARD — 
SOUTH  MOUNTAIN — PLEASANT  VALLEY — TURNER'S  GAP — AN  ARTILLERY 
DUEL — THE  BATTLE  OF  SOUTH  MOUNTAIN — WHAT  IT  AND  OTHER  LIKE 
BATTLES  PROVE— WASTED  AMMUNITION— LOADING  WITHOUT  FIRING — 
WHAT  WAS  FOUND  ON  THE  GETTYSBURG  BATTLE-FIELD — HILL  AND 
LONGSTREET  IN  POSSESSION  OF  TURNER'S  GAP — FEDERALS  CARRY  THE 
MOUNTAIN  CRESTS — A  COLD  NIGHT — RELATIVE  STRENGTH  OF  CONTEND 
ING  FORCES — PRISONERS — KILLED  AND  WOUNDED — PRESIDENT'S  TELE 
GRAM — A  BRILLIANT  VICTORY. 

OUR  sojourn  in  the  old  quarters  was  restless  and 
brief.  On  the  day  following  our  return  to  them,  we 
were  ordered  to  the  front  to  repel  a  party  of  rebels  who 
had  appeared  at  Bassett's  Hill,  and  whose  artillery  had 
driven  in  our  cavalry  out-posts.  The  enemy  withdrew 
without  hazarding  a  brush  with-  our  infantry,  and  the 
u Twentieth"  remained  out  on  the  picket-line  during 
the  night  and  part  of  the  next  day. 

At  ten  o'clock  on  Saturday  night,  the  sixth  of  Sep 
tember,  we  received  orders  to  march  forthwith,  and  the 
regimentjwas  soon  in  line  awaiting  the  final  command  to 
move.  Not  receiving  it  for  half  an  hour,  arms  were  stack 
ed,  and  the  men  lay  down  beside  their  muskets,  while  the 
officers  sauntered  along  the  line,  wondering  how  long 
they  were  to  wait  and  where  they  were  to  go.  At  two 
o'clock  in  the  morning  the  order  came,  and  the  familiar 

286 


1862.]  AT   LEESBORO — A   TERRIBLE   MARCH.  287 

cry  "fall  in  !"  aroused  the  sleepers,  and  in  a  few  min 
utes  we  bade  a  final  farewell  to  Upton' s  Hill,  and,  fac 
ing  toward  the  eastern  horizon,  where  there  was  yet  no 
sign  of  the  morning  sun,  marched  over  the  road  we  first 
traversed  in  the  Old  Dominion,  as  far  as  Ball's  Cross 
Roads,  and  from  thence,  ma  Aqueduct  Bridge,  across 
the  Potomac  to  Georgetown,  down  Pennsylvania  Avenue 
through  Washington  to  Seventh  street,  and  filing  into 
that  street  as  the  sun  began  to  show  itself  in  the  east, 
we  soon  left  the  ' '  City  of  magnificent  distances ' '  behind 
us.  And  at  five  o'clock  that  afternoon,  about  fifty  offi 
cers  and  men  of  the  regiment  found  themselves  together 
at  Leesboro,  in  Maryland,  at  which  point  we  were 
ordered  to  halt  for  the  night. 

The  distance  marched  by  the  "Twentieth"  was 
only  sixteen  miles.  It  had  on  several  former  occasions, 
and  did,  often  afterwards,  make  nearly  twice  that  dis 
tance  in  the  same  number  of  hours,  and  every  man  an 
swered  to  his  name  at  roll-call  at  the  end  of  the  march. 
But  here  was  an  almost  total  disruption  of  a  regiment 
which  prided  itself  somewhat  upon  being  able  to  make 
long  marches  and  hold  together  to  the  end.  Probably 
no  other  troops  marched  an  equal  number  of  consecu 
tive  miles,  in  such  an  impenetrable  cloud  of  dust  as  en 
veloped  and  blinded  and  suffocated  the  First  and  Ninth 
Corps  of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac  on  that  memorable 
and  distressing  occasion.  Certainly  they  never  before 
or  afterwards  had  anything  like  so  terrible  an  experi 
ence.  There  had  been  no  rain  for  a  long  time  ;  the  road 
was  broad  and  the  surface  was  covered  with  a  fine  fiour- 
like  dust,  ankle  deep  ;  the  day  was  excessively  warm 
and  the  air  utterly  stagnant ;  for  miles  this  road  was 
crowded  with  marching  men,  with  horses,  army  wagons, 
gun  carriages,  caissons,  ambulances,  and  all  the  impedi 
menta  of  an  army,  which  completely  filled  it  from  side 
to  side.  For  a  time  officers  attempted  to  keep  their  re 
spective  commands  together,  but  it  finally  became  im- 


£88  THE   MARYLAND   CAMPAIGN.  [1862, 

possible  even  to  recognize  one's  own  comrades,  so  dense 
was  the  cloud  of  dust,  and  so  dust-covered  were  officers 
and  men.  So,  companies  and  regiments  became  disin 
tegrated,  and  the  fragments  struggled  on  as  best  they 
could,  and  found  their  regimental  and  company  head 
quarters  during  the  night,  but  it  made  a  terribly  severe 
day's  work  for  the  troops.  The  "Twentieth  "  had  men 
enough  present  at  the  finish  to  make  several  stacks  of 
arms,  and  its  silk  and  satin  colors  floated  near  the  out 
spread  blanket  whereon  was  Regimental  Headquarters. 
We  plumed  ourselves  upon  these  facts  when  we  learned 
from  several  other  regimental  commanders,  that  they 
halted  at  night  without  their  colors,  and  without  men 
enough  present  to  form  a  stack  of  arms. 

The  march  of  the  First  Corps  was  sudden,  and  to 
most  of  us  unexpected.  Where  Lee  was  or  what  doing, 
was  unknown  in  our  army  except  at  and  very  near  the 
head  of  it,  and  it  was  generally  supposed  that  we  would 
be  given  a  breathing  time  and  undergo  a  partial  reor 
ganization.  Relying  too  confidently  upon  these  expec 
tations,  many  officers  had  sent  for  their  families  to  come 
to  Washington,  hoping  to  have  a  brief  reunion  with 
loved  ones  from  home  before  another  campaign  began. 
Some  were  able  to  arrest  the  family  movement  by  letter 
or  telegram,  but  in  numerous  other  instances  wives  and 
children  were  hurrying  on  to  Washingtoi),  while  the 
husbands  and  fathers  were  launching  forth  on  the  Mary 
land  campaign.  The  latter  was  our  case,  and  wife  and 
child  arrived  in  Washington  the  day  after  the  regiment 
marched  through  the  city. 

The  successes  of  General  Lee  in  the  recent  operations 
against  the  Army  of  the  Potomac  on  the  peninsula,  and 
against  Pope's  army  at  Bull  Run,  had  induced  the  Con 
federate  commander  to  cross  the  Potomac  and  plant  his 
army  upon  the  soil  of  Maryland.  This  strategy  was 
expected  to  develop  the  disloyal  sentiment  of  that 
State  and  greatly  augment  the  rebel  army.  It  was  one 


1862.]  MARYLANDERS  DISAPPOINT  LEE.  289 

of  the  delusions  under  which  the  South  labored,  that 
the  State  was  ready  to  throw  itself  into  the  Confederate 
cause,  the  moment  it  saw  an  opportunity  to  deliver  itself 
from  the  dominion  of  the  Federal  Government.  The 
presence  of  a  large  and  victorious  Confederate  army, 
certainly  seemed  to  offer  such  an  opportunity,  but  to 
the  surprise  and  chagrin  of  General  Lee,  the  people  re 
ceived  him  with  great  coolness,  and  there  were  no  re 
cruits  for  the  invading  army.  General  Lee  issued  a 
proclamation  to  the  people,  assuring  them  the  time  had 
come  for  "the  recovery  of  their  liberties,"  but  it  was  of 
no  avail.  They  did  not  seem  to  appreciate  the  boon 
offered  them,  and  they  remained  quietly  at  home  or 
lied  from  the  routes  of  his  advancing  columns. 

General  Lee  seems  to  have  supposed  that  the  Federal 
Government  had  treated  the  people  of  Maryland  with 
tyrannical  severity,  and  that  they  were  ready  to  rise  in 
arms  ;  and  that  the  Federal  Government,  conscious 
of  its  misdeeds  towards  this  people,  and  having, 
therefore,  to  expect  a  revolt,  so  soon  as  they  should  be 
encouraged  thereunto  by  the  presence  of  the  Confeder 
ate  army,  would  feel  constrained  to  retain  the  Union 
forces  around  the  capital  to  protect  it  from  this  new  and 
formidable  danger.  At  all  events,  this  only  can  be  the 
meaning  of  General  Lee's  statement  rendered  to  his  gov 
ernment,  as  to  the  motives  underlying  this  invasion.  He 
says  :  ' '  The  condition  of  Maryland  encouraged  the  be 
lief  that  the  presence  of  our  army,  however  inferior  to 
that  of  the  enemy,  would  induce  the  Washington  Gov 
ernment  to  retain  all  its  available  force  to  provide 
against  contingencies  which  its  course  towards  the  peo 
ple  of  that  State  gave  it  reason  to  apprehend." 

The  refugees  from  Baltimore  had  sung  ' '  My  Mary 
land  "  in  the  streets  of  Richmond  for  months,  and  rep 
resented  to  Davis  and  Lee  that  all  that  the  people  of  that 
State  required  to  induce  them  to  join  the  Confederacy, 
was  the  presence  of  a  Confederate  army  within  their 

1  9 


THE  MAKYLAND  CAMPAIGN.  [1862. 

bounds.  Now  they  had  it  ;  and  behold,  they  seemed 
only  anxious  to  get  rid  of  it  at  the  earliest  moment  ! 
Perhaps  the  external  condition  of  the  Confederate  troops 
had  something  to  do  with  the  coolness  of  their  recep 
tion.  A  host  likes  to  see  his  guests  in  apparel  becoming 
the  individuals  and  honorable  to  the  entertainer ;  but 
here  was  a  swarm  of  ragged  and  bare-footed  veterans, 
whose  filth  and  repulsive  tatters  bespoke  the  poverty  of 
the  Quartermaster's  department,  and  the  total  absence 
of  the  habit  of  ablution.  General  Lee  says  in  his  Report 
of  the  Army  of  Northern  Virginia  (Vol.  I,  page  27) : 
"  Thousands  of  the  troops  were  destitute  of  shoes." 
General  Jones,  who  commanded  a  division,  says : 
"Never  had  the  army  been  so  dirty,  ragged,  and  ill  pro 
vided  for,  as  on  this  march."  (Ibid.,  Vol.  II,  page  221). 
It  was  this  army  of  tatter -de-malions  that  the  Union 
forces  had  to  come  out  to  meet,  regardless  of  the  dan 
ger  of  an  uprising  in  Maryland. 

Lee's  army  had  crossed  the  Potomac  between  the 
fourth  and  seventh  of  September,  by  the  fords  near 
Leesburg,  and  encamped  in  the  country  around  Fred 
erick.  Lying  in  rear  of  Lee's  army,  and  on  his  line  of 
communication,  by  way  of  Shenandoah  Valley,  with 
Richmond,  was  a  Union  force  of  about  nine  thousand 
men,  under  Colonel  D.  H.  Miles,  at  Harper's  Ferry  ; 
while  Martinsburg  and  Winchester  were  held  by  a  force 
of  twenty-five  hundred  Federals,  under  General  White. 
Lee  desired  unobstructed  raccess  to  the  Shenandoah 
Valley,  and  he  supposed  his  movement  on  Frederick 
would  induce  the  Federals  to  withdraw.  ("It  had  been 
supposed  that  the  advance  on  Frederick  would  lead  to 
the  evacuation  of  Martinsburg  and  Harper's  Ferry, 
thus  opening  the  line  of  communication  through  the 
valley."  Lee's  Report  Army  Northern  Virginia,  Vol. 
I,  p.  28).  Besides  the  fact  that  these  Union  forces  lay 
across  Lee's  most  desirable  line  of  communication  with 
his  base,  they  also  constituted  a  continuous  menace  to 


1862.]  LEE'S  ORDER— CHARACTERISTIC.  291 

his  rear  and  flank,  and,  in  case  of  a  reverse,  might  be 
come  a  very  dangerous  factor  in  the  situation  of  the 
Confederate  army. 

Lee,  therefore,  determined  to  disperse  or  capture 
these  forces  before  he  should  be  drawn  into  a  general 
battle  with  the  Army  of  the  Potomac.  The  Order  of 
General  Lee,  directing  the  movements  of  the  troops  de 
tached  for  these  purposes,  is  so  characteristic  of  the 
man,  and  such  a  revelation  of  the  government  and  sys 
tem  that  prevailed  in  this  ragged  army,  that  I  venture 
to  insert  it  in  full.  It  will  be  seen  that  the  route  of 
march  is  designated,  the  time  of  arrival,  the  work  to  be 
done,  and  the  return  to  the  army.  This  Order  fell  into 
the  hands  of  General  McClellan  on  the  thirteenth  of 
September,  and  while  it  was  in  process  of  execution. 

u  Special  Orders  No.  191.  ) 

"  HEADQUARTERS  ARMY  OF  NORTHERN  VIRGINIA,  > 

"  September  9th,  1862.      ) 

"  The  army  will  resume  its  march  to-morrow,  taking 
the  Hagerstown  road.  General  Jackson's  command  will 
form  the  advance,  and,  after  passing  Middletown,  with 
such  portion  as  he  may  select,  take  the  route  towards 
Sharpsburg,  cross  the  Potomac  at  the  most  convenient 
point,  and,  by  Friday  night  (the  twelfth,)  take  posses 
sion  of  the  Baltimore  and  Ohio  Railroad,  capture  such  of 
the  enemy  as  may  be  at  Marlinsburg,  and  intercept 
such  as  may  attempt  to  escape  from  Harper's  Ferry. 

"General  Longstreet's  command  will  pursue  the 
same  road  as  far  as  Boonsboro' ,  where  it  will  halt  with 
the  reserve  supply  and  baggage  trains  of  the  army. 

"General  M'Laws,  with  his  own  division  and  that  of 
General  R.  H.  Anderson,  will  follow  General  Long- 
street  ;  on  reaching  Middletown,  he  will  take  the  route 
to  Harpers  Ferry,  and,  by  Friday  morning,  possess 
himself  of  the  Maryland  Heights,  and  endeavor  to  cap 
ture  the  enemy  at  Harper's  Ferry  and  vicinity. 


292  THE  MARYLAND   CAMPAIGN.  [1862. 

"General  Walker  with  his  division,  after  accom 
plishing  the  object  in  which  he  is  now  engaged,  will 
cross  the  Potomac  at  Cheek's  Ford,  ascend  its  right 
bank  to  Lovettsville,  take  possession  of  London  Heights, 
if  practicable,  by  Friday  morning  ;  Keys'  Ford  on  his 
left,  and  the  road  between  the  end  of  the  mountain  and 
the  Potomac  on  his  right.  He  will,  as  far  as  practica 
ble,  co-operate  with  General  M'Laws  and  General  Jack 
son  in  intercepting  the  retreat  of  the  enemy. 

"General  D.  H.  Hill's  division  will  form  the  rear 
guard  of  the  army,  pursuing  the  road  taken  by  the  main 
body.  The  reserve  artillery,  ordnance  and  supply 
trains,  &c.,  will  precede  General  Hill. 

"General  Stuart  will  detach  a  squadron  of  cavalry  to 
accompany  the  commands  of  Generals  Longstreet,  Jack 
son  and  M'Laws,  and,  with  the  main  body  of  the  cav 
alry,  will  cover  the  route  of  the  army,  and  bring  up  all 
stragglers  that  may  have  been  left  behind. 

"  The  commands  of  Generals  Jackson,  M'Laws  and 
Walker,  after  accomplishing  the  objects  for  which  they 
have  been  detached,  will  join  the  main  body  of  the  army 
at  Boonsboro'  or  Hagerstown. 

' l  Each  regiment  on  the  march  will  habitually  carry 
its  axes  in  the  regimental  ordnance  wagons,  for  use  of 
the  men  at  their  encampments  to  procure  wood,  &c. 
"By  command  of  GENERAL  R.  E.  LEE. 

"R.  H.  CHILTON, 
"  Assistant- Adjutant-General" 

Pope's  army  and  Buruside's  corps  had  been  consol 
idated  with  the  Army  of  the  Potomac  immediately 
after  the  termination  of  Pope's  campaign,  and  General 
McClellan  had  been  assigned  to  the  command.  This 
army  now  numbered  eighty-seven  thousand  one  hun 
dred  and  sixty-four  men  of  all  arms,  exclusive  of  the 
corps  of  General  Porter,  which  remained  in  Washington 
until  the  twelfth.  McClellan' s  advance  was  made  over 


1862.]  ADVANCE  TO  THE  MONOCACY.  293 

five  nearly  parallel  roads,  which  enabled  him  to  cover 
both  Washington  and  Baltimore  from  any  movement 
down  the  east  side  of  the  Potomac.  The  army  had  been 
divided  into  wings  ;  the  right  consisted  of  the  First 
Corps,  under  General  Hooker,  and  on  his  right  the 
Ninth  Corps  under  General  Keno.  This  wing  was  com 
manded  by  General  Burnside.  The  centre  was  compos 
ed  of  the  Twelfth  Corps  under  General  Williams,  and 
the  Second  Corps,  Simmer's  ;  the  latter  commanding  the 
centre.  The  left  wing  consisted  of  the  Sixth  Corps  and 
Couch's  division  of  the  Fourth  Corps,and  Syke's  division 
of  the  Fifth  Corps.  General  Pleasonton  was  in  command 
of  the  cavalry,  and  covered  the  front  of  the  army.  Gen 
eral  King's  old  division  remained  in  the  First  Corps, 
but  was  now  commanded  by  General  Hatch,  while  Gen 
eral  Patrick  continued  to  command  his  brigade.  Our 
army  designation  was :  "First  Brigade,  First  Division, 
First  Army  Corps." 

From  the  night  of  the  sixth  of  September,  when 
we  reached  Leesboro,  up  to  the  morning  of  the  four 
teenth,  we  had  made  five  short  marches,  aggregating 
forty-six  miles,  and  for  thirty-six  hours  we  had  been  in 
bivouac  on  the  banks  of  the  Monocacy,  near  where  the 
turnpike  road  from  Frederick  to  Baltimore  crosses  the 
river.  The  pretty  city  of  Frederick  lay  before  us,  across 
the  river,  "  green-walled  by  the  hills  of  Maryland." 

The  scenery  from  our  bivouac  was  magnificent ;  the 
broad,  rich  plain  through  which  the  Monocacy  flows 
was  covered  with  troops  and  gorgeous  with  banners  and 
all  the  paraphernalia  of  a  mighty  army.  Beyond,  and 
at  the  foot  of  the  pine-covered  mountain,  Frederick  lay  ; 
yesterday  the  sport  of  a  rebel  army,  to-day,  out-peo 
pled  by  the  encompassing  Federal  troops. 


294  THE   MARYLAND    CAMPAIGN.  [1862. 

1 '  Round  about  them  orchards  sweep, 
Apple  and  peach-trees,  fruited  deep  ; 
Fair  as  a  garden  of  the  Lord, 
To  the  eyes  of  the  famished  rebel  horde. 

"  On  that  pleasant  day  of  the  early  Fall, 
When  Lee  marched  over  the  mountain  wall — 
Over  the  mountains  winding  down, 
Horse  and  foot  into  Frederick  town, 
Forty  flags!  with  their  silvery  stars; 
Forty  flags!  with  their  crimson  bars 
Flapped  in  the  morning  wind ;  the  sun 
Of  noon  looked  down  and  saw  not  one." 

Pleasonton'  s  troopers  struck  the  rebel  rear-guard,  as 
it  was  leaving  Frederick  on  the  afternoon  of  the  twelfth, 
and  skirmished  with  them  all  the  way  to  South  Moun 
tain.  We  could  distinctly  hear  the  artillery,  and, 
occasionally,  volleys  of  musketry.  On  Sunday  morn 
ing  the  fourteenth,  reveille  was  sounded  at  three 
o'clock,  and  at  early  daylight  we  resumed  our  march 
northward,  passing  through  Frederick  and  Mid- 
dletown,  and  reaching  Catoctin  Creek,  which  flows 
through  the  valley  east  of  South  Mountain  about  noon. 
The  residue  of  the  army  was  in  position,  then  or  soon 
after,  along  this  valley. 

South  Mountain  is  the  name  given  to  the  mountain 
range  on  the  north  side  of  the  Potomac,  while  the  cor 
responding  range  on  the  south  side  is  called  Blue  Ridge, 
the  river  having  severed  the  range,  in  its  way  to  the 
ocean. 

South  Mountain,  covering  the  front  of  the  army,  was 
about  a  thousand  feet  in  height,  and  its  general  direc 
tion  from  northeast  to  southwest.  The  national  road 
from  Frederick  to  Hagerstown  crosses  it  nearly  at  right 
angles  through  Turner's  Gap,  a  depression  which  is 
some  four  hundred  feet  in  depth.  On  the  north  side  of 
the  road,  the  mountain  is  divided  longitudinally  into 
two  crests  by  a  narrow  valley,  which,  although  deep  at 
the  pass,  becomes  a  slight  depression  a  mile  to  the  north. 
There  are  two  country  roads,  one  to  the  right  and  one 


1862.]  SOUTH  MOUNTAIN— TURNER'S  GAP.  295 

to  the  left  of  the  turnpike,  which  conduct  to  the  two 
crests  spoken  of.  The  road  on  the  right  of  the  turnpike 
is  called  the  u  Old  Hagerstown  Road,"  arid  passes  up  a 
ravine  about  a  mile  from  the  turnpike,  and  then  bend 
ing  to  the  left  over  and  along  the  first  crest,  enters  the 
turnpike  at  the  Mountain  House,  near  the  summit  of 
the  pass.  The  road  on  the  left  of  the  turnpike  is  called 
the  "  Old  Sharpsburg  Road,"  and  is  about  a  half  a  mile 
south  of  and  parallel  to  the  turnpike,  until  it  reaches 
the  crest  of  the  mountain,  when  it  bends  to  the  left. 
Five  miles  south  of  Turner's  Gap  is  Crampton's  Gap, 
with  a  road  leading  through  it  from  Burkittsville.  In 
Pleasant  Valley,  west  of  the  mountain  range,  are  situ 
ated  the  villages  of  Boonsborough,  RohersvilLe  and 
Brownsville.  Pleasant  Valley  is  bounded  westerly  by 
Maryland  Heights,  which,  starting  from  the  Potomac, 
run  northerly,  nearly  parallel  with  South  Mountain,  and 
terminate  at  Rohersville. 

The  right  wing  of  the  army  drew  up  in  front  of  Tur 
ner' s  Gap  at  noon,  on  the  fourteenth  of  September,  and 
found  the  enemy  in  possession  of  the  pass,  with  artil 
lery  planted  to  command  the  turnpike  and  the  plain  at 
the  foot  of  the  mountain.  Gibson's,  and  afterwards 
Benjamin's  batteries,  of  Reno's  corps,  were  placed  in 
position  on  a  high  point  of  ground  south  of  the  turn 
pike,  from  whence  they  had  a  direct  fire  on  the  enemy's 
guns  in  the  gap.  The  first  brigade  of  Cox's  division 
was  sent  up  the  "Old  Sharpsburg  Road,"  to  gain  the 
crest  on  that  side,  but  the  enemy  were  found  in  pos 
session  of  it  in  strong  force.  The  entire  division  of  Gen 
eral  Cox  was  then  ordered  to  assault  the  position.  At 
the  same  time,  the  Thirty-fifth  New  York  Volunteers 
and  the  "Twentieth,"  (Patrick's  brigade)  were  sent  up 
the  mountain  side,  on  the  right  of  the  turnpike,  to  as 
certain  if  the  enemy  occupied  the  ground,  and  to  check 
any  flank  movement  from  that  direction  against  Cox. 
After  a  severe  struggle  of  an  hour's  duration,  in  which 


296  THE   MARYLAND  CAMPAIGN.  [1862. 

the  losses  on  both  sides  were  large.  Cox's  division  car 
ried  the  crest,  and  in  spite  of  desperate  efforts  by  the 
enemy  to  prevent  it,  established  itself  in  this  strong 
position. 

The  Thirty-fifth  and  Twentieth  then  rejoined 
their  brigade,  which,  about  two  o'clock,  was  moved 
north,  along  the  foot  of  the  mountain  about  a  mile  and 
a  half  from  the  turnpike.  The  enemy  opened  a  battery 
from  the  mountain  side  upon  our  column,  and  Cooper's 
battery  "B,"  1st  Pennsylvania  artillery,  was  placed  in 
position,  and  for  a  while  replied,  but  as  its  fire  finally 
endangered  our  own  troops  as  they  advanced  up  the 
mountain,  it  was  discontinued.  The  right  wing  of  the 
army,  excepting  Gibbon's  brigade,  which  was  detached 
for  the  purpose  of  making  a  demonstration  against  the 
enemy's  centre  on  the  turnpike,  and  Ricketts'  division 
which  was  held  in  reserve,  now  advanced  up  the  moun 
tain  side,  in  line  of  battle,  with  a  strong  skirmish-line 
in  advance. 

The  general  order  of  battle  in  the  attempt  to  carry 
the  crest  on  the  left  of  the  Old  Hagerstown  Road,  was 
for  two  regiments  of  Patrick's  brigade  to  precede  the 
main  body,  deployed  as  skirmishers,  and  supported  by 
the  two  remaining  regiments  of  the  same  brigade  ;  these 
to  be  followed  by  Phelps'  brigade,  two  hundred  paces 
in  the  rear,  and  this  in  turn  to  be  followed  by  Double- 
day's  brigade,  with  the  same  interval.  General  Patrick 
deployed  the  21st  New  York,  under  Colonel  Rogers, 
as  skirmishers,  on  the  right,  and  the  35th  New  York, 
under  Colonel  Lord,  on  the  left,  supporting  the  former 
with  the  20th  N.  Y.  S.  M.,  under  Colonel  Gates,  and 
the  latter  with  the  23d  New  York,  Colonel  Hoffman. 
General  Patrick  rode  to  the  front  with  his  skirmishers, 
drew  the  fire  of  the  enemy,  and  developed  their  posi 
tion. 

The  enemy  opened  a  brisk  musketry  fire  as  the  Union 
lines  approached  the  summit  of  the  mountain,  but  most 


1862.]  THE    BATTLE   OF    SOUTH   MOUNTAIN.  297 

of  their  shot  went  over  the  heads  of  our  men,  doing  ex 
ecution  only  in  the  branches  of  the  trees,  among  which 
they  rattled  like  hail  stones.  The  enemy  was  found 
posted  behind  a  fence,  near  the  summit  of  the  moun 
tain,  running  nearly  north  and  south.  The  woods 
through  which  the  Union  troops  had  made  their  advance 
up  the  mountain  side  terminated  at  this  fence,  and  be 
yond  it  was  a  cornfield  full  of  rocky  ledges,  on  some  of 
the  higher  of  which  the  Confederates  had  planted  can 
non. 

The  Union  troops  pressed  on  until  within  fifty  paces 
of  the  fence,  when  the  fire  became  very  rapid  on  both 
sides,  but  the  Confederates  still  fired  too  high,  and  at 
least  80  per  cent,  of  their  shot  flew  harmlessly  over  the 
heads  of  the  Federals.  The  trunks  of  the  trees,  among 
which  they  were  standing,  received  a  large  proportion 
of  the  remaining  20  per  cent.,  and  the  result  was  that 
casualties  were  not  large  among  the  Union  troops.  On 
the  other  hand,  the  Federal  fire  was  very  fatal  to  the 
Confederates,  notwithstanding  the  fact  that  they  were 
protected  to  some  extent  by  a  fence.  The  relative  posi 
tions  of  the  contending  parties,  would  seem  to  give  the 
Confederates  a  great  advantage,  but  a  study  of  this  bat 
tle,  and  of  that  of  Lookout  Mountain,  Missionary 
Eidge,  and  other  instances  in  which  the  attacking  party 
ascended  a  steep  mountain  side,  seem  to  prove  that  the 
percentage  of  killed  and  wounded  is  much  greater  among 
the  troops  stationed  on  the  high  ground  than  among 
their  assailants.  The  fact  is,  that  unless  troops  have 
been  especially  drilled  in  firing  down  the  face  of  a  moun 
tain,  they  are  sure  to  fire  ninety  per  cent,  of  their  shots 
too  high.  Indeed,  this  is  the  fault  of  the  best  drilled 
troops,  as  well  as  of  tyros,  on  the  most  favorable  ground 
—they  fire  too  high. 

Some  singular  and  interesting  statistics  have  been 
gathered,  principally  in  Europe,  to  show  the  great  waste 
of  ammunition  that  takes  place  in  battle.  The  percent- 


298  THE  MARYLAND   CAMPAIGN  [1862. 

age  of  men  disabled  is  astonishingly  out  of  proportion 
to  the  number  of  cartridges  fired.  It  has  been  estimated 
that  from  3,000  to  10,000  balls  were  fired  in  European 
armies  to  place  one  man  Tiors  de  combat.  Improved 
fire-arms  have  somewhat  diminished  this  gross  dispro 
portion  between  ammunition  expended  and  results  pro 
duced.  But  the  best  breech-loader  or  needle-gun  ever 
made  will  hurt  nobody  if  it  be  fired  at  an  angle  of  45 
degrees  over  the  head  of  the  man  it  is  designed  to  hit. 
Another  curious  fact  in  regard  to  the  non-effectiveness 
of  arms,  but  from  a  very  different  cause,  is  that  men 
will  put  cartridge  after  cartridge  into  their  guns,  with 
out  firing  one  out  of  them.  This  is  the  result  of  inade 
quate  drilling,  nervousness  or  excitement.  Men  go  into 
battle  feeling  that  the  more  ammunition  they  consume 
the  greater  the  chances  of  victory,  and  they  load  and 
fire  with  the  utmost  rapidity — or  continue  to  load  with 
out  firing  at  all  ;  simply  going  through  the  motions  and 
supposing  they  have  fired,  but  never  having  cocked  their 
guns  or  capped  them.  Of  course,  one  shot  deliberately 
and  effectively  fired,  would  have  contributed  more 
toward  a  victory  than  all  this  noise  and  wasted  ammu 
nition. 

There  were  picked  up  on  the  battlefield  of  Gettys 
burg,  27,574  muskets,  Union  and  Confederate,  of  which 
24,000  were  loaded.  12,000  contained  two  loads  each, 
and  6,000  were  charged  with  from  three  to  ten  loads 
each.  One  musket  contained  23  loads,  each  charge 
properly  inserted.  Oftentimes  the  cartridges  were  put 
in  the  guns  without  being  first  broken,  and  sometimes 
they  were  inserted  wrong  end  first.  But  to  return  to 
South  Mountain : 

The  Confederate  divisions  of  D.  H.  Hill  and  Long- 
street  were  in  possession  of  the  position  which  the  First 
and  Ninth  corps  essayed  to  carry,  and  they  were  com 
posed  of  some  of  the  best  troops  of  Lee's  army.  Their 
position  was  an  exceedingly  strong  one,  and  they  fought 


1862.]  FEDERALS  CARRY  THE   MOUNTAIN   CRESTS.  299 

until  dark  with  great  resolution.  The  fence  along  the 
east  side  of  the  cornfield  had  afforded  the  rebels  an  ad 
mirable  cover,  and  they  held  on  to  it  until  nearly  dark, 
when  the  Federals  carried  it  by  a  gallant  charge,  cap 
turing  at  the  same  time  a  number  of  prisoners.  The 
ground  along  the  inside  of  the  fence  was  covered  with 
rebel  dead  and  wounded,  and  it  was  a  matter  of  surprise 
to  the  Federals  that  their  fire  should  have  been  so  de 
structive,  against  an  enemy  seemingly  so  well  protected. 
With  the  capture  of  the  fence,  the  fighting  practically 
ceased  on  this  part  of  the  field,  and  darkness  prevented 
a  further  advance  over  such  ground  as  lay  in  front  of 
us.  The  enemy  made  an  attempt  to  turn  our  left,  but 
was  repulsed,  and  the  troops  composed  themselves  for 
a  little  rest,  after  their  hard  day's  work — ready,  how 
ever,  for  battle,  if  the  enemy  should  attempt  to  recover 
the  position  during  the  night. 

While  these  events  were  transpiring  on  the  right, 
there  had,  by  no  means,  been  inactivity  or  cessation  of 
battle  at  the  centre.  General  Wilcox's  division  was 
ordered  to  move  up  the  Old  Sharpsburg  Road  and  take 
position  to  its  right,  overlooking  the  turnpike.  While 
proceeding  to  execute  this  order,  and  when  in  the  act  of 
deploying  to  the  right  of  the  road,  the  enemy  suddenly 
opened  upon  them  at  one  hundred  and  fifty  yards,  with 
a  battery  which  enfiladed  the  road  at  this  point,  and 
caused  a  temporary  panic,  in  which  a  Union  battery  was 
nearly  lost.  Order,  however,  was  soon  restored,  and 
the  division  formed  line  on  the  right  of  General  Cox, 
already  in  position.  The  troops,  however,  were  exposed 
to  the  fire  of  a  battery  in  front,  not  only,  but  also  to  the 
batteries  on  the  other  side  of  the  turnpike,  and  their 
loss  was  very  heavy.  The  divisions  of  Generals  Sturgis 
and  Rodman  were  ordered  to  the  support  of  Wilcox  and 
Cox,  and  this  entire  force  was  ordered  to  move  upon  the 
enemy's  position  as  soon  as  the  First  Corps  was  well 
advanced  up  the  mountain,  on  the  opposite  side  of  the 


300  THE  MARYLAND  CAMPAIGN.  [1862 

turnpike.  This  order  was  executed  with  enthusiasm 
and  success.  The  enemy  made  a  desperate  resistance, 
charging  our  lines  with  fierceness,  but  they  were  every 
where  routed,  leaving  the  field  covered  with  their  dead 
and  wounded.  Here  also,  a  last  effort  was  made  by  the 
enemy  to  recover  their  lost  ground,  and  about  seven 
o'clock  they  made  a  furious  assault  along  Sturgis'  and 
a  part  of  Cox's  front.  A  lively  fire  was  kept  up  until 
nearly  nine  o'clock,  the  enemy  making  several  charges, 
but  they  were  repulsed  with  great  slaughter  and  finally 
compelled  to  withdraw.  In  connection  with  these  move 
ments  on  the  right  and  left  of  the  turnpike,  General 
Gibbons'  brigade  had  advanced  up  the  turnpike  itself. 
With  one  of  his  regiments  deployed  as  skirmishers, 
stretching  out  on  each  side  of  the  turnpike,  and  followed 
by  the  other  regiments  of  the  brigade  in  double  column, 
they  advanced  steadily  under  a  heavy  fire.  The  enemy 
held  stubbornly  on  to  their  position,  but  Gibbons  con 
stantly  gained  ground,  until,  finally,  with  this  severe 
pressure  on  their  front  and  the  success  of  the  Federals 
on  their  right  and  left,  the  Confederate  centre  gave  way, 
and  at  nine  o'clock  on  the  evening  of  the  fourteenth  of 
September,  the  Federals  were  in  possession  of  Turner's 
Gap  and  of  the  crests  above  it,  dominating  the  turnpike. 
It  was  not  believed  the  enemy  would  invite  a  renewal  of 
the  conflict  on  this  ground. 

The  night  of  the  fourteenth  was  exceedingly  cold  on 
the  mountain  top,  and  the  officers  and  men  of  the 
"Twentieth"  suffered  severely  in  consequence.  Over 
coats  and  blankets  had  been  left  at  the  foot  of  the  moun 
tain  when  the  ascent  began,  and  they  could  not  now  be 
obtained  nor  could  fire  be  allowed  ;  so,  we  huddled  to 
gether  and  shivered  through  the  night.  As  was  ex 
pected,  daylight  showed  that  the  enemy  had  retreated, 
leaving  their  dead  and  many  of  their  wounded  upon  the 
field. 

The  divisions  of  Hill  and  Longs treet  numbered  about 


1862.]  A   BRILLIANT   VICTORY.  301 

thirty  thousand  men,  and  the  Federal  force  opposed  to 
them  did  not  much  exceed  that  number.  The  Federals 
captured  about  fifteen  hundred  prisoners,  and  the  Con 
federate  loss  in  killed  and  wounded  was  evidently  much 
greater  than  ours,  and  a  very  large  percentage  of  their 
killed  were  shot  in  the  head.  The  Union  loss  was  three 
hundred  and  twelve  killed,  twelve  hundred  and  thirty- 
four  wounded,  and  twenty-two  missing.  Among  the 
Union  killed  was  General  Reno,  and  among  the  Confed 
erates  General  Garland.  In  the  afternoon  of  the  fif 
teenth,  the  President  telegraphed  General  McClellan  as 
follows:  "Your  dispatch  of  to-day  received.  God 
bless  you,  and  all  with  you.  Destroy  the  rebel  army  if 
possible." 

The  victory  of  South  Mountain  was  one  of  the  most 
brilliant  achievements  of  the  Federals  during  the  war. 
It  involved  very  little  strategy,  but  that  little  was  bold 
and  was  carried  out  with  energy  and  courage.  The 
enemy  had  chosen  his  position,  and  it  was  an  excep 
tionally  strong  one.  The  army  before  him  he  had  re 
cently  beaten  on  the  Peninsula  and  at  Bull  Run,  under 
circumstances  apparently  much  less  favorable  to  him. 
But  the  position  itself  was  misleading,  as  has  already 
been  shown,  and  the  advantage  of  position,  therefore, 
was  only  apparent.  There  were  no  manoeuvres  on  the 
Union  side,  and  no  surprises  of  the  enemy.  It  was  a 
victory  won  by  square  open  fighting,  where  boldness, 
endurance  and  accuracy  of  fire  won  the  day. 


CH;APTER   XXIL 

TARDY  MOVEMENTS — LOCATION  OF  ARMY — MOCLELLAN'S  VIEWS  AS  TO  EN 
EMY — LEE'S  STRENGTH  AT  ANTIETAM — MCCLELLAN  CALLS  FOR  RE- 
ENFORCEMENTS — COLONEL  MILES— DISPATCH  FROM  PRESIDENT — 
MCCLELLAN'S  TRUE  POLICY — FRANKLIN — CRAMPTON'S  PASS — MCCLEL- 
LAN'S  ORDER — FRANKLIN  CARRIES  THE  PASS — KILLED  AND  WOUNDED 

— IN  PLEASANT  VALLEY — FRANKLIN'S  MARCH  TO  RELIEF  OF  MILES  AR 
RESTED  —  MILES  SURRENDERS— IS  KILLED  —  MCCLELLAN'S  TIME  TO 
STRIKE — "BEAT  HIM  IN  DETAIL" — TOO  CAUTIOUS — ORDER  TO  FRANKLIN 
— CONFEDERATE  DIVISIONS  REJOIN  LEE  IN  TIME  FOR  ANTIETAM. 

IT  will  have  been  observed  that  the  movement  of  the 
army  from  Washington  to  the  line  of  the  Monocacy, 
was  very  gradual — very  tardy.  Perhaps  the  responsi 
bility  for  this  was  about  equally  divided  between  Hal- 
leek  and  McClellan.  But  it  was  the  latter' s  business  to 
find  out  the  position  and  design  of  the  enemy,  and  to 
manoeuvre  his  army  accordingly.  The  means  taken  to 
this  end  seem  to  have  been  utterly  inadequate,  and, 
until  Lee's  order  for  the  march  on  Harper's  Ferry  fell 
into  General  McClellan' s  hands,  he  knew  very  little  of 
the  location  or  movements  of  the  Confederates.  Nine- 
tenths  of  the  population  of  the  western  part  of  Mary 
land  were  loyal — McClellan  had  the  Potomac  river  on 
his  left,  which  could  be  crossed  by  an  army  only  at  cer 
tain  well-known  points,  and  it  seems  as  though  it  ought 
to  have  been  possible  to  procure  speedy  and  accurate 
information  of  the  enemy's  passage  of  that  stream,  and 
the  direction  of  his  march  after  he  threw  his  army  into 
Maryland. 

As  stated  in  the  preceding  chapter,  Lee  crossed  the 
Potomac  between  the  fourth  and  seventh  of  September, 
and  drew  up  his  forces  around  Frederick.  The  several 
corps  of  the  Army  of  [the  Potomac  were  on  the  lat 
ter  day  lying  in  divisions  and  brigades  at  Leesburg, 
Rockville,  Tenaliytown,  Off  tit's  Cross  Roads,  Brook- 

302 


1862.]  MCCLELLAN'S  VIEWS  AS  TO  ENEMY.  303 

ville,  Middleburg,  Darnstown  and  at  the  Mouth  of  Sen 
eca — the  nearest  within  less  than  a  day  and  the  most  re 
mote  not  more  than  two  days'  march  from  Frederick. 
McClellan  "  supposed  it  would  be  necessary  to  force  the 
line  of  the  Monocacy,"  (Report  of  Army  cf  Potomac, 
p.  186,)  and  his  dilatory  movements  gave  the  enemy 
abundant  opportunity  to  compel  him  to  fight  his  way 
across  that  stream,  if  they  had  chosen  to  do  so.  The 
river  is  a  broad  and  deep  one,  and  its  passage  in  face  of 
such  an  army  as  Lee  commanded  would  have  been  diffi 
cult,  if  not  impossible. 

But  McClellan' s  plans  were  yet  unformed,  and  as 
late  as  eight  o'clock,  on  the  evening  of  the  eighth  of 
September,  twenty-four  hours  after  Lee  had  crossed, 
and  when  his  entire  army  was  advancing  on  Frederick, 
he  telegraphed  to  General  Halleck  :  "  I  am  by  no  means 
satisfied  yet  that  the  enemy  have  crossed  the  river  (Po 
tomac)  in  any  large  force."  The  positions  of  the  Fed 
eral  Army  remained  practically  unchanged  on  the 
tenth,  \vaiting  for  the  enemy  to  develop  himself  or  for 
General  McClellan  to  mature  a  plan  of  campaign,  and 
on  this  day  he  changed  his  views  as  to  the  locality  of  the 
enemy  and  telegraphed  to  the  President  as  follows : 
k'The  statements  I  get  regarding  the  enemy's  forces 
that  have  crossed  to  this  side  (Maryland),  range  from 
80,000  to  150,000."  This  put  a  very  different  aspect  on 
the  situation  of  affairs,  and  if  General  Lee  really  had 
anywhere  near  the  larger  number  of  men  given,  he  was 
numerically  much  stronger  than  McClellan;  and  if  he  had 
anywhere  near  the  lesser  number  his  losses  must  have 
been  extraordinary  and  unaccountable,  for  he  states 
that  he  fought  the  battle  of  Antietam  "with  less  than 
forty  thousand  men  on  our  side."  (Reports  of  Army  of 
Northern  Virginia,  page  35.) 

These  exaggerated  stories  of  the  strength  of  the  Con 
federates  drove  McClellan  to  his  cautious  and  dilatory 
policy,  and  he  began  to  call  for  re-enforcements.  On  the 


304  THE  MARYLAND   CAMPAIGN.  [1862. 

eleventh  he  telegraphed  General  Halleck  that  evidence 
from  various  sources  goes  to  prove  that  "almost  the  en 
tire  rebel  army  in  Virginia,  amounting  to  not  less  than 
120,000  men,  is  in  the  vicinity  of  Frederick." 

*  They  are  probably  aware  that  their  forces  are 
numerically  superior  to  ours,  by  at  least  twenty-five  per 
cent."  (Report  on  Conduct  of  the  War,  Part  1,  page 
479.)  General  McClellan  then  asks  that  one  or  two  of 
the  three  Army  Corps  opposite  Washington  be  sent  to 
him,  and  that  Colonel  Miles,  commanding  the  garrison  at 
Harper's  Ferry  also  be  directed  to  join  him.  At  three 
o'clock  and  forty-five  minutes,  the  same  afternoon,  he 
telegraphed  to  have  the  ' '  Corps  of  Porter,  Heintzleman 
and  Sigel,  and  all  the  other  old  troops"  sent  to  him. 
As  to  Colonel  Miles,  General  Halleck  replied  :  "  There 
is  no  way  for  Colonel  Miles  to  join  you  at  present.  The 
only  chance  is  to  defend  his  works  until  yon  can  open  a 
communication  with  him.  When  you  do  so  he  will  be 
subject  to  your  orders."  Lee's  army  of  150,000  men, 
more  or  less,  was  between  McClellan  and  Miles'  9,000 
men,  and  if  the  former  could  not  reach  Miles,  the  latter 
could  hardly  have  been  expected  to  be  able  to  reach 
McClellan. 

To  the  residue  of  the  dispatch  the  President  re 
sponded  the  same  day,  and  among  other  things  said : 
1 '  If  Porter,  Heintzleman  and  Sigel  were  sent  to  you  it 
would  strip  everything  from  the  other  side  of  the  river, 
because  the  new  troops  have  been  distributed  among 
them  ;  as  I  understand  it.  Porter  reports  himself  21,000 
strong.  *  *  He  is  ordered  to-night  to  join  you  as 
quickly  as  possible.  I  am  for  sending  you  all  that  can 
by  spared,  and  I  hope  others  can  follow  Porter  very 
soon."  On  the  12th  Halleck  telegraphed  McClellan  : 
"Is  it  not  possible  to  open  communication  with  Har 
per's  Ferry  so  that  Colonel  Miles'  forces  can  co-operate 
with  yours?" 

McClellan  forbore  to  employ  the  tactics  that  a  bold 


1862.]  MCCLELLAN'S  TRUE  POLICY.  3Q5 

and  confident  commander  would  have  resorted  to,  under 
the  circumstances  in  which  he  found  himself  placed. 
Such  a  commander  would  have  pushed  forward  his  left 
and  interposed  between  Lee  and  his  line  of  communica 
tion  with  his  base,  and  his  line  of  retreat  in  case  of  dis 
aster.  This  would  have  been  the  initial  object  of  the 
campaign  for  the  reasons  given,  and  it  would  have  been 
the  proper  policy,  also,  in  view  of  the  position  of  Miles 
and  White,  whose  forces  should  have  been  saved. 

From  the  time  McClellan  possessed  himself  of  Lee's 
Order  he  knew  what  his  adversary's  immediate  tactics 
were,  and  he  should  have  manoeuvred  to  support  the 
garrison  at  Harper's  Ferry,  not  only,  but  to  destroy  the 
forces  detached  to  operate  against  it — or  he  should  have 
moved  rapidly  against  Lee,  himself,  and  overwhelmed 
him  before  the  large  force  moving  against  Miles  could 
succor  him .  Something  more  than  energy  was  demanded 
of  the  Federal  commander,  by  the  circumstances  of  the 
case.  There  was  needed  boldness,  dash,  impetuousity 
— a  rapid  concentration  of  his  forces  on  his  left  and  a 
resistless  assault  of  the  passes  of  the  mountain  at 
Crampton's  and  at  the  Potomac  itself.  Crampton's 
Pass  is  but  six  miles  south  of  Turner's,  and  debouches 
into  Pleasant  Valley,  five  miles  from  Maryland  Heights, 
opposite  Harper's  Ferry.  In  the  pre-arranged  order  of 
march,  the  left  wing  of  the  Federal  Army,  under  Frank 
lin,  was  to  cross  South  Mountain  at  Crampton's.  On 
the  evening  of  the  thirteenth,  McClellan  communicated 
to  Franklin  the  substance  of  Lee's  Order,  and  urged  him 
to  ' '  seize  the  pass  if  not  occupied  by  the  enemy  in 
force."  If  so  occupied  he  was  directed  to  make  his  pre 
parations  for  attack  and  commence  it  a  half  an  hour 
after  he  hears  severe  firing  at  Turner's. 

The  rebel  General  McLaws,  who  commanded  one  o-f 
the  divisions  detached  against  Miles,  learning  of  the  ap 
proach  of  the  Union  forces  to  Crampton's,  and  at  once 
appreciating  the  danger  of  allowing  this  force  to  get  in 

20 


306  THE   MARYLAND   CAMPAIGN.  [1862. 

his  rear,  sent  back  General  Cobb,  with  three  brigades, 
with  orders  to  hold  Crampton's  Pass  until  the  work  at 
Harper's  Ferry  should  be  completed,  "even  if  he  lost 
his  last  man  in  doing  it."  (Reports  of  Army  of  North- 
•ern  Virginia,  Yol,  II.,  Page  165.) 

As  late  as  two  o'clock  on  the  afternoon  of  the  four 
teenth,  Franklin  was  held  in  check  at  Burkettsville,  a 
hamlet  at  the  foot  of  the  mountain.  At  that  hour  Mc- 
Clellan  telegraphed  him  :  "Mass  your  troops  and  carry 
Burkettsville  at  any  cost."  Franklin  attacked,  and 
after  a  fight  of  three  hours'  duration,  drove  the  enemy 
out  of  Burkettsville,  and  following  closely  up  the  moun 
tain,  dislodged  them  from  one  point  after  another,  until 
•he  gained  the  crest  of  the  mountain,  and  the  Confeder 
ates  fled  down  the  other  side.  On  the  evening  of  that 
-day,  Franklin' s  advance  was  in  Pleasant  Valley.  Frank 
lin' s  loss  was  one  hundred  and  fifteen  killed  and  four 
hundred  and  sixteen  wounded.  He  captured  four  hun 
dred  prisoners,  seven  hundred  stand  of  arms,  one  piece 
•of  artillery  and  three  colors.  The  enemy's  loss  in  killed 
and  wounded  was  about  equal  to  Franklin's. 

At  8:50  on  the  morning  of  the  fifteenth,  Franklin 
telegraphed  McClellan  from  Pleasant  Valley  :  ' '  The 
enemy  is  drawn  up  in  line  of  battle  about  two  miles  to 
•our  front,  one  brigade  in  sight."  Two  hours  later,  he 
-telegraphs  again  from  the  same  place,  that  the  enemy 
MI  front  outnumber  him  two  to  one  ;  "it  will,  of  course, 
mot  answer  to  pursue  (?)  the  enemy  under  these  circum 
stances."  But  the  crisis,  so  far  as  Miles  was  concerned, 
had  passed.  He  surrendered  into  the  hands  of  the 
enemy  at  eight  o'clock  that  morning,  11,583  men,  73 
pieces  of  artillery,  13,000  small  arms  and  large  quanti 
ties  of  ammunition  and  other  stores.  Colonel  Miles 
himself  was  killed  by  a  rebel  shot,  after  the  white  flag 
had  been  run  up. 

It  was  not  too  late  for  McClellan  to  revenge  this  un 
fortunate  result  of  timid  generalship.  Lee's  army  was 


1862.]  LEE'S  ARMY  RE- UNITED.  307 

divided,  and  lie  lay  between  the  widely  separated  forces 
with  nearly  his  entire  army.  On  losing  Turner's  Gap, 
on  the  night  of  the  fourteenth,  Lee  had  withdrawn  the 
shattered  troops  of  Hill  and  Longstreet,  across  Pleasant 
Valley,  over  the  next  dividing  ridge,  and  halted  in  the 
valley  of  the  Antietam.  McClellan  moved  into  Pleasant 
Valley  on  the  morning  of  the  fifteenth,  seven  miles 
north  of  the  position  occupied  by  Franklin,  and  with 
an  aggregate  of  not  less  than  eighty-five  thousand  men, 
exultant  over  their  recent  victories,  in  the  mountain 
passes.  The  army  would  have  cordially  seconded  any 
bold  and  dashing  tactics  of  its  leader,  but  he  was  ham 
pered  by  his  cautious  policy  and  his  apprehensions  of 
Lee's  "  overwhelming  numbers."  He  had  telegraphed 
to  Franklin  on  the  thirteenth,  "  My  general  idea  is  to 
cut  the  enemy  in  two  and  beat  him  in  detail."  But 
when  the  enemy  himself  had  presented  the  first  condi 
tion  to  him  voluntarily,  he  would  not  avail  himself  of 
the  opportunity. 

So  General  Franklin  was  ordered  to  remain  where  he 
was,  "  to  watch  the  large  force  in  front  of  him,  and 
protect  our  left  and  rear  until  the  night  of  the  sixteenth, 
(thirty-six  hours,)  when  he  was  ordered  to  join  the  main 
body  of  the  army  at  Keedysville.  It  came  to  pass,  of 
course,  that  while  Franklin  waited,  the  rebel  troops 
(McLaws'  division)  he  was  set  to  "watch"  skillfully  with 
drew,  being  really  greatly  inferior  to  Franklin  in  num 
bers,  and,  anxious  to  avoid  a  battle,  repassed  the  Po 
tomac  at  Harper's  Ferry,  and  by  a  wide  detour  struck 
the  river  again  at  Shepardstown,  crossed  to  the  Mary 
land  side  once  more,  and  rejoined  Lee  at  Sharpsburg,  in 
time  to  participate  in  the  battle  of  Antietam.  So,  also, 
with  regard  to  the  entire  force  which  Lee  sent  on  this 
perilous  expedition — every  regiment  was  back  and  in 
line  of  battle  on  the  seventeenth  of  September. 


CHAPTER    XXIII. 

IN  PURSUIT— WHAT  MCCLELLAN  KNEW — PLEASONTON  STRIKES  THE  REAR 
GUARD— RICHARDSON  AND  SYKES  FORM  LINE  OF  BATTLE— MCCLELLAN 
HOPED  TO  FIGHT  ON  THE  FIFTEENTH — THE  ADVANTAGE  HE  WOULD 
HAVE  HAD — ADVANCE  OF  PATRICK'S  BRIGADE — ANTIETAM  AND  ITS 
BRIDGES— SHARPSBURG  AND  ITS  SURROUNDINGS — POSITION  OF  REBEL 
ARMY — LEE'B  PROBABLE  DESIGNS — STRAGGLING — APPEARANCE  OF 
SUCCESS — OBLIGED  TO  FIGHT  TO  WITHDRAW — CIRCUMSCRIBED  POSITION 
— FIRST  CORPS  ACROSS  THE  ANTIETAM — SHOT  AND  SHELL — POSITION  OF 
UNION  TROOPS — MCCLELLAN'S  PLAN — FAULTY — HOOKER'S  ATTACK  ON 
SEVENTEENTH — A  STRANGE  OVERSIGHT — THE  TWENTIETH  IN  SUPPORT 
OF  CAMPBELL'S  BATTERY — MAJOR  HARDENBURGH  IN  COMMAND  OF 
LEFT  WING — CAPTURES  REBEL  COLORS  AND  RECOVERS  A  UNION  FLAG — 
ENEMY  TRY  TO  TAKE  BATTERY — REPULSED  WITH  GREAT  SLAUGHTER — 
LOSS  OF  THE  "TWENTIETH"— REBEL  LOSSES — THE  BATTLE  AT  OTHER 
POINTS — MANSFIELD  KILLED — HOOKER  WOUNDED — SUMNER  ASSUMES 
COMMAND — WHAT  HE  SAID — SEDGWICK's  GAIN  AND  LOSS — THE  "SUNK 
EN  ROAD" — BURNSIDE'S  ASSAULT  AND  SUCCESS — REBELS  RE-ENFORCED — 

BURNSIDE   DRIVEN  BACK — THE   BATTLE   ENDED — SOME   COMMENTS. 

THE  fifteenth  of  September  was  a  clear,  cool  and 
breezy  day.  Patrick's  brigade  moved  down  from  the 
mountain  top  to  the  turnpike,  and  halting  by  the  road 
side,  prepared  and  ate  its  frugal  breakfast.  The  enemy 
had  disappeared  from  our  front,  and  McClellan  had  be 
gun  the  pursuit  at  an  early  hour.  He  telegraphed  to 
Halleck  at  eight  A.M.,  "I  have  just  learned  from  Gen 
eral  Hooker  in  the  advance — who  states  that  the  inform 
ation  is  perfectly  reliable — that  the  enemy  is  making  for 
the  river  in  a  perfect  panic  ;  and  General  Lee  stated  last 
night  publicly  that  he  must  admit  they  had  been 
shockingly  whipped.  I  am  hurrying  everything  for 
ward  to  endeavor  to  press  their  retreat  to  the  utmost." 
General  McClellan  knew  that  only  D.  H.-  Hill  and 
Longstreet  had  been  in  front  of  his  right  wing,  and  that 
they  were  now  retiring  towards  the  Potomac,  in  the 

308 


1862.]  PLEASONTON   STRIKES  REAR  GUARD.  309 

direction  of  Sharpsburg.  He  knew  equally  well  that  the 
strong  divisions  of  McLaws,  Anderson,  Walker,  A.  P. 
Hill  and  Stonewall  Jackson  were  at  Harper's  Ferry  or 
its  vicinity  ;  a  full  day's  march  away.  Now  seemed  the 
auspicious  opportunity  to  crush  the  divisions  of  D.  H. 
Hill  and  Longstreet,  before  the  absent  divisions  could 
come  up.  And  to  secure  this  result  expedition  was  nec 
essary,  and  such  positioning  of  the  Federal  army  as 
would  compel  Lee  to  fight  at  once,  or  force  him  to  sepa 
rate  himself  farther  and  farther  from  his  detached  di 
visions. 

Pleasonton's  cavalry  led  the  advance  and  overtook 
the  enemy's  rear  guard  at  Boonsborough,  where  a  brisk 
skirmish  occurred,  resulting  in  the  defeat  of  the  rebels 
with  a  loss  of  a  number  killed  and  wounded,  and  two 
hundred  and  fifty  prisoners  and  two  guns.  Richardson' s 
division  of  Sumner's  corps  followed  Pleasonton,  and 
after  a  march  of  about  ten  miles,  descried  the  enemy  in 
possession  of  the  hill  on  the  west  side  of  Antietam  Creek, 
and  in  front  of  the  little  village  of  Sharpsburg.  Rich 
ardson  deployed  on  the  right  of  the  road  from  Keedys- 
ville  to  Sharpsburg,  and  on  the  east  side  of  the  creek. 
Sykes,  with  his  division  of  regulars,  arrived  soon  after, 
and  deployed  on  the  left  of  the  road.  The  afternoon 
was  now  well  spent. 

To  have  moved  the  right  wing  of  McClellan's  army 
from  Turner' s  Gap  to  the  Antietam  in  time  to  have  at 
tacked  Lee  in  the  afternoon  of  the  fifteenth,  does  not 
seem  an  impossible  exploit,  and  when  such  great  advan 
tages  were  offered  to  the  Union  commander  by  making 
battle  before  the  Rebel  detachments  could  join  their 
ohief,  the  utmost  celerity  was  demanded.  Franklin  had 
telegraphed  McClellan  that  firing  ceased  at  Harper's 
Ferry  at  eight  o'clock  that  morning,  and  the  deductions 
were  either  that  Miles  had  surrendered  or  that  Lee  had 
recalled  his  troops.  In  either  event  they  would  be  on 
their  return,  and  would  increase  the  strength  of  the 


310  THE  MAEYLAND  CAMPAIGN.  [1862. 

Rebel  army  a  hundred  per  cent,    within  twenty-four 
hours. 

In  his  report  of  the  battle,  McClellan  says  :  "It  had 
been  hoped  to  engage  the  enemy  during  the  fifteenth  ;' ' 
but,  "  after  a  rapid  examination  of  the  position,  I  found 
it  was  too  late  to  attack  that  day,  and  at  once  directed 
the  placing  of  the  batteries  in  position  in  the  centre, 
and  indicated  the  bivouacs  for  the  different  corps,  mass 
ing  them  near  and  on  both  sides  of  the  Sharpsburg  turn 
pike.  The  corps  were  not  all  in  their  positions  until 
next  morning  after  sunrise." 

Patrick' s  brigade  marched  through  Boonsborough  on 
the  fifteenth,  and  bivouacked,  supperless,  about  three 
miles  beyond.  Marching  next  morning  at  six  o'clock, 
we  reached  the  circle  of  hills  on  the  east  side  of  the  Aa- 
tietam,  a  little  after  seven.  The  position  taken  by 
Patrick' s  brigade  proved  to  be  in  range  of  the  enemy' s 
batteries,  and  the  brigade  was  withdrawn  to  a  ridge 
which  protected  it  from  the  guns. 

At  any  time  before  twelve  o'clock  on  the  sixteenth, 
McClellan  could  have  hurled  60,000  troops  against  less 
than  half  their  number.  Jackson  had  rejoined  Lee  that 
morning  after  an  exhausting  march,  but  he  had  left 
A.  P.  Hill  to  receive  the  surrender  of  Harper' s  Ferry,  and 
McLaws,  with  his  own  and  Anderson's  division,  was 
still  in  front  of  Franklin,  in  Pleasant  Valley,  and  did 
not  reach  Lee  until  the  morning  of  the  seventeenth. 
Walker  arrived  about  noon  of  the  sixteenth  ;  so  it  will 
be  seen  that  Lee  was  allowed  time  to  gather  together 
the  scattered  divisions  of  his  army  (excepting  only 
A.  P.  Hill,)  before  McClellan  delivered  battle. 

The  position  of  Patrick's  brigade  was  changed  a 
number  of  times  during  the  day,  and  about  three  o'clock 
in  the  afternoon,  it  was  moved  to  the  right  of  the  Union 
line,  and,  fording  the  creek,  advanced  up  the  slope  on 
the  west  side,  through  the  fields  for  the  distance  of  a 
mile  under  a  heavy  fire  of  shell  and  solid  shot,  to  a  piece 


1862.]  ANTIETAM  AND  ITS  BRIDGES— SHARPSBURG.  3H 

of  woods  on  the  Williamsport  road,  where  it  formed 
line  of  battle,  and  where  it  lay  on  its  arms  during  the 
night. 

There  are  four  stone  bridges  that  span  Antietam 
Creek  in  the  vicinity  of  the  battle-field — the  most  north 
erly  one  on  the  Keedysville  and  Williamsport  road  ; 
the  next  on  the  Keedysville  and  Sharpsburg  Turnpike  ; 
the  third  about  a  mile  below  the  second,  on  the  Rohrers- 
ville  and  Sharpsburg  road,  and  the  fourth  near  the 
mouth  of  the  creek  on  the  road  leading  from  Harpers 
Ferry  to  Sharpsburg,  some  three  miles  below  the  third 
bridge.  The  stream  is  sluggish,  with  few  and  difficult 
fords. 

Sharpsburg  occupies  a  high  point  of  ground  about  a 
mile  east  of  the  Potomac,  and  a  little  less  than  a  mile 
west  of  Antietam  Creek.  The  Potomac  is  very  serpen 
tine  in  the  vicinity  of  Sharpsburg,  and  immediately  op 
posite  that  place  makes  a  sharp  bend  to  the  east.  Two 
miles  north  of  Sharpsburg,  and  at  an  equal  distance 
south  of  it,  the  river  again  diverges  from  its  generally 
southerly  course  and  runs  nearly  east,  a  distance  of  a 
mile  and  a  half.  It  then  turns  abruptly  to  the  west- 
ward,,  flows  back  to  the  line  of  its  general  direction,  and 
pursues  its  course  southerly.  A  cord  drawn  from 
the  easterly  point  of  the  bend  above  Sharpsburg  to  the 
bank  of  the  river  at  the  bend  below,  would  intersect  the 
village,  and  would  be  about  five  miles  long.  The  An 
tietam  flows  into  the  Potomac  three  miles  south  of 
Sharpsburg,  and  is  not  fordable  below  bridge  number 
four.  The  Baltimore  &  Ohio  Canal  is  constructed  along 
the  east  bank  of  the  Potomac,  rendering  access  to  the 
river  difficult,  except  in  the  few  localities  where  the 
canal  is  bridged.  The  ground  rises  by  a  steep  ascent 
from  the  Potomac,  about  seventy-five  feet,  and  thence 
easterly,  the  surface  is  broken  into  ridges  running 
parallel  with  the  river,  until  the  high  ground  breaks 
away  into  the  valley  of  the  Antietam. 


312  THE   MARYLAND   CAMPAIGN.  [1862' 

It  was  in  this  cul-de-sac  and  behind  these  ridges, 
stretching  through  Sharpsburg  and  a  mile  below  and 
two  miles  above  it,  that  Lee  had  posted  his  army,  to 
meet  the  onset  of  his  old  adversary.  Longstreet's  corps 
on  the  right,  crossing  the  Boonsborough  and  Rohrers- 
ville  roads,  and  extending  across  the  front  of  Sharps- 
burg.  On  his  left  were  the  corps  of  D.  H.  Hill,  Hood 
and  Jackson,  in  the  order  named,  and  terminating 
the  line  in  a  woods  on  the  road  from  Sharpsburg 
to  Hagerstown,  with  one  brigade  across  this  road. 
The  left  of  the  line  curved  to  the  rear  and  towards  the 
Potomac  ;  and  here  was  posted  Stuart's  cavalry.  Near 
ly  opposite  the  Confederate  centre  was  a  ford  somewhat 
difficult  of  access,  by  reason  of  the  precipitous  descent 
of  the  river  bank,  but  quite  practicable  for  all  arms, 
when  reached. 

It  will  be  seen  at  a  glance,  that  this  was  a  strong  po 
sition,  and  Lee  evidently  expected  to  be  able  to  hold  it 
until  he  should  choose  to  retire.  That  he  contemplated 
anything  beyond  this,  except  in  the  event  of  some  oc 
currence  not  within  the  scope  of  probable  chances,  is 
manifest  from  all  the  circumstances. 

Whatever  may  have  been  the  original  design  of  the 
Confederate  commander  in  entering  Maryland,  he  evi 
dently  had  no  intention  of  taking  the  aggressive  against 
the  Army  of  the  Potomac.  He  had  been  grievously 
disappointed  in  finding  an  utter  lack  of  sympathy  with 
the  secession  cause  in  Maryland.  He  had  supposed 
that  thousands  would  eagerly  flock  to  his  standard,  and 
that  the  Federal  Capital  would  be  suddenly  encom 
passed  by  swarms  of  armed  and  revengeful  enemies, 
whose  threatening  attitude  would  demand  all  the  re 
sources  of  the  Government.  But  when  it  was  discovered 
that  these  expectations  were  utterly  groundless,  and 
Lee  found  the  Army  of  the  Potomac  launched  against 
him,  largely  augmented  in  numbers,  while  his  own 
army  was  dwindling  away  by  straggling,  a  safe  and 


1862.]  STRAGGLING — APPEARANCE  OP   SUCCESS.  313 

honorable  withdrawal  was  the  utmost  the  Confederate 
chieftain  hoped  for. 

[That  the  Confederate  soldiers  took  adrantage  of  their  presence  in  a  loyal  State  to 
escape  from  the  Confederate  army,  is  shown  by  official  records.  It  is  probable  Lee's 
army  lost  more  men  by  straggling  than  by  battle.  In  Lee's  Report,  page  35,  he  says: 
*'The  arduous  service  in  which  our  troops  had  been  engaged,  their  great  privations  of 
rest  and  food,  and  the  long  marches  without  shoes  over  mountain  roads,  had  greatly 
reduced  our  ranks  before  the  action  began.  These  causes  had  compelled  thousands 
of  brave  men  to  absent  themselves,  and  many  more  had  done  so  from  unworthy  mo 
tives.  This  great  battle  was  fought  by  less  than  forty  thousand  men  on  our  side."  Of 
the  same  condition  of  things  General  Hill  says:  "Had  all  our  stragglers  been  up, 
McClellan's  army  would  have  been  completely  crushed  or  annihilated.  Thousands  of 
thieving  poltroons  had  kept  away  from  sheer  cowardice.  The  straggler  is  generally  a 
thief  and  always  a  coward,  lost  to  all  sense  of  shame ;  he  can  only  be  kept  in  the  ranks 
by  a  strict  and  sanguinary  discipline."— Reports  of  Maryland  Campaign,  Vol.  II, 
page  119.] 

The  garrison  at  Harper's  Ferry,  with  its  rich  spoils, 
afforded  Lee  the  opportunity  of  giving  his  venture  the 
appearance  of  success,  and  to  grace  his  return  to  Vir 
ginia  with  a  prisoner-list  a  quarter  as  large  as  his  entire 
army  ;  with  a  long  train  of  captured  cannon,  and  with 
a  hundred  wagon  loads  of  small  arms,  and  other  war 
materiel.  Lee  had  not  even  intended  to  dispute  the 
passage  of  South  Mountain,  but  had  ordered  the  Har 
per's  Perry  detachments  to  meet  him  at  Boonsboro'  or 
Hagerstown.  And,  doubtless,  those  detachments  would 
have  been  able  to  rejoin  their  chief,  leisurely,  at  either 
of  those  places,  except  for  the  chance  which  placed  a 
copy  of  Lee's  Order  in  McClellan's  hands.  Then  the 
latter  displayed  so  much  unexpected  energy  that  Lee 
was  obliged  to  make  the  fight  at  South  Mountain  to 
give  time  for  the  reduction  of  Harper's  Ferry.  To  make 
this  fight  he  had  to  countermarch  Hill's  division  from 
Boonsboro'  and  Longstreet's  from  Hagerstown.  Mc- 
Laws  held  Franklin  in  check  at  Crampton's  Pass,  where 
Lee  had  made  no  provision  for  defending  it,  by  throw 
ing  a  brigade  from  his  division  into  it,  on  his  way  to  the 
Ferry.  Six  hours  earlier  or  twenty-four  hours  later, 
McClellan  would  have  found  both  passes  unoccupied. 
But  as  Lee  had  to  fight  to  give  time  to  the  expedition 


314  THE  MARYLAND  CAMPAIGN.  [1862, 

moving  against  Miles,  so  now  he  had  to  fight  again,  to 
enable  him  to  withdraw  his  army  across  the  Potomac. 

We  have  said  that  Lee's  position  was  a  strong  one, 
but  we  must  add  that  it  was  a  dangerous  one  for  an 
army  not  entirely  sure  of  being  able  to  hold  it.  It 
could  move  by  neither  flank.  Its  right  was  obstructed 
by  Antietam  river  and  its  left  by  the  Potomac.  While 
the  streams  covered  and  protected  its  flanks  they  also 
limited  its  capacity  for  manoeuvring.  Its  movements 
were  restricted  to  its  front  and  rear,  and  parallel  to  its 
line  of  battle,  within  these  narrow  confines.  To  ad 
vance,  the  Confederates  must  march  through  or  over 
the  Army  of  the  Potomac  ;  to  retire,  they  must  mass 
on  their  centre,  and  depend  upon  a  solitary  narrow 
ford,  at  the  foot  of  a  steep  hill,  where  an  overturned 
army  wagon  or  a  disabled  gun  carriage,  might  at  any 
moment  interrupt  the  march. 

On  the  afternoon  of  the  16th,  General  McClellan  be 
gan  to  arrange  his  line  of  battle,  and  Hooker  was  or 
dered  to  cross  the  Antietam  at  bridge  number  one  and 
at  a  contiguous  ford,  and  to  attack,  and,  if  possible, 
turn  the  enemy's  left.  Hooker's  division  commanders 
now  were  Doubleday,  First  Division  (the  Twen 
tieth's),  and  Meade  and  Klcketts,  Second  and  Third 
Divisions.  Two  of  these  officers  subsequently  com 
manded  the  Army  of  the  Potomac — one  leading  it  to 
defeat  at  Chancellorsville  and  the  other  to  victory  at 
Gettysburg. 

In  the  passage  of  the  stream,  Patrick's  brigade  took 
the  ford,  and  emerging  from  the  water,  formed  line  in 
the  fields  on  the  enemy's  side  and  moved  forward  to 
ward  the  front  and  left  flank.  The  ground  over  which 
he  advanced  was  of  very  uneven  surface  and  covered 
with  grass  and  corn,  and  here  and  there  a  fence. 

Hooker,  mounted  upon  a  magnificent  white  horse, 
and  riding  at  the  head  of  his  corps,  was  the  most  con 
spicuous  object  on  the  field.  As  we  began  to  ascend 


1862.]  McCLELLAN'S  PLANS— FAULTY.  315 

the  hill  toward  the  rebel  position,  their  batteries  opened 
upon  us  with  shot  and  shell  in  the  most  vigorous  man 
ner.  The  corps  pushed  on,  however,  and  soon  began 
to  feel  the  fire  of  a  strong  line  of  skirmishers,  concealed 
behind  ridges  and  fences  and  wherever  they  could 
find  cover.  Hooker's  skirmish  line  routed  these  sharp 
shooters,  and  as  they  fell  back  the  corps  pressed  for 
ward  and  became  engaged  with  some  troops  thrown 
forward  on  the  enemy's  left,  and  who  were  holding  a 
piece  of  woods  near  I.  Miller's  house.  After  a  brisk 
but  brief  engagement  these  Confederates  were  driven 
out  of  the  woods  and  back  upon  their  line,  and 
Hooker's  men  rested  upon  their  arms  during  the  night 
upon  the  ground  thus  won.  It  was  after  dark  when 
this  affair  was  over. 

During  the  night  Mansfield' s  (Twelfth  corps)  crossed 
the  Antietam  at  the  same  points  at  which  Hooker  had 
crossed,  and  bivouacked  on  the  farm  of  J.  Poffen- 
berger,  about  a  mile  in  rear  of  the  First  Corps.  The 
Second  Corps  was  to  be  held  in  readiness  to  support 
Hooker  and  Mansfield.  Porter's  Corps  lay  along  the 
turnpike  in  front  of  bridge  Number  2,  Burnside's  Ninth 
Corps  was  on  the  Rohrersville  and  Sharpsburg  roads, 
in  front  of  bridge  Number  3.  General  Franklin  was 
still  in  Pleasant  Valley. 

General  McClellan'  s  plan  of  battle  was.  to  attack  the 
enemy's  left  with  the  corps  of  Hooker  and  Mansfield, 
supported  by  Sumner'  s  ;  and,  when  matters  looked  fav 
orable  there,  to  move  the  corps  of  Burnside  against  the 
enemy's  extreme  right;  this  movement  being  success 
ful,  to  attack  the  centre.  (McClellan' s  Report,  page 
201.)  This  plan  was  radically  faulty,  in  that  it  al 
lowed  the  Confederate  commander  to  employ  his  main 
body  against  any  assaulted  point.  Lee  held  the  interior 
line  and  the  movement  of  his  troops  from  point  to 
point  could  be  made  without  being  seen  from  the  Fed 
eral  lines,  of  which  circumstance  he  availed  himself 


316  THE  MARYLAND  CAMPAIGN.  [1862. 

during  the  battle.  The  plan,  bad  as  it  was,  was  faulty 
in  the  mode  in  which  it  was  sought  to  be  executed. 
The  movement  of  the  right  wing  across  the  Antietam, 
in  the  afternoon  of  the  sixteenth,  was  an  ostentatious 
notice  to  Lee  of  his  adversary's  purpose,  and  given  at  a 
time  that  enabled  Lee  to  employ  eight  or  ten  hours  in 
preparing  to  meet  it.  Indeed,  while  Hooker  was  mov 
ing  into  position,  Lee  had  thrown  two  of  Hood's  bri 
gades  into  the  piece  of  woods  spoken  of  above,  and 
which  force  Hooker  encountered,  and  met  in  it  sufficient 
opposition  to  delay  him  for  the  night,  without  being 
able  to  molest  the  true  Confederate  line  of  battle  at  all. 

At  daylight,  on  the  seventeenth,  Hooker's  corps  was 
under  arms,  and,  as  the  gray  light  of  the  Autumn 
morning  lit  up  the  scene  sufficiently  to  enable  the 
troops  to  move  without  difficulty,  they  advanced  to  the 
attack.  The  Confederate  left  had  been  slightly  refreshed 
during  the  night,  and  now  occupied  a  piece  of  woods 
on  the  west  side  of  the  Hagerstown  road,  at  the  margin 
of  which  stands  the  Dunker  Church.  A  strong  picket 
line,  however,  was  posted  considerably  in  front  of  this 
position,  and  disputed  the  Federal  advance  with  great 
tenacity.  The  piece  of  woods  in  which  the  enemy's  left 
was  posted  (Jackson's  corps,)  was  traversed  by  out 
cropping  ledges  of  rock,  making  impervious  breast 
works,  while  several  hundred  yards  to  the  right  and 
rear  was  a  hill  which  commanded  the  debouch  of  the 
woods,  and  in  the  fields  between  was  a  long  line  of 
stone  fences,  continued  by  breastworks  of  rails,  which 
covered  the  rebel  infantry  from  our  musketry.  The 
woods  formed  a  screen  behind  which  the  movements  of 
the  enemy  were  concealed  from  observation,  and  masked 
his  batteries  on  the  hill. 

By  a  strange  oversight  of  both  Union  and  Confeder 
ate  commanders,  a  high  point  of  ground  lying  a  little 
beyond  the  Confederate  left,  and  which  was  the  key- 
point  of  the  entire  field,  had  been  neglected  by  both 


1862.]  TWENTIETH  IN  SUPPORT  OF  BATTERY.  317 

sides.  A  battery  planted  there  would  have  made  the 
position  of  either  hostile  force  utterly  untenable.  On 
the  18th,  General  McClellan's  attention  was  called  to 
this  commanding  point,  and  it  was  proposed  to  seize  it ; 
but  it  was  not  done  ;  and  as  the  battle  was  not  renewed, 
it  was  no  longer  of  consequence. 

Hooker's  corps  went  into  the  fight  about  eighteen 
thousand  strong.  His  line  was  formed  with  Double- 
day's  division  on  the  right,  Mead's  in  the  centre,  and 
Ricketts'  on  the  left.  The  route  of  march  of  the 
"Twentieth"  was  across  the  fields,  and  through  the 
woods  on  the  left  of  the  road  on  which  the  Bunker 
Church  stands,  until  it  reached  the  farther  side  of  an 
orchard,  in  front  of  which,  and  but  a  few  rods  off,  was 
a  cornfield,  with  cornstalks  standing  higher  than  a 
man's  head.  From  this  cornfield  we  encountered  a 
perfect  hailstorm  of  shot  from  small  arms ;  while  the 
hidden  guns  of  the  enemy,  on  the  hill  back  of  the 
woods,  dropped  their  shell  in  our  way  with  wonderful 
accuracy. 

Just  across  the  road  leading  to  Sharpsburg,  and  a 
little  in  front  of  our  line,  two  sections  of  Battery  B, 
Captain  Campbell,  were  stationed,  between  some  stacks 
of  straw  and  a  barn,  and  the  enemy's  sharpshooters  had 
crept  up  until  they  had  gotten  within  range,  and  were 
picking  off  the  horses  and  gunners.  The  brigade  was 
faced  by  the  right  flank,  and  moved  across  the  road,  in 
rear  of  Campbell's  battery,  and  after  marching  into  the 
field  near  the  woods,  covering  Jackson's  position,  the 
"Twentieth"  was  detached  and  sent  back  to  support 
Captain  Campbell's  battery,  against  which  the  enemy 
were  seen  to  be  advancing  in  considerable  force.  Re 
turning  at  "double-quick,"  the  right  wing  formed  near 
the  guns,  while  the  left  wing  under  Major  Hardenburgh, 
advanced  down  the  field,  along  the  road  side,  behind 
the  fences  of  which  and  in  the  cornfield  on  the  opposite 
side  the  enemy  were  posted,  and  from  whence  they 


318  THE  MARYLAND  CAMPAIGN.  [1862. 

commanded  the  position  of  the  battery  ;  they  had  also 
taken  possession  of  a  hollow  piece  of  ground  just  in 
front  of  the  guns.  Major  Hardenburgh  pushed  forward, 
under  a  hot  tire,  driving  the  enemy  from  their  cover, 
and  clearing  the  ground  and  the  edge  of  the  cornfield  on 
our  left.  The  Sixth  Wisconsin,  which  had  advanced 
into  the  cornfield  on  Major  Hardenburgh' s  left,  was 
very  roughly  handled  by  the  enemy  in  its  front,  and 
was  thrown  into  disorder  and  forced  to  retire.  Its 
color-bearer  was  shot  down,  and  its  colors  left  on  the 
field.  Major  Hardenburgh  covered  the  retreat  of  the 
Wisconsin  regiment,  and  brought  off  its  colors.  He  also 
captured  and  brought  off  a  Confederate  battle-flag,  the 
bearer  of  it  having  been  shot  down  by  private  Isaac 
Thomas  of  Gf  company.  The  enemy  were  soon  re- 
enforced  ;  and,  advancing  upon  Major  Hardenburgh  in 
overwhelming  numbers,  he  was  obliged  to  fall  back, 
which  he  did  deliberately,  delivering  his  fire  as  rapidly 
as  the  men  could  load,  while  the  battery  and  the  right 
wing  opened  upon  the  advancing  rebels,  who  seemed 
resolved  to  take  the  guns. 

Hardenburgh  joined  the  right  wing,  and  the  regi 
ment  poured  a  steady  fire  into  the  brave  fellows,  whose 
courage  and  resolution  won  our  admiration,  although 
displayed  in  so  bad  a  cause.  For  a  time  they  drove  the 
gunners  from  their  pieces,  but  they  could  not  endure 
the  withering  fire  of  the  regiment  at  close  quarters,  and 
they  fell  back  under  cover  of  the  ridge,  a  few  hundred 
yards  in  front  of  our  position.  But  it  was  only  for  a 
brief  breathing  spell — the  battery  was  the  nearest  one 
to  their  line  of  battle,  and  had  done  splendid  execution, 
and  Jackson  had  ordered  its  capture.  Re-enforced  and 
reorganized,  on  they  came  again,  rising  the  knoll  and 
coming  over  the  open  field  in  splendid  order ;  delivering 
their  fire  as  they  advanced,  and  receiving  that  of  their 
adversaries  without  wavering,  they  gave  one  of  the 
finest  exhibitions  of  manhood  and  pluck  ever  seen  on 


1862.]  ENEMY   REPULSED — TWENTIETH'S   LOSSES.  319 

any  battle-field.  Captain  Campbell  had  double-shotted 
his  guns — in  fact,  filled  them  to  the  muzzle  with  grape 
and  canister,  and  reserving  his  fire  until  the  Confederate 
line  was  within  fifty  feet  of  him,  he  gave  the  word  to 
fire !  and  the  guns  were  discharged  almost  in  the  faces 
of  the  foe  The  havoc  was  frightful.  Their  ranks  were 
torn  to  pieces.  The  "Twentieth"  on  the  instant  poured 
in  a  deadly  volley,  and  then  sprang  forward  with  the 
bayonet.  The  remnant  of  the  rebel  line  broke  and 
fled,  leaving  the  ground  covered  with  their  dead  and 
wounded.  No  further  attempt  was  made  against  this 
position  ;  and  this  practically  ended  the  "  Twentieth's  " 
participation  in  the  fight,  although  it  remained  in  line 
of  battle  and  under  fire  most  of  the  day. 

The  "  Twentieth  "  went  into  action  with  one  hundred 
and  thirty-five  officers  and  men  ;  and  lost,  in  killed  and 
wounded,  forty-nine,  or  over  34  per  centum. 

On  the  right  of  the  field,  in  which  the  scenes  just 
described  took  place,  Jackson  had  thrown  forward 
E well's  division  to  meet  Hooker's  onset,  while  his  own 
was  held  in  reserve  in  the  woods,  on  the  west  side  of  the 
Hagerstown  Road.  A  desperate  contest,  of  an  hour's 
duration,  was  maintained  by  this  rebel  division,  against 
largely  superior  numbers.  This  was  part  of  the  expedi 
tionary  force  which  returned  from  Harper's  Ferry  the 
preceding  night,  and  they  now  fought  like  very  devils. 
Lawton,  who  commanded  the  division,  was  borne  from 
the  field  wounded  ;  Colonel  Douglass,  who  commanded 
Lawton' s  brigade,  was  killed  ;  and  the  brigade  sustained 
a  loss  of  five  hundred  and  fifty -four  killed  and  wounded, 
out  of  one  thousand  one  hundred  and  fifty  ;  losing  five 
regimental  commanders  out  of  six.  Hayes'  brigade 
sustained  a  loss  of  three  hundred  and  twenty-three  out 
of  five  hundred  and  fifty,  including  every  regimental 
commander  and  every  staff  officer  ;  Colonel  Walker  and 
one  of  his  staff  had  been  disabled,  and  the  brigade  he 
commanded  sustained  a  loss  of  two  hundred  and  twenty- 


320  THE  MARYLAND   CAMPAIGN.  [1862, 

eight  out  of  less  than  seven  hundred  present,  including 
three  out  of  four  regimental  commanders.  (Report  of 
the  Army  of  Northern  Virginia,  vol.  II.,  pp.  190,  191). 
The  residue  of  this  division  was  finally  driven  in  disor 
der,  across  the  fields  and  into  the  woods  occupied  by 
the  "Stonewall"  division. 

The  Union  batteries  on  the  east  bank  of  the  Antie- 
tam,  as  well  as  those  immediately  in  front,  had  gotten 
range  of  Jackson's  lines,  and  were  doing  considerable 
execution.  Meade's  division  now  attempted  to  seize  the 
Hagerstown  Road  and  the  woods  in  which  Jackson  lay. 
who,  meantime,  had  been  re-enforced  by  two  divisions 
under  Hood,  while  his  right,  which  had  been  "  in  air," 
was  now  connected  with  Hill.  Meade  met  a  severe  fire 
from  this  strong  Confederate  line,  and  after  a  gallant 
attempt  to  carry  it  was  forced  back  in  some  disorder,  to 
the  east  side  of  the  road. 

About  the  time  of  Meade's  advance,  Ricketts  became 
hotly  engaged  on  the  left  of  Meade  and  with  the  division 
of  Hill,  which  had  closed  up  on  Jackson's  right. 
Doubleday's  division,  except  the  "Twentieth,"  which 
was  supporting  Campbell's  battery,  was  holding  the 
ground  first  seized  in  the  morning  on  the  right,  but  was 
unable  to  dislodge  the  enemy  in  front. 

Hooker,  whose  corps  had  thus  far  been  alone  en 
gaged,  now  ordered  up  Mansfield's  corps,  which  had  been 
assigned  as  his  support,  and  which  was  required  to  re 
lieve  a  portion  of  the  First  corps,  whose  loss  had  been 
very  heavy  and  whose  ammunition  was  nearly  expend 
ed.  While  deploying  his  corps,  General  Mansfield  fell 
mortally  wounded,  and  the  command  devolved  on  Gen 
eral  Williams.  General  Crawford,  with  his  own  and 
Green's  brigade,  moved  rapidly  across  the  open  field, 
and  made  a  lodgment  in  the  woods  west  of  the  Hagers 
town  Road,  while  the  left  of  the  division  pressed  for 
ward  as  far  as  the  Dunker  Church.  These  movements 
were  attended  with  heavy  losses,  and  it  was  found  im- 


1862.]  HOOKER  WOUNDED— SEDGWICK.  321 

possible  to  dislodge  the  enemy  from  their  strong  posi 
tions  in  the  woods,  while  their  fire  was  telling  fearfully 
on  the  exposed  Union  line. 

About  nine  o'clock,  Hooker  was  wounded  and  carried 
from  the  field.  Sumner,  who  had  been  ordered  forward 
to  support  the  attack  on  the  right,  arrived  about  the 
same  time,  and  assumed  command  on  that  scene  of  ac 
tion.  Thus  far,  the  fighting  had  been  on  the  Union 
right  and  the  Confederate  left.  Four  corps  of  the  Union 
army  had  been  spectators  of  a  terrible  conflict  for  four 
hours,  without  firing  a  gun,  or  even  making  a  demon 
stration  to  prevent  the  Confederates  on  their  right  and 
centre  from  detaching  largely  to  support  their  left. 
General  Sumner  afterwards  said  :  "I  have  always  be 
lieved,  that  instead  of  sending  these  troops  into  the  ac 
tion  in  driblets,  had  General  McClellan  authorized  me  to 
march  these  forty  thousand  on  the  left  flank  of  the 
enemy,  we  could  not  have  failed  to  throw  them  right 
back  in  front  of  the  other  divisions  of  our  army  on  the 
left."  (Reports  on  the  Conduct  of  the  War,  vol.  I., 
p.  368). 

Sumner  threw  Sedgwick's  division  across  the  open 
field,  over  which  the  battle  had  advanced  and  receded 
all  the  morning,  and  into  the  woods  beyond — where 
Crawford  had  been  fighting — and,  driving  the  exhausted 
Confederates  before  him,  got  possession  of  the  coveted 
woods  around  the  Dunker  Church.  French's  division 
closed  up  on  the  left  of  Sedgwick,  and  Richardson's 
division  on  French's  left.  Prospects  of  a  Federal  vic 
tory  were  brightening,  and  the  troops  of  Jackson  and 
Hood,  who  had  borne  the  heat  and  burden  of  the  rebel 
battle,  were  retiring  in  disorder.  The  left  of  the  Con 
federate  line  had  been  borne  back  until  it  was  almost 
perpendicular  to  the  position  it  occupied  when  the  battle 
opened.  At  this  auspicious  moment,  the  divisions  of 
of  McLaws  and  Walker,  just  returned  from  Harpers 
Ferry,  were  hurled  upon  Sedgwick's  division.  Jack- 
si 


322  THE  MARYLAND   CAMPAIGN.  [1862, 

son's  and  Hood's  men,  reanimated  by  these  fresh  ar 
rivals,  rallied  again,  and  their  united  onset  swept  Sedg- 
wick  back  out  of  the  woods,  across  the  open  field  and  to 
the  east  side  of  the  road,  the  position  from  whence 
Hooker  had  opened  the  fight  in  the  morning.  The  Con 
federates  made  no  pursuit  beyond  the  road,  but  retired 
to  the  position  held  by  Jackson  in  the  morning — appar 
ently  contented  to  hold  their  own  ground. 

Meantime,  French  had  advanced  against  the  Confed 
erate  division  of  D.  H.  Hill,  and  drove  it  back  in  disor 
der  to  a  sunken  farm  road,  running  easterly  from  the 
Sharpsburg  Road,  and  some  two  feet  below  the  surface 
of  the  adjacent  land.  In  this  the  Confederates  rallied 
and  made  a  stand.  It  proved  to  be  the  most  horrible 
death-trap  men  ever  entered.  French  and  Richardson 
were  now  both  advancing  against  this  line,  and  Thomas 
Francis  Meagher,  who  commanded  one  of  the  brigades 
of  Richardson's  division,  got  possession  of  a  crest  over 
looking  the  sunken  road,  and  opened  a  murderous  fire 
upon  the  unfortunate  men  who  had  rashly  taken  refuge 
in  it.  The  Confederates  fought  desperately  and  in 
flicted  heavy  loss  on  Meagher,  but  they,  themselves, 
were  being  slaughtered.  Meagher' s  ammunition  being 
nearly  expended,  Caldwell,  who  commanded  another  of 
Richardson's  brigades,  came  to  his  relief.  Meagher 
broke  by  companies  to  the  rear,  and  Caldwell  by  com 
panies  to  the  front,  and  there  was  scarcely  a  moment's 
cessation  of  the  Union  fire.  The  rebels  were  re-enforced 
by  General  Anderson,  and  efforts  were  made  to  flank 
the  Union  forces,  but  they  were  defeated  by  the 
manoeuvres  of  Colonel  Gross  of  the  Fifth  New  Hamp 
shire,  and  by  Brook,  French  and  Barlow — the  latter  of 
whom  captured  three  hundred  prisoners  and  two  colors. 
The  Federals  now  advanced  and  carried  the  sunken 
road,  and  captured  a  large  number  of  prisoners.  The 
road  itself  was  a  sickening  sight,  filled  as  it  was  with 
rebel  dead  and  wounded. 


1862.  BUKNSIDE'S  SUCCESS — DRIVEN  BACK.  323 

Three  corps  of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac  had  not  yet 
participated  in  the  battle.  The  three  which  had  been 
engaged  were  now  resting  on  their  arms,  and  there  was 
a  lull  in  the  conflict.  Burnside  still  lay  on  the  east 
side  of  the  Antietam  :  Porter,  with  fifteen  thousand 
men,  was  on  the  same  side  of  the  river,  and  opposite 
the  Union  centre ;  Franklin,  with  the  divisions  of 
Slocum  and  W,  F.  Smith,  arrived  about  one  o'clock. 
Soon  after  one  Burnside  put  his  columns  in  motion,  and 
carried  the  bridge  in  his  front  and  crossed  the  river. 
Pushing  on  for  the  high  ground  in  front  of  him  he 
drove  the  enemy  back  and  captured  a  battery,  which 
had  been  doing  serious  execution  on  the  Union  troops. 
At  this  juncture,  the  Unionists  experienced  another  of 
the  bitter  fruits  of  the  tardiness  of  the  Federal  com 
mander.  Just  as  Burnside  had  obtained  a  foot-hold  on 
the  west  side  of  the  river,  and  had  won  his  initial  point, 
the  division  of  A.  P.  Hill,  which  Jackson  had  left  be 
hind  to  receive  the  surrender  of  Harper's  Ferry,  arrived 
upon  the  field,  and  throwing  his  troops  into  the  conflict, 
Burnside  was  driven  back,  the  battery  recaptured  and 
Burnside  forced  to  take  shelter  under  the  bluff  near  the 
Antietam.  Here,  as  on  the  right,  the  Confederates  made 
no  attempt  to  penetrate  the  Union  lines,  being  content  to 
hold  their  own  ground.  There  can  be  no  doubt  but  that 
this  policy  was  dictated  by  the  inferior  numbers  of  the 
rebel  army,  and  the  desperate  situation  in  which  they 
would  have  been  placed  by  a  defeat. 

The  repulse  of  Burnside  concluded  the  battle  of  An 
tietam.  When  the  last  shot  had  been  fired  neither  party 
could  claim  a  victory.  The  Confederates  had  stood 
upon  the  defensive  from  the  beginning,  and  the  Fede 
rals  had  gained  no  vital  point  anywhere  on  their  line. 
The  two  armies  held,  substantially,  the  same  ground 
they  occupied  at  the  beginning  of  the  battle.  Another 
day,  and  greater  concert  of  action,  were  necessary  to 
such  a  result  as  would  justify  the  Union  commander  in 


324  THE  MARYLAND  CAMPAIGN.  [1862. 

claiming  a  victory.  He  was  strong  enough,  even  yet,  to 
crush  the  enemy,  if  he  would  but  hurl  his  whole  army 
upon  him,  and  forbear  frittering  away  his  strength  by 
fighting  in  "driblets."  McClellan  was  too  thoughtful 
of  reverse— too  apprehensive  of  disaster — too  timid  for 
a  successful  commander.  He  impaired  his  effective 
force  by  holding  half  his  army  in  reserve  to  cover  his 
retreat  in  case  of  disaster.  His  apprehensions  magni 
fied  his  adversary's  numbers  until  he  credited  him  with 
two  men  for  every  one  he  had  in  the  field.  Under  a 
really  able  and  bold  leader  of  the  Union  army,  General 
Lee  never  could  have  escaped  from  the  position  he  had 
put  his  forces  in  at  Antietam.  But,  if  the  Federal  Com- 
mander-in-Chief  had  been  distinguished  for  such  quali 
ties,  it  is  not  likely  Lee  would  have  put  his  forces  in 
that  situation. 


CHAPTER  XXIV. 

AFTER  THE  BATTLE — POLLOCK  AND  HIS  DOG — UNION  RE-ENFORCEMENTS — 
LEE  WITHDRAWS — LOSSES — M'CLELLAN'S  DISPATCH — CRITICISED — 
GRIFFIN  CAPTURES  A  REBEL  BATTERY — PORTER  AMBUSHED — LEE'S 
POSITION — MCCLELLAN  STATIONARY — GIVES  HIS  REASON — SOME  COM 
MENTS  THEREON — LOSSES  OF  DIFFERENT  CORPS — CORRESPONDENCE 
BETWEEN  HALLECK  AND  MCCLELLAN— A  LITTLE  IRONY — RELATIVE 
CONDITION  OF  THE  TWO  ARMIES — DISADVANTAGE  OF  FEDERAL  SYSTEM — 
AGAIN  ON  THE  MARCH — MCCLELLAN  REMOVED — BURNSIDE  APPOINTED 
— A  JUST  ESTIMATE  OF  HIMSELF— NEWS  OF  COL.  PRATT'S  DEATH — 
ORDER  THEREON — RESOLUTIONS  BY  OFFICERS — GENERAL  PATRICK  RE 
SIGNS  COMMAND  OF  BRIGADE — GENERAL  PAUL  HIS  SUCCESSOR, 

THE  morning  of  the  eighteenth  found  the  two  armies 
occupying  the  same  positions  they  held  at  the  conclu 
sion  of  the  battle,  the  evening  before.  The  interval  be 
tween  the  picket  lines  was  the  narrow  strip  of  ground 
over  which  the  contending  forces  had  fought,  and  it 
was  covered  with  the  dead  and  wounded  of  both  armies. 
Some  attempts  were  made  by  the  officers  of  the  "  Twen 
tieth"  to  remove  their  wounded,  but  the  moment  they 
exposed  themselves  on  the  field,  the  hissing  of  musket 
balls  around  them  admonished  them  of  the  dangerous 
enterprise  upon  which  they  had  entered,  and  they  were 
obliged  to  abandon  the  undertaking. 

The  circumstances  referred  to  in  the  following  ex 
cerpt  from  the  Baltimore  American  of  Sept.  23d,  1862, 
and  in  the  statement  folio  wing  it,  will  be  remembered  by 
the  veterans  of  the  "Ulster  Guard." 

k '  Passing  back  again  through  the  woods  two  Rebel 
Colonels  and  one  Brigadier  were  found  on  the  ground, 
and  interspersed  with  the  multitudes  of  their  fallen  were 
so  many  of  those  in  the  National  uniform  that  at  a 
glance  one  might  see  how  fearful  was  the  cost  of  the  vie- 
tory.  Upon  one  dead  body  was  found  a  large  black  dog, 

325 


326  AFTER   ANTIETAM.  [1862. 

dead  also  from  some  chance  shot  which  had  struck  him 
whilst  stretched  upon  his  master's  corpse  caressingly, 
his  fore-paws  across  the  man's  breast.  Ride  where  one 
might  for  a  space  of  perhaps  a  mile  and  a  half  in  width 
in  places,  and  four  or  five  miles  in  length,  the  dead  were 
on  every  side,  interspersed  with  the  arms  that  had  fall 
en  from  their  hands.  Shattered  cannon  wheels  and  cais 
sons,  and  enormous  quantities  of  round  shot  and  conical 
shell  gave  more  evidence  of  the  deadly  storm  that  had 
come  with  destruction  in  its  track." 

"MR.  EDITOR: — In  a  communication  on  the  recent 
battle  near  Sharpsburg,  published  in  the  Baltimore 
American  of  the  23d  of  September,  is  the  above  para 
graph. 

' '  The  dog  referred  to  was  a  voluntary  attache  of  the 
Twentieth  Regiment,  and  had  passed  through  one  battle 
with  us  unharmed,  previous  to  that  in  which  he  lost  his 
life.  He  was  a  beautiful  Newfoundland,  and  joined 
the  regiment  on  its  march  somewhere  this  side  of  Fred 
erick,  and  remained  with  it  up  to  the  time  of  his  death 
on  the  Sharpsburg  battle-field. 

"I  noticed  him  particularly  in  the  battle  of  South 
Mountain,  where,  standing  with  the  men,  he  seemed 
indifferent  alike  to  the  whistling  of  the  enemies'  bullets 
around  him,  and  to  the  rattle  of  our  own  arms.  He 
came  on  with  us,  and  his  fidelity  to  his  new  friends  cost 
him  his  life  on  Wednesday.  I  saw  him  early  in  the  ac 
tion,  apparently  an  unconcerned  spectator  of  the  com 
bat.  Later  in  the  day,  when  I  again  observed  him,  he 
was  lying  upon  the  ground,  somewhat  to  the  left  of  the 
regiment  and  near  the  body  of  W.  J.  Pollock,  of  Co.  H. 
Man  and  beast  were  both  dead. 

"  I  doubt  not  the  dog  had  received  his  food  of  Pollock 
while  with  us,  and  was  with  him  when  he  fell,  or  subse 
quently  placed  himself  by  his  side  and  remained  there 
until  shot.  The  incident  made  a  very  strong  impression 


1862.]  UNION  RE-ENFORCEMENTS — LEE  WITHDRAWS.  327 

on  me,  but  I  had  not  expected  to  see  it  gain  so  much 
notoriety. 

"  The  poor  beast  is  buried,  and  I  don't  know  but  he 
deserves  an  epitaph." 

We  expected  the  incomplete  battle  would  be  renewed 
on  the  morning  of  the  eighteenth.  But  hour  after  hour 
wore  away  and  still  the  Union  army  lay  quietly  on  its 
arms.  General  McClellan  was  waiting  for  re-enforce 
ments  and  Lee  had  no  intention  of  assuming  the  offen 
sive.  His  army  had  been  seriously  crippled  by  the  se 
vere  fighting  of  the  seventeenth,  and  his  losses  amounted 
to  over  eight  thousand  men.  Although  McClellan' s  ex 
ceeded  this  number  by  four  thousand,  the  impairment 
of  the  Confederate  army  was  relatively  greater  than  that 
of  the  Federals,  and  the  disproportion  in  numbers  be 
tween  the  two  armies  was  decidedly  in  favor  of  the 
Unionists. 

But  more  than  this  ;  General  McClellan  was  re-en 
forced  on  the  morning  of  the  eighteenth  by  the  divisions 
of  Couch  and  Humphrey,  numbering  about  fourteen 
thousand  men.  Yet  McClellan  thought  best  to  wait  un 
til  the  troops  were  rested,  the  supply  trains  brought  up, 
«tc.,  and  he  resolved  to  renew  the  battle  on  the  nine 
teenth.  With  a  perverseness  that  was  entirely  unex 
pected  in  so  courteous  a  man  as  General  Lee,  he  went 
away  on  the  night  of  the  eighteenth,  and  when  the  next 
morning  dawned  upon  the  Union  army  there  was  no  foe 
in  its  front.  The  facility  with  which  the  rebel  army 
could  retire  into  Virginia,  if  unmolested,  has  been  here 
tofore  shown,  and  General  McClellan  says  in  his  Report, 
page  212,  ' '  as  their  line  was  but  a  short  distance  from 
the  river,  the  evacuation  presented  but  little  difficulty, 
and  was  effected  before  daylight."  Why  it  should 
have  been  expected  that  they  would  stay  there  before 
this  growing  Union  army,  to  be  attacked  at  its  pleasure, 
is  a  problem  we  are  not  equal  to  the  solution  of. 

General  McClellan  gives  his  losses  in  this  battle  at 


328  LOSSES — MCCLELLAN'S  DISPATCH — CRITICISED.  [1862. 

12,469,  of  whom  2,010  were  killed  ;  9,416  wounded  and 
1,043  missing.  Lee  omits  to  state  his  losses  in  his  re 
port  of  this  campaign,  but  his  division  commanders  give 
their  losses  severally  and  they  make  an  aggregate  of 
13,533.  This  covers  the  entire  period  of  two  weeks 
which  was  the  duration  of  the  Maryland  campaign.  If 
the  Harper's  Ferry  garrison  is  put  into  the  account  it 
will  be  seen  that  this  invasion,  though  a  failure  as  to  its 
prime  object,  depleted  the  Union  army  at  the  rate  of 
two  to  every  one  Confederate. 

On  the  nineteenth  of  September,  General  McClellan 
telegraphed  to  General  Halleck  :  "I  have  the  honor  to 
report  that  Maryland  is  entirely  freed  from  the  presence 
of  the  enemy,  who  has  been  driven  across  the  Potomac, 
No  fears  need  now  be  entertained  for  the  safety  of 
Pennsylvania.  I  shall  at  once  occupy  Harper's  Ferry." 
And  this  was  "the  lame  and  impotent  conclusion"  at 
which  the  Federal  commander  had  arrived.  It  was  not 
strictly  true  to  say  that  Lee  had  "been  driven  across 
the  Potomac,"  for  the  fact  was,  that  the  force  that  had 
been  brought  to  bear  against  him  retarded  rather  than 
expedited  his  movement  in  that  direction.  Two  divis 
ions  of  his  army  had  been  badly  whipped  at  Turner's 
Gap  and  a  brigade  had  been  defeated  at  Crampton'sy 
but  these  battles  were  fought  by  the  Confederates  to 
gain  time  for  the  completion  of  the  operations  against 
Harper's  Ferry,  as  has  heretofore  been  shown,  and  the 
battle  of  Antietam  was  the  result  of  the  voluntary  de 
lay  of  the  bulk  of  the  rebel  army,  to  cover  those  opera 
tions.  Antietam  was  a  drawn  battle,  and  on  the  morn 
ing  of  the  eighteenth  of  September,  neither  McClellan 
or  Lee  could  claim  a  victory.  Did  the  fact  that  the  two 
armies  spent  the  next  day  in  looking  at  each  other  and 
that  on  the  following  night,  Lee  carried  out  his  original 
design,  and  withdrew  into  Virginia,  convert  the  drawn 
battle  into  a  victory  ?  We  rode  over  the  field  early  on  the 
morning  of  the  nineteenth,  and  down  to  the  ford  across 


1862.]  GRIFFIN   CAPTURES  A  REBEL  BATTERY.  329 

which  the  Confederates  had  retired,  and  there  was  no 
sign  of  haste  or  confusion  visible,  anywhere.  They  had 
carried  off  all  their  artillery,  wagons,  stores  and  pro 
perty  of  every  description — in  fact  had  made  as  clean  a 
removal  as  though  no  opposing  force  was  within  a  hun 
dred  miles  of  them.  They  left  their  badly  wounded  for 
the  Union  surgeons  to  take  care  of,  because  they  them 
selves  would  only  be  encumbered  by  them,  and  they 
knew  they  would  fall  into  good  hands.  They  also  left 
the  small  arms  of  their  men  which  ha!  been  dropped 
upon  the  battle-field,  because  to  attempt  to  gather  them 
would  have  been  impracticable. 

Neither  was  it  strictly  true  that  "  Maryland  is  en 
tirely  freed  from  the  presence  of  the  enemy  ;"  for  at  that 
very  moment  the  Rebel  General  Stuart,  with  four  thou 
sand  cavalry  and  six  pieces  of  artillery  was  at  Williams- 
port,  and  General  McClellan  had  sent  General  Couch  in 
pursuit  of  him. 

Neither  was  it  strictly  true,  as  events  proved,  that 
' '  no  fears  need  now  be  entertained  for  the  safety  of 
Pennsylvania."  For  on  the  tenth  of  October,  this  same 
Stuart,  with  1,800  cavalry,  again  crossed  the  Potomac 
above  Williamsport  and  raided  into  Pennsylvania— en 
tered  Chambersburg,  in  that  State,  destroyed  a  large 
amount  of  Government  property,  seized  and  paroled 
275  sick  and  wounded  soldiers,  whom  he  found  in  hos 
pital  there,  burned  the  railroad  depot,  machine  shops 
and  several  trains  of  loaded  cars  ;  destroyed  5,000  mus 
kets  and  large  amounts  of  army  clothing,  and  then,  rid 
ing  around  McClellan' s  army,  returned  into  Virginia 
via  White's  Ford,  below  Harper's  Ferry,  without  the 
loss  of  a  man. 

On  the  nineteenth  of  September,  at  dark,  General 
Griffin  with  his  own  and  Barnes'  brigade  of  Porter's 
corps,  crossed  the  Potomac  at  the  ford  through  which 
the  Confederates  had  passed  and  gallantly  attacked  and 
carried  the  bluff  on  the  Virginia  side,  where  Lee  had 


330  PORTER  AMBUSHED — SOME    COMMENTS.  [1862- 

posted  eight  batteries  supported  by  six  hundred  infan 
try  under  Pendleton.  Four  guns  and  a  number  of 
prisoners  were  captured.  Encouraged  by  this  success, 
a  reconnoissance  in  force  was  made  next  morning  by  a 
portion  of  Porter's  corps,  who  proceeded  about  a  mile 
from  the  ford,  when  they  were  ambushed  by  D.  P.  Hill's 
division,  and  after  a  brief  struggle  were  driven  in  con 
fusion  into  the  river,  losing  a  large  number  in  killed 
and  wounded  and  two  hundred  prisoners. 

General  Lee  posted  his  army  in  the  vicinity  of 
Bunker  Hill  and  Winchester,  Virginia,  and  awaited  the 
movements  of  his  adversary.  McClellan  was  loth  to  re 
sume  the  offensive.  In  a  dispatch  to  General  Halleck. 
dated  the  twenty -seventh  of  September,  he  says  :  "  My 
present  purpose  is  to  hold  the  army  about  as  it  is  now, 
rendering  Harper's  Ferry  secure  and  watching  the  river 
closely,  intending  to  attack  the  enemy  should  7ie  at 
tempt  to  cross  to  this  side"  (McClellan' s  Report,  page 
217.) 

General  McClellan  seems  to  have  had  little  confidence 
in  his  army,  notwithstanding  the  splendid  fighting  por 
tions  of  it  did  at  Turner's  Gap  and  at  Antietam.  He 
explains  his  inactivity  after  the  latter  battle  by  the 
statement  that  "the  greater  part  of  all  the  available 
troops  were  suffering  under  the  disheartening  influences 
of  the  serious  defeat  they  had  encountered  during  the 
brief  and  unfortunate  campaign  of  General  Pope." 
Now  when  it  is  remembered  that  the  residue  of  the  army 
must  have  been  suffering  under  the  disheartening  influ 
ences  of  even  more  serious  defeats  that  they  had  encoun 
tered  during  the  somewhat  longer  but  quite  as  unfortu 
nate  campaign  of  General  McClellan  on  the  Peninsula, 
which  he  seems  to  have  overlooked,  it  is  not  wonderful 
that  "  they  had  lost  something  of  that  'esprit  du  corps' 
which  is  indispensable  to  the  efficiency  of  an  army." 
(Id.  p.  215.) 

It  must  strike  one  as  a  little  inconsistent  that  Gen- 


1862.]  LOSSES   IN   DIFFERENT    CORPS — CORRESPONDENCE.  331 

eral  McClellan  should  have  employed  the  demoralized 
troops  from  Pope's  army  to  bear  the  heat  and  burden  of 
the  battles  of  Turner's  Gap  and  Antietam.  The  reader 
will  have  observed  that  most  of  the  fighting  on  both 
fields  was  done  by  troops  who  had  served  in  Pope's 
"  brief  and  unfortunate  campaign."  In  these  two  bat 
tles,  Hooker's  corps  (formerly  McDowell's,)  lost  2,209  ; 
second  corps  lost  5,209  ;  Banks'  corps  lost  1,743,  mak 
ing  a  total  of  9,571  out  of  a  grand  total  of  12,469.  The 
residue  of  losses  is  made  up  as  follows  :  F.  J.  Porter' s 
corps,  including  the  artillery  reserve,  130,  of  whom  20 
only  were  killed  (these  casualities  were  all  from  artil 
lery  lire ;  Porter  was  not  in  range  of  small  arms)  ; 
Burnside's  corps,  2,293;  Couch's  division,  9,  and 
Pleasanton's  cavalry,  23. 

The  Federal  army  remained  in  the  vicinity  of  Sharps- 
burg  until  the  twenty- sixth  of  October,  when  it  com 
menced  the  passage  of  the  Potomac  at  Berlin.  During 
this  long  interval,  General  McClellan  was  calling  upon 
the  Government  for  re-enforcements,  horses,  clothing, 
shoes  and  other  supplies,  and  the  correspondence  be 
tween  him  and  General  Halleck  often  assumed  an  un 
friendly  or  ironical  tone.  On  the  sixth  of  October, 
Halleck  telegraphed :  ' '  The  President  directs  that  you 
cross  the  Potomac  and  give  battle  to  the  enemy,  or 
drive  him  South.  Your  army  must  move  now,  while 
the  roads  are  good."  But  McClellan  did  not  go.  On 
the  21st  he  telegraphed  Halleck  that  he  had  been  mak 
ing  every  exertion  to  get  the  army  supplied  with  cloth 
ing,  which  was  now  nearly  accomplished,  and  he  wished 
to  know  "whether  the  President  desires  me  to  march 
on  the  enemy  at  once,  or  await  the  reception  of  new 
horses."  To  this  Halleck  replies  :  "  He  (the  President,) 
directs  me  to  say  he  has  no  change  to  make  in  his  Order 
of  the  sixth  instant.  If  you  have  not  been  and  are  not 
now  in  a  condition  to  obey  it,  you  will  be  able  to  show 
want  of  ability."  On  the  twenty-fifth,  McClellan  sent  a 


332  A   LITTLE   IRONY— CONDITION   OP   ARMIES.  [1862. 

long  dispatch  to  Halleck  on  the  subject  of  guarding  the 
line  of  the  Potomac  after  he  should  have  crossed,  and 
among  other  propositions  suggested  :  "It  has  long  ap 
peared  to  me  that  the  best  way  of  covering  this  line  would 
be  by  occupying  Front  Royal,  Strasburg,  Wardens ville 
and  Moorefield,"  and  finally  proceeds  to  say  :  "  An  im 
portant  element  in  the  solution  of  this  problem  is  the 
fact  that  a  great  portion  of  Bragg' s  army  is  probably 
now  at  liberty  to  unite  itself  with  Lee's  command." 
Halleck  replies  to  this  on  the  next  day,  and  in  conclu 
sion  says  :  "  Moreover,  I  think  it  will  be  time  enough 
to  decide  upon  fortifying  Front  Royal,  Strasburg,  War- 
densville  and  Moorefield,  when  the  enemy  is  driven 
south  of  them  and  they  come  into  our  possession. 

"  I  do  not  think  that  we  need  have  any  immediate 
fear  of  Bragg' s  army.  You  are  within  twenty  miles  of 
Lee's,  while  Bragg  is  distant  about  four  hundred  miles." 
This  dispatch  was  signed  by  Halleck,  but  it  sounds  very 
much  like  Lincoln. 

There  is  no  doubt  but  that  the  Army  of  the  Potomac 
was  pretty  well  worn  out  after  the  battle  of  Antietam, 
but  probably,  much  less  so  than  the  rebels  were,  who 
had  done  more  marching  and  quite  as  much  fighting. 
There  is  no  doubt  but  that  the  Federal  army  would  have 
looked  better  on  parade  with  new  uniforms,  but  it  was 
luxuriously  clothed  compared  with  its  ragged  adversa 
ries.  Its  supplies  of  food  and  forage  were  abundant, 
while  the  Confederates  were  often  suffering  from  want 
of  food.  But  the  systems  in  the  two  armies  were  en 
tirely  different — and  continued  to  be  so  throughout  the 
war.  The  Confederates  marched  and  fought  without  re 
gard  to  the  question  of  food  or  clothing.  If  their  am 
munition  boxes  were  full  and  their  muskets  bright,  they 
considered  themselves  fit  for  duty.  They  moved  in 
"  light  marching  order,"  and  were  not  encumbered  with 
long  trains  of  wagons.  Their  surprising  marches,  es 
pecially  some  of  Jackson's,  could  never  have  been  made 


1862.]  McCLELLAN   REMOVED — BURNSIDE   APPOINTED.  333 

with  the  impedimenta  that  loaded  down  the  Union 
armies.  There  is  no  example  of  such  vast  armies  as  the 
Federal  Government  had  in  the  field  with  such  unfailing 
and  bountiful  supplies  of  food  and  clothing.  If  we 
could  have  adopted  the  Confederate  system,  probably  a 
necessity  in  their  case,  we  would  have  whipped  them  in 
half  the  time  it  took  to  do  it  in  our  way. 

McClellan's  army  now  numbered  110,000  men,  fresh 
and  well  clothed,  and  on  the  second  of  November  were 
all  across  the  Potomac  and  moving  unopposed  down  the 
east  side  of  the  Blue  Ridge,  while  the  Confederates 
made  a  corresponding  movement  on  the  opposite  side 
of  the  mountain.  But  the  long  delay  had  aggravated 
the  dissatisfaction  felt  with  regard  to  McClellan  at  the 
Capital,  and  on  the  night  of  the  seventh  of  November, 
General  Buckingham  arrived  at  Warrenton  and  deliv 
ered  the  following  order  to  McClellan  : 

GENERAL  ORDERS  No.  182. 
War  Department,  Adjutant-General  s  Office. 

WASHINGTON,  November  5,  1862. 
By  the  direction  of  the  President  of  the  United 
States,  it  is  ordered  that  Major-General  McClellan  be 
relieved  from  the  command  of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac, 
and  that  Major-General  Burnside  take  the  command  of 
that  army.  By  order  of  the  Secretary  of  War. 

E.  D.  TOWNSEND, 
Assistant- Adjutant-General. 

McClellan  read  the  Order,  and  turning  to  Burnside, 
who  chanced  to  be  present,  said:  "Well,  Burnside, 
you  are  to  command  the  army." 

Burnside  was  overcome  with  astonishment.  He  sub 
sequently  stated  before  the  Committee  on  the  Conduct 
of  the  War,  what  his  feelings  were  on  the  occasion.  He 
said  :  "  After  getting  over  my  surprise,  the  shock,  etc., 
I  told  General  Buckingham  that  it  was  a  matter  that 


334  COLONEL  PRATT'S  DEATH — ORDER  THEREON.  [1862. 

required  very  serious  thought ;  that  I  did  not  want  the 
command  ;  that  it  had  been  offered  to  me  twice  before, 
and  I  did  not  feel  that  I  could  take  it.  I  told  my 
staff  what  my  views  were  with  reference  to  my  abil 
ity  to  exercise  such  a  command,  which  views  were  those 
I  had  always  unreservedly  expressed — that  I  was  not 
competent  to  command  such  an  army  as  this."  A 
very  candid  and  just  estimate  of  himself.  The  next  day 
McClellan  took  final  leave  of  the  army,  with  very  gen 
eral  regret  on  the  part  of  officers  and  men,  and  Burn- 
side  assumed  command. 

On  the  twentieth  of  September,  and  while  lying  near 
Sharpsburg,  we  received  the  news  of  the  death  of  Colo 
nel  Pratt,  and  the  following  Order  was  issued  : 

HEADQ'RS  ULSTER  GUAKD,  TWENTIETH  REG'T, 

N.  Y.  S.  M. 

Near  Sharpsburg,  Ya.,  September  20,  1862. 
GENERAL  ORDERS  No.  47. 

It  is  with  feelings  of  profound  sorrow  that  the  Lieu 
tenant-Colonel  commanding  announces  to  the  "Ulster 
Guard"  the  death  of  its  late  worthy  and  honored  com 
mander,  Colonel  George  W,  Pratt. 

While  gallantly  encouraging  his  officers  and  men  in 
the  final  hour  of  the  fearful  combat  at  Manassas,  on  the 
30th  of  August  last,  he  was  shot  down  and  borne  from 
the  field.  Though  conscious  of  the  serious  character  of 
his  wounds,  he  maintained  his  habitual  serenity  and 
cheerfulness,  and,  forgetting  self,  seemed  only  concerned 
for  the  safety  of  his  command  and  the  issue  of  the  bat 
tle  in  which  he  had  borne  so  noble,  and,  as  it  proved, 
so  costly  a  part. 

He  was  removed  to  Washington,  and  from  thence  to 
Albany,  N.  Y.,  where  he  was  surrounded  by  his  kin 
dred  and  friends.  Death  terminated  his  career  of  useful 
ness  and  promise  on  the  llth  inst.  Though  cut  down 
in  the  spring  of  his  manhood,  he  has  not  lived  in  vain. 


1862.]  COLONEL  PRATT'S  DEATH — ORDER  THEREON.  335 

Born  to  wealth,  and  growing  up  in  affluence,  he  spurned 
the  ease  and  indolence  which  too  often  beguile  fortune's 
favorites,  and  with  an  earnest  energy  and  tireless  indus 
try,  he  sought  to  win  for  himself  a  name  honorable  in 
the  highest  walks  of  life.  How  well  he  succeeded,  the 
general  and  deep  sorrow  for  his  early  death  attest. 
When  the  present  unholy  war  broke  out,  he  was  fore 
most  in  tendering  his  services  to  the  Government ;  and 
surrendering  the  comforts  and  enjoyments  of  a  home 
unusually  attractive,  he  became  a  patient,  tireless  and 
devoted  laborer  in  behalf  of  the  Union.  Finally  he  has 
given  his  life  to  the  cause,  and  has  died  a  soldier's  hon 
ored  death  in  the  faithful  discharge  of  his  self-imposed 
duties.  We  who  have  been  so  long  associated  with  him 
in  the  camp  and  field  ;  we  who  have  shared  with  him 
the  hardships,  privations,  fatigues  and  dangers  of  the 
soldier's  life  ;  we  who  have  witnessed  his  self-denial,  his 
dauntless  courage,  his  ready  obedience  to  the  authority 
of  his  military  superiors,  and  his  mildness  and  modera 
tion  in  the  exercise  of  his  own  authority — we,  next  to 
those  who  are  bereaved  of  husband,  father,  son,  can 
best  appreciate  the  loss  sustained  in  the  death  of  Colo 
nel  Pratt.  Let  us  emulate  his  example  and  be  stimu 
lated  to  increased  diligence  in  duty,  and  a  more  entire 
devotion  to  our  country  and  the  struggle  for  its  preser 
vation,  by  the  recollection  of  his  virtues  and  his  sacri 
fices.  The  Lieutenant-Colonel  commanding  avails  him 
self  of  this  opportunity  to  express  his  satisfaction  with 
the  conduct  of  the  officers  and  men  of  the  regiment  who 
participated  in  the  marches  and  battles  which  have  ren 
dered  memorable  the  last  forty  days  of  this  campaign. 
Within  that  time  you  have  marched  upward  of  170 
miles,  without  tents  or  blankets,  and  often  without  food, 
in  the  burning  heat  of  mid  day  and  the  cold  dews  of 
night,  resting  frequently  but  four  hours  in  twenty-four, 
and  then  upon  the  bare  ground.  There  has  been  no 
murmur  or  complaint,  no  relaxation  of  obedience  or 


336  RESOLUTIONS  BY  OFFICERS.  [1862 

discipline.  The  battle-fields  of  Norman's  Ford,  War 
ren  ton  Springs,  Groveton,  Manassas,  Chantilly,  South 
Mountain  and  Antietam,  bear  witness  to  your  prowess 
and  courage.  Your  coolness  and  steady  bearing  under 
heavy  fire  of  artillery  and  musketry  were  equal  to  vet 
erans,  and  entitle  you  to  the  highest  praise  the  soldier 
can  earn.  Let  the  future  correspond  with  the  past  in 
diligence,  in  discipline,  in  courage,  and  our  friends  will 
have  no  cause  to  blush  for  the  reputation  of  the  ' '  Ulster 
Guard."  By  order  of 

THEODORE  B.  GATES, 

(Signed)  Lieutenant-Colonel  Commanding. 

A.  S.  SCHUTT,  First  Lieutenant^  Acting -Adjutant. 

At  a  meeting  of  the  Field,  Staff  and  Line  Officers, 
held  in  camp  Sept.  23d,  the  following  action  was  taken  : 

"  WHEKEAS,  Intelligence  has  reached  us  of  the  death 
of  Colonel  George  W.  Pratt,  late  commander  of  this 
regiment,  who  died  in  Albany,  IS".  Y.,  on  the  llth  inst, 
from  the  effects  of  a  wound  received  at  the  battle  of 
Bull  Run,  Aug.  30th  ;  and  whereas,  the  Field,  Staff  and 
Line  officers  lately  associated  with  him,  deeply  affected 
by  their  bereavement,  desire  to  give  expression  to  the 
sentiments  with  which  a  long  and  close  intimacy  caused 
them  to  regard  his  high  personal  and  professional 
worth — it  is  therefore — 

Resolved,  I.  That  we  profoundly  deplore  the  death 
of  our  late  commanding  officer,  who,  by  his  affable  and 
courteous  demeanor,  genial  spirit,  frank  and  manly 
bearing,  as  well  toward  his  associates  as  in  the  perform 
ance  of  his  duty,  received  in  large  measure  the  re 
spect,  confidence  and  affection  of  all  who  enjoyed  his 
acquaintance. 

2d.  That  the  early  and  hearty  espousal  of  the  cause 
of  the  imperilled  Commonwealth,  in  which  our  late 
commanding  officer  entered,  with  all  the  ardor  of  a  true 
patriot  and  gallant  soldier,  and  to  which  his  best  ener- 


1862.]  RESOLUTIONS  BY   OFFICERS.  337 

gies  were  consecrated,  at  the  sacrifice  of  whatever  makes 
an  affluent  and  refined  home  attractive,  if  need  were  to 
lay  down  life  itself  in  the  service  of  the  Government, 
evinces  at  once  the  warmth  and  earnestness  of  his  devo 
tion  to  the  interests  of  his  afflicted  country,  and  the  seri 
ous  loss  these  interests  have  sustained  in  the  death  of 
such  an  advocate. 

3.  That  in  all  the  duties  of  a  good  soldier,  firm  with 
out  being  austere — strict  in  discipline  and  yet  kindly  in 
its  execution — skillful,  without  ostentation,  in  the  con- 
trol  and  management  of  his  regiment — not  less  prompt 
to  render  obedience  to  those  above  him,  than  determined 
to  exact  it  from  those  under  his  command — regardful  of 
the  personal  comfort  of  the  soldiers   entrusted  to   his 
care,  ever  promoting  it  to  the  utmost  of  his  power — he 
has  left  behind  him  a  record  at  once  honorable  and  ex 
emplary. 

4.  That  his  bearing  in  the  fierce  battle,  in  which  his 
death- wound   was   received,  standing  with  unfaltering 
gallantry  beside  his  men,  cheering  them  on  by  voice  and 
example,  while  the  deadly  tempest  was  rapidly  thinning 
the  ranks  of  those  around  him,  nor  ceasing  his  efforts 
till  he  fell  and  was  borne  bleeding  from  the  field,  pre 
sents  a  shining  example  of  the  qualities  by  which  the 
true  soldier  should  be  distinguished,  and  must  prove  an 
ever  fragrant  memory  to  those  who  honored  and  lovecl 
him  while  living. 

5.  That  we   sincerely  and  deeply  sympathize  with 
the  sorrowing  family  of  our  late  commander,  in  the  ir 
reparable  loss  they  have  sustained — that  a  copy  of  these 
Eesolutions  be  forwarded  to  them,  and  published  in  the 
New  York   and  Albany  papers  .and  those  of  Kingston 
and  Catskill,  N.  Y." 

September  29. — Marched  with  brigade  2.30  P.M.  to  a 
point  one  mile  northwest  of  Sharpsburg,  near  the  Poto 
mac  river,  where  encamped.  Distance  marched,  If 
miles. 

22 


338  GENERAL  PATRICK  RESIGNS  COMMAND.  [1862. 

October  7. — General  Patrick  having  been  assigned  to 
duty  at  General  McClellan's  Headquarters,  as  Provost- 
Marshal-General  of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac,  took  leave 
of  the  brigade  in  the  following  Order  : 

HEADQ'RS  THIRD  BRIGADE,  FIRST  DIVISION, 
FIRST  ARMY  CORPS, 

Camp  Barnett,  October  7,  1862. 

GENERAL  ORDERS,  No  64. 

The  Brigadier- General  commanding  having  been  as 
signed  to  duty  at  the  Headquarters  of  the  Army  of  the 
Potomac  by  General  Orders  No.  161,  of  the  6th  inst., 
hereby  relinquishes  to  Colonel  Rodgers,  of  the  Twenty- 
first  N.  Y.  Volunteers,  the  command  of  the  brigade  he 
received  from  him  7  months  ago.  Only  7  months  ago 
he  assumed  command  ;  yet  the  ties  that  bind  those  who, 
like  ourselves,  have  shared  each  other's  hardships  and 
dangers,  who  have  followed  the  same  standard  through 
so  many  battles,  and  gathered  around  it  with  their  ranks 
thinned,  but  unbroken,  when  the  combat  was  over — 
such  ties  cannot  be  broken  by  the  Order  that  relieves 
your  General  from  the  command. 

That  he  must  continue  to  take  the  liveliest  interest  in 
the  welfare  of  a  brigade  that  has  never  failed  in  the  hour 
of  peril,  whether  in  daylight  or  darkness,  to  honor  his 
every  command,  no  one  can  doubt  ;  and  he  trusts  that 
both  officers  and  men  will  touch  lightly  upon  his  faults, 
in  the  full  conviction  that,  as  their  commander,  he  has 
endeavored  to  discharge  his  duties  to  them,  to  his  coun 
try  and  his  God.  He  leaves  you  with  fervent  wishes  for 
your  prosperity,  and  the  earnest  hope  that  an  honorable 
peace  may  soon  be  won,  so  that  we  may  once  more  re 
turn  to  our  loved  homes  by  the  broad  rivers  and  lakes  of 
the  Empire  State. 

By  order  of  GENERAL  PATRICK. 


1862.]  GENERAL  PAUL   HIS  SUCCESSOR.  339 

General  Gabriel  Paul,  an  accomplished  and  gallant 
officer,  who  subsequently  lost  both  eyes  by  a  gun-shot 
wound  at  Gettysburg,  was  assigned  to  the  command  of 
the  brigade,  and  retained  the  command  at  the  time  the 
regiment  was  transferred  to  General  Patrick's  provis 
ional  brigade,  January  7,  1863. 


CHAPTER    XXV. 

WHAT  WAS  EXPECTED  OF  BURNSIDE — MUST  ACT  QUICKLY — POSITION  OF 
LEE — BURNSIDE  ACCEPTABLE  TO  ARMY — WHAT  HE  SHOULD  HAVE  DONE 
— WHAT  HE  DID  DO— ARMIES  MOVE  ON  PARALLEL  LINES— LEE  AHEAD 
— A  MUDDLE  ABOUT  THE  PONTOONS — A  BLUNDER  AT  THE  OUTSET — 
BURNSIDE  ALONE  RESPONSIBLE — BURNSIDE'S  MISTAKE  AT  FREDERICKS- 
BURG — OPERATIONS  PRECEDING  THE  CROSSING FRUITLESS  ATTEMPT 

TO  LAY  THE  BRIDGES — SIGNAL  GUNS — BOMBARDMENT  OF  FREDERICKS- 
BURG — CROSSING  IN  THE  PONTOON  BOATS— THE  REBEL  SHARP-SHOOT 
ERS  DISPERSED — THE  BRIDGES  LAID — THE  ARMY  CROSSES  THE  RIVER 
— POSITION  AND  STRENGTH  OF  LEE*S  ARMY — THREE  HUNDRED  CANNONS 
— THE  SLAUGHTER  OF  THE  13TH  DECEMBER— FIGHTING  BY  DRIBLETS — 
FRANKLIN'S  ORDERS — WHAT  A  ZEALOUS  GENERAL  WOULD  HAVE  DONE 

— OPERATIONS  ON  THE  RIGHT — BURNSIDE  INEXORABLE — NIGHT,  AT 
LAST — THE  LOSSES— BURNSIDE'S  STATEMENT — BURNSIDE  ASSUMES  ALL 
RESPONSIBILITY — PRESIDENT  INTERDICTS  MOVEMENT  BY  LEFT — IN 
TERFERENCE  BY  SUBORDINATES — WHAT  BURNSIDE  INTENDED  TO  DO 
— WHAT  HE  DID  DO — THE  MUD  CAMPAIGN — HIS  ORDER  AGAINST  CER 
TAIN  OFFICERS — HE  HIMSELF  RELIEVED — HOOKER  SUCCEEDS  HIM — 
THE  "ULSTER  GUARD"  IN  THE  BATTLE — ITS  MOVEMENTS  DOWN  TO 
THE  END  OF  THE  YEAR — ITS  CASUALTIES  DURING  THE  YEAR. 

WHEN  General  Burnside  was  placed  in  command  of  the 
Army  of  the  Potomac  the  administration  and  the  loyal 
people  of  the  country  were  impatient  of  the  long  delay 
that  had  followed  the  battle  of  Antietam.  They  were 
likewise  dissatisfied  with  the  results  of  that  battle,  and 
the  escape  of  the  Confederate  army  with  the  trophies 
of  Harper's  Ferry  and  the  plunder  of  Chambersburg. 
Lee  had  lain  during  these  five  weeks  of  inactivity  with 
in  a  few  miles  of  McClellan's  army,  but  no  attempt  had 
been  made  by  the  latter  to  disturb  his  repose.  It  was 
well  known  that  the  Confederates  had  left  Maryland  in 
a  wretched  plight,  in  so  far  as  shoes,  clothing,  and  sup 
plies  were  concerned,  and  that  they  were  greatly  inferior 
in  number  to  the  Union  Army.  It  was  thought  by  the 
President  and  his  advisers  and  by  the  country  generally 
to  be  a  favorable  time  to  strike  a  telling  blow  at  this 
audacious  foe. 

340 


1862.  J  WHAT    WAS  EXPECTED   OF   BURNSIDE.  341 

Burnside  knew  he  was  expected  to  do  what  McClellan 
had  failed  to  do,  and  that  whatever  he  did  must  be  done 
quickly.  It  was  on  the  seventh  of  November,  and  a 
furious  snow-storm  was  prevailing,  when  General  Buck 
ingham  rode  into  camp  with  the  Order  assigning  Burn- 
side  to  the  command.  The  season  for  active  operations 
was  near  its  close.  To  go  into  winter  quarters  without 
a  battle  was  the  last  thing  to  be  thought  of.  In  twelve 
hours  the  snow  had  disappeared,  the  ground  was  dry, 
the  roads  were  in  splendid  condition  and  the  air  was  as 
balmy  as  though  it  had  never  tfoated  a  snow-flake. 

Lee  had  moved  up  the  Shenandoah  Valley,  the  great 
highway  of  rebel  armies,  keeping  opposite  the  Army  of 
the  Potomac,  and  separated  from  it  by  the  Blue  Ridge, 
some  of  the  passes  of  which  were  occupied  by  the  Fed 
erals  and  others  by  the  Confederates. 

Burnside  had  given  higher  promise  of  energy  and 
-capacity  than  any  other  of  the  corps  commanders  of  the 
army.  He  had  the  jjrestige  of  a  successful  campaign 
in  North  Carolina,  and  the  country  confided  in  his  earn 
est  and  indefatigable  energy  and  unquestionable  patri 
otism.  In  short  he  seemed  the  fittest  man  to  succeed 
McClellan  if  McClellan  were  to  have  a  successor,  and 
was  accepted  by  the  army  with  more  satisfaction  than 
any  other  man  who  could  have  been  named. 

In  view  of  the  relative  positions  and  conditions  of  the 
two  armies,  and  of  the  public  expectations  (if  these  may 
be  taken  into  account  in  such  momentous  affairs),  Burn- 
side  should  have  made  it  his  instant  business  to  find  the 
rebel  army  and  fight  it.  He  knew  where  to  look  for  it 
and  two  days'  march  would  have  brought  Lee  to  battle 
or  compelled  him  to  flee.  Moving  by  his  left  upon 
Gordensville  he  might  have  placed  himself  between  Lee 
and  Richmond  and  compelled  him  to  fight  to  recover  his 
communications  and  open  his  way  to  his  base.  Instead 
of  this,  Burnside  spent  ten  days  at  Warrenton,  deliber 
ating  and  reorganizing  the  army.  He  formed  the  six 


342  WHAT  HE  DID  DO— LEE  AHEAD.  [1862, 

corps  into  three  grand  divisions  ;  the  right  composed  of 
the  Second  corps,  under  General  Couch,  and  the  Ninth 
corps,  under  Gen.  Wilcox ;  Gen.  Sumner  commanding. 
The  centre  grand  division  was  made  up  of  the  Third  corps, 
under  General  Stoneman,  and  the  Fifth  corps,  under  Gen. 
Butterfield  ;  Gen.  Hooker  commanding.  The  left  grand 
division  consisted  of  the  First  corps,  under  Gen.  Rey 
nolds,  and  the  Sixth  corps,  under  Gen.  W.  F.  Smith  ; 
General  Franklin  commanding.  He  then  made  a  feint 
towards  Gordonsville,  but  facing  suddenly  to  the  left,, 
moved  across  the  country  to  the  Rappahannock,  oppo 
site  Fredericksburg.  The  degree  of  rapidity  with  which 
this  march  was  conducted  was  not  calculated  to  accom 
plish  the  purpose  Burnside  had  in  view.  It  was  not 
remarkable  for  its  celerity. 

General  Burnside  had  expected  to  reach  and  cross 
the  Rappahannock  and  occupy  the  vantage  ground  in 
rear  of  Fredericksburg  before  Lee  could  get  into  that 
vicinity.  But  he  miscalculated  the  watchfulness  and 
fieet-footedness  of  the  rebel  army.  Stuart's  troopers 
rode  into  Warrenton  as  the  rear  of  Burnside' s  army 
marched  out.  Lee  moved  down  the  south  bank  of  the 
river  as  his  adversary  went  down  on  the  north  side,  and 
when  our  advance  under  Sumner  reached  Falmouth  and 
attemped  to  cross  the  river  to  Fredericksburg,  he 
found  the  enemy  there  to  oppose  him,  and  was  re 
pulsed.  The  bridges  having  been  again  burned,  pon 
toons  were  necessary  for  a  speedy  and  general  crossing, 
and  these  Burnside  supposed  General  Halleck  would 
have  on  the  ground  against  his  arrival,  and  Halleck 
supposed  General  Burnside  would  himself  attend  to  it ; 
so  there  were  no  pontoons  present,  and  before  they  did 
arrive  Lee's  entire  army  was  in  position  on  the  Freder 
icksburg  Heights. 

Thus  had  Burnside' s  first  move  utterly  miscarried. 
Instead  of  treating  the  rebel  army  as  his  objective  he 
manoeuvred  as  though  the  rebel  capital  were  the  real 


1862.]         BLUNDER  AT   OUTSET— BURNSIDE  ALONE  RESPONSIBLE.  343 

objective,  and  instead  of  posting  himself  on  Lee's  line 
and  compelling  him  to  light  on  ground  of  Burnside' s 
choosing,  he  had  given  Lee  the  option  of  this  choice  and 
now  found  him  lying  across  his  path,  from  whence  only 
a  desperate  and  disadvantageous  battle  could  displace 
him. 

It  has  been  stated  by  some  writers  that  this  man- 
O3uvre  was  ordered  from  Washington,  but  in  making 
his  report  upon  the  battle  which  followed,  General 
Burnside  says  :  "The  fact  that  I  decided  to  move  from 
Warrenton  on  to  this  line  rather  against  the  opinion  of 
the  President,  Secretary  of  War  and  yourself,  (General 
Halleck)  and  that  you  have  left  the  whole  movement  in 
my  hands,  without  giving  me  orders,  makes  me  the 
more  responsible." 

Considering  the  strong  position  that  Lee  occupied,  it 
would  have  been  deemed  judicious  by  most  commanders 
to  have  recourse  to  such  tactics  as  should  neutralize  this 
advantage  as  far  as  possible,  and  there  seems  to  have 
been  no  insuperable  difficulty  in  a  movement  by  his 
right,  which,  if  skillfully  planned  and  conducted,  gave 
reasonable  hopes  of  success.  The  enemy  were  closely 
watching  the  river  above  and  below  Fredericksburg,  it 
is  true,  but  no  more  so  than  they  were  at  Fredericks- 
burg  itself,  and  here  the  bulk  of  their  army  was  posted 
and  they  had  now  constructed  formidable  fortifications. 
Moreover,  their  position  in  rear  of  Fredericksburg  was 
naturally  very  strong,  and  after  crossing  the  river,  Burn- 
side' s  charging  columns  would  have  a  difficult  canal  to 
pass,  running  parallel  with  the  rebel  works  and  much 
of  the  way  within  range  of  their  small  arms. 

But  Burnside  supposed  the  enemy  would  anticipate 
a  flank  movement,  and  that  they  would  hardly  expect 
the  boldness  of  an  attack  in  front,  and  he  resolved  to 
make  it.  It  is  said  to  be  bad  policy  in  war  to  do  what 
your  enemy  anticipates,  but  it  does  not  follow  that  it  is 


344  OPERATIONS  PRECEDING  CROSSING.  [1862. 

always  good  policy  to  do  what  lie  least  expects  you 
will  do. 

The  bluffs  on  the  Stafford  side  of  the  river  approach 
•so  near  it,  opposite  Fredericksburg,  that  artillery  posted 
on  the  heights,  afford  a  good  cover  for  troops  attempt 
ing  to  cross,  and  effectually  sweep  the  broad  plain  on 
the  other  side.  Lee,  therefore,  resolved  not  to  oppose 
the  passage  of  the  stream  but  to  make  his  fight  from 
behind  his  fortifications  when  Burnside  should  seek  to 
advance.  This,  however,  did  not  inhibit  a  very  stub 
born  opposition  on  the  part  of  rebel  sharp-shooters 
who  had  concealed  themselves  in  the  buildings  along 
the  river  in  the  city  of  Fredericksburg,  and  whose 
rifles  commanded  the  stream  where  it  was  proposed  to 
lay  the  upper  pontoon. 

Nearly  four  weeks  had  now  passed  since  Burnside 
set  his  columns  in  motion  from  Warrenton,  and  on  the 
night  of  the  tenth  of  December,  one  hundred  and  forty- 
seven  heavy  cannon  were  planted  on  Stafford  heights, 
the  army  was  moved  near  the  river  and  the  pontoon 
trains  were  drawn  to  the  points  where  it  was  intended 
to  lay  the  bridges — three  directly  opposite  the  city,  and 
two  a  couple  miles  below. 

The  left  Grand  Division,  under  Franklin,  forty  thou 
sand  strong,  was  to  cross  at  the  lower  bridges,  while 
Sumner's  Grand  Division  of  the  Second  and  Ninth 
Corps  were  to  cross  over  the  upper  bridges.  Hooker, 
with  the  centre  Grand  Division,  was  to  remain  in  re 
serve. 

Before  daylight  on  the  eleventh,  the  engineer  corps 
began  the  work  of  laying  the  bridges.  The  work  pro 
gressed  almost  uninterruptedly  at  the  lower  crossings, 
but  at  the  upper  the  artificers  were  instantly  fired  upon 
by  the  watchful  sharpshooters,  concealed  along  the 
Fredericksburg  side  of  the  river.  As  the  report  of  the 
small  arms  rung  out  upon  the  morning  air,  two  cannon 
shots  boomed  from  the  heights  back  of  Fredericksburg 


1862.]  BOMBARDMENT   OP   FREDERICKSBURG.  345 

—signal  guns,  to  summon  the  Confederate  host  to  the 
lines  of  defense.  Longstreet  says,  in  his  report  of  the 
battle  :  "At  three  o'clock  our  signal  guns  gave  notice 
of  the  enemy's  approach.  The  troops  being  at  their 
different  camp  grounds,  were  formed  immediately,  and 
marched  to  their  positions  along  the  line."  Meantime 
a  dense  fog  filled  the  valley,  but  the  rifle-bullets  sped 
through  it  on  their  deadly  errand,  and  it  was  found  im 
possible  to  proceed  with  the  work. 

So  time  went  on  until  ten  o'clock  ;  then  Burnside 
gave  the  order  to  train  the  batteries  on  the  town  and 
batter  it  down.  For  an  hour  an  iron  storm  poured 
upon  the  city,  and  seven  thousand  three  hundred  and 
fifty  cannon  balls  and  shells  were  hurled  into  its  streets 
and  buildings.  The  city  was  still  enveloped  in  fog,  and 
the  effect  of  this  terrific  bombardment  could  not  be 
seen,  but  here  and  there  dense  columns  of  smoke  rose 
above  the  mist-hidden  town,  showing  that  conflagrations 
had  broken  out.  When,  soon  after  eleven  o'clock,  the 
fog  rolled  away,  the  city  was  seen  to  be  on  fire  at  a 
number  of  points;  but  the  buildings  along  the  river's 
brink  still  stood,  and  gave  cover  to  the  riflemen,  whose 
unerring  bullets  bade  defiance  to  all  attempts  to  lay  the 
bridges.  Some  progress  had  been  made,  but  the  nearer 
the  bridge  builders  approached  the  farther  shore,  the 
more  deadly  became  the  fire.  The  Fifty-seventh  New 
York,  Lieutenant-Colonel  Chapman,  and  the  Sixty-sixth 
New  York,  Lieutenant-Colonel  Bull,  who  were  posted 
along  the  river  bank  to  cover  the  working  party,  lost 
one  hundred  and  fifty  men  in  a  short  space  of  time. 

The  afternoon  had  now  been  reached  and  no  further 
progress  could  be  made.  The  enemy,  whose  fatal  fire 
was  thinning  the  ranks  of  the  exposed  Federals,  could 
not  be  seen,  and  the  pontooners  were  exposed  to  certain 
slaughter  if  they  proceeded  with  their  work.  In  this 
emergency  General  Hunt,  Chief  of  Artillery,  proposed 
that  a  party  should  be  sent  across  the  river  in  the  open 


346  CROSSING  IN  PONTOON  BOATS— BRIDGES  LAID.  [1862. 

pontoon  boats,  and  capture  or  disperse  the  hidden  foe. 
It  was  a  perilous  undertaking,  and  one  upon  which  an 
officer  would  hesitate  to  order  his  men.  Volunteers 
were  called  for,  and  the  Seventh  Michigan  and  the 
Nineteenth  and  Twentieth  Massachusetts  regiments  of 
Howard's  division,  offered  themselves  for  the  desperate 
service.  Rushing  to  the  bank  of  the  river,  they  opened 
a  rapid  fire  upon  the  opposite  shore  to  force  the  rebels 
to  keep  their  cover,  while  the  rubber  pontoon  boats 
were  being  launched.  Filling  a  number  of  these  they 
were  rapidly  rowed  across  the  stream,  other  boats  swift 
ly  following,  and  dashing  up  the  opposite  bank,  they 
charged  into  the  town,  capturing  upwards  of  a  hundred 
rebels  and  putting  the  others  to  flight.  Our  gallant 
fellows  then  took  possession  of  the  south  shore  of  the 
river,  and  the  bridges  were  finished  without  further 
molestation, 

Howard's  division  of  Couch's  corps  crossed  to  Fred- 
ericksburg  that  evening,  and  met  a  strong  skirmish  line 
of  the  enemy  in  the  streets  of  the  city,  which  it  forced 
back  toward  the  rear  of  the  town.  The  next  morning 
the  city,  valley  and  river  were  again  enveloped  in  a 
dense  fog,  under  cover  of  which  the  Ninth  Corps 
crossed  to  Fredericksburg,  and  a  portion  of  Franklin's 
Grand  Division  passed  over  at  the  lower  bridges. 

Another  cold  December  night ;  another  fog-curtained 
morning,  and  yet  we  were  not  ready  for  the  impending 
battle.  Four  additional  pontoon  bridges  were  laid  to 
facilitate  the  withdrawal  of  the  army,  in  case  of  dis 
aster,  and  the  day  was  consumed  in  reconnoitring 
the  Confederate  position. 

Lee's  army  was  now  eighty  thousand  strong,  divided 
into  two  divisions,  Stonewall  Jackson  commanding 
the  right  and  Longstreet  the  left.  The  bluff  on  which 
the  main  body  of  the  Confederate  army  was  posted, 
starts  from  the  river  above  the  city,  and  curving  to 
wards  the  south,  sweeps  around  the  rear  of  the  town 


1862.]  THREE  HUNDRED   CANNON.  347 

and  leaves  a  plain  below  the  city  and  between  the  base 
of  the  bluff  and  the  river,  two  miles  wide  ;  then  bend 
ing  northerly  it  approaches  within  a  half  mile  of  the 
river  at  Massaponix  Creek,  Near  this  latter  point  the 
rebel  right  was  posted  under  charge  of  D.  H.  Hill.  On 
the  plain  below  was  Stuart's  cavalry.  The  Richmond 
and  Fredericksburg  Railroad  runs  over  the  plain  and 
then  passes  south  through  a  gap  in  the  bluff  near  Mas 
saponix  creek.  Across  this  plain  and  parallel  with  the 
river  runs  a  broad  wagon  road  known  as  the  "  Bowling 
Green"  road.  Another  wagon  road,  starting  from  the 
lower  part  of  the  city  and  running  directly  south,  as 
cends  the  bluff,  passes  through  the  Confederate  line  and 
continues  to  Richmond.  This  is  known  as  the  u  Tele 
graph  Road."  Still  another  highway  leaves  from  the 
upper  part  of  the  town,  climbs  the  hill  near  where  the 
Confederate  left  was  posted  and  conducts  to  Orange 
Court  House  ;  this  is  a  plank  road. 

While  the  Federals  were  preparing  to  assault  this 
strong  position,  the  enemy  had  by  no  means  been  idle. 
Every  art  that  engineering  skill  could  resort  to  was  em 
ployed  to  make  the  line  of  works  behind  which  Lee  had 
taken  stand,  impregnable.  Three  hundred  cannon  had 
been  mounted  in  battery,  and  their  fire  would  sweep  al 
most  every  foot  of  ground  on  the  plain  below.  The 
Union  guns  on  Stafford  Heights  were  too  remote  to  do 
execution  on  the  Confederate  batteries,  and  proved  of 
little  use  in  the  battle  which  ensued — indeed,  they  in 
flicted  damage  upon  our  own  troops  as  they  advanced, 
and  Burnside  ordered  them  to  cease  firing. 

Another  foggy  morning  ushered  in  the  thirteenth  of 
December,  which  was  to  see  the  encounter  between 
these  two  mighty  forces.  The  attack  was  to  have  been 
made  early,  but  the  thick  mist  compelled  a  delay  until 
near  ten  o'clock.  Then,  as  the  rays  of  the  sun  began  to 
penetrate  the  dank  air,  the  plain  far  below  Fredericks- 
burg  was  seen  alive  with  marching  troops,  whose  arms 


348  SLAUGHTER   OF    13TH  DECEMBER.  [1862. 

gleamed  like  burnished  steel  as  they  met  the  light  of 
the  December  sun.  Meade's  division  was  advancing  to 
attack  the  rebel  right.  They  had  not  proceeded  far  be 
fore  they  were  forced  to  halt  and  turn  their  attention  to 
Stuart,  on  their  left,  whose  batteries  were  raking  their 
columns.  Some  time  was  spent  in  silencing  this  flank 
fire,  and  then  Meade  pushed  on  toward  the  woods,  near 
where  the  railroad  strikes  the  bluff.  Meade's  front  was 
covered  by  a  cloud  of  skirmishers,  and  his  batteries  con 
tinuously  shelled  the  woods  and  heights  toward  which 
they  were  advancing.  But  the  rebel  works  were  as  si 
lent  as  though  they  were  deserted,  until  the  Federals 
had  reached  within  point  blank  range,  when  they  burst 
forth  with  a  murderous  fire  of  grape,  canister  and  mus 
ketry.  By  no  means  daunted,  the  Federals  rushed  on, 
compelling  the  enemy  to  hastily  withdraw  three  batter 
ies  they  had  stationed  on  the  north  side  of  the  railroad. 
Striking  the  Confederate  brigade  of  Lane,  in  the  edge  of 
the  woods,  it  was  driven  back  in  confusion  upon  Greggs' 
brigade,  in  its  rear.  The  right  of  Archer's  brigade  next 
felt  the  shock,  and  was  crushed  by  the  on-coming  Fed 
erals,  who  captured  some  two  hundred  prisoners,  and  a 
number  of  battle  flags.  No  halt  was  made,  but  advanc 
ing  up  the  crest  of  the  hill,  the  assailants  reached  the 
second  line,  posted  in  a  military  road  on  the  plateau, 
and  held  at  this  point  by  Greggs'  brigade  of  South 
Carolinians.  They  poured  a  withering  fire  into  the  very 
faces  of  Meade's  men,  and  checked  their  advance. 
Rebel  re-enforcements  hurried  to  the  endangered  line, 
and  after  a  fierce  struggle,  Meade  was  thrust  back  with 
the  loss  of  1,760  men,  in  killed,  wounded  and  prisoners, 
out  of  a  total  of  six  thousand  engaged.  As  Meade  fell 
back,  General  Gibbon  formed  on  his  right,  and  Birney 
on  his  left,  covering  his  retreat,  and  checking  the  rebel 
advance.  Sickles'  division  of  Hooker's  corps  advanced 
to  the  front  and  relieved  Gibbon. 

Here  was  another  lamentable  instance  among  the 


1862.]  FIGHTING   BY   DRIBLETS— FRANKLIN'S   ORDERS.  349 

many  on  our  side,  in  which  a  mere  fragment  of  the  ar 
my  was  delegated  to  do  the  work  that  should  have  been 
committed  to  thrice  their  numbers.  And  when  we  con 
sider  the  partial  success  which  Meade  secured  with  his 
six  thousand  men,  while  thirty  odd  thousand  were 
standing  behind  him,  it  seems  as  though  it  would  have 
been  possible  to  have  absolutely  crushed  the  rebel  right, 
and  to  have  completely  turned  their  line.  Franklin, 
who  commanded  our  left  grand  division,  excuses  him 
self  for  making  the  assault  with  so  small  a  force,  upon 
the  ground  that  his  orders  were  to  advance  but  one  di 
vision.  Burnside's  instructions  to  him  were,  "keep 
your  whole  command  in  position  for  a  rapid  movement 
down  the  old  Richmond  road,  and  you  will  send  out  a 
division,  at  least,  to  pass  below  Smithfield,  to  seize,  if 
possible,  the  heights  near  Captain  Hamilton's,  on  this 
side  of  the  Massaponix,  taking  care  to  keep  it  well  sup 
ported,  and  its  line  of  retreat  open."  He  also  informed 
Franklin  that  a  simultaneous  attack  would  be  made  on 
the  enemy' s  extreme  left,  and  adds  :  ' '  Holding  these 
heights,  (on  the  enemy's  left) and  the  heights  near  Cap 
tain  Hamilton's,  will,  I  hope,  compel  the  enemy  to 
evacuate  the  whole  ridge  between  these  two  points." 
It  was  apparent  then  that  these  two  attacks  were  to  be 
the  key  points  of  the  battle,  and,  while  it  must  be  ad 
mitted  that  Burnside's  order  was  less  definite  and  im 
perative  than  it  should  have  been,  yet  it  revealed  to 
Franklin  the  nature,  object  and  scope  of  the  work  in 
trusted  to  him  ;  and  a  General  capable  to  command, 
loyal  to  his  chief,  and  with  zeal  in  the  cause,  would 
have  thrown  twenty,  instead  of  six  thousand,  upon  this 
pivotal  point. 

While  the  events  above  narrated  were  transpiring  on 
our  extreme  left,  a  similar  and  quite  as  harrowing  a 
scene  was  enacted  on  our  extreme  right.  General 
French's  division  of  the  second  corps  was  assigned  to 
carry  the  works  on  the  rebel  left.  Hancock's  division 


350  OPERATIONS  ON  THE   RIGHT.  [1862. 

was  to  support  the  movement.  French  moved  out  of 
the  town  by  the  plank  and  telegraph  roads,  and  cross 
ing  the  canal,  deployed  his  columns  on  the  terrace  be 
low  Marey's  Hill.  All  this  while  the  rebel  artillery 
ploughed  through  our  ranks.  Longstreet  says  :  ' '  This 
fire  was  very  destructive  and  demoralizing  in  its  effects, 
and  frequently  made  gaps  in  the  enemy's  ranks  that 
could  be  seen  at  the  distance  of  a  mile."  When 
French's  melting  lines  came  under  the  infantry  fire, 
they  met  such  a  deluge  of  lead  that  one-half  their  num 
bers  fell  before  the  first  blast.  It  was  more  than  the 
bravest  men  could  endure,  and  they  fell  back  out  of 
range  of  this  desolating  fire. 

Hancock  now  pushed  to  the  front,  joined  by  a  por 
tion  of  French's  division,  and  met  the  same  destructive 
reception.  A  brief  struggle  for  the  wall  and  bank  from 
behind  which  this  fiery  storm  came,  and  he,  like  French, 
was  forced  to  fall  back  with  a  loss  of  over  two  thousand 
men,  out  of  a  force  of  five  thousand  and  six.  The  di 
visions  of  Howard,  Sturgis  and  Getty,  advanced  to  the 
support  of  French  and  Franklin,  and  joined  in  the  at 
tacks,  but  the  utmost  the  Unionists  could  do,  was  to 
hold  a  line  south  of  the  canal,  out  of  musket  range,  and 
somewhat  protected  from  artillery  by  the  conformation 
of  the  ground. 

Burnside  would  not  yet  forego  this  desperate  under 
taking.  Hooker  was  now  ordered  to  cross  the  river  with 
a  portion  of  his  grand  division,  and  storm  the  heights 
where  French  and  Hancock  had  destroyed  two  divis 
ions.  Couch  had  been  battering  the  enemy's  works 
with  a  dozen  cannon,  planted  within  one  hundred  and 
fifty  yards,  to  make  a  breach  through  which  an  assault 
ing  column  could  pass,  but  made  no  perceptible  impres 
sion.  Hooker  sent  Humphrey's  division  upon  the  for 
lorn  assault  of  these  cannon-proof  works.  The  men 
were  to  rely  upon  the  bayonet  exclusively.  They  mov 
ed  forward  with  great  gallantry  and  celerity,  and  reach- 


1862.]  BURNSIDE'S  STATEMENT.  351 

ed  the  extreme  limit  to  which  their  predecessors  had  at 
tained,  and  then  were  swept  back  by  the  same  over 
whelming,  resistless  leaden  sirocco,  leaving  seventeen 
hundred  out  of  four  thousand  who  had  advanced,  dead 
or  wounded,  upon  the  field. 

Our  losses  in  this  day's  battles  amounted  to  thirteen 
thousand  seven  hundred  and  seventy-one  men.  The 
rebel  loss  was  between  five  and  six  thousand.  The 
withdrawal  of  the  Union  army  was  very  skillfully  and 
successfully  accomplished  on  the  night  of  the  fifteenth 
of  December. 

Night  now  interposed  before  another  sacrifice  could 
be  arranged,  and  although  General  Burnside  was  intent 
upon  renewing  the  costly  experiment  of  dashing  his  ar 
my  to  pieces  on  the  following  day,  he  was  finally  pre 
vailed  upon  to  desist.  His  own  statement  on  this 
point,  made  before  the  committee  on  the  conduct  of  the 
war,  is  interesting  and  pathetic.  He  says  : 

"The  two  attacks  were  made  and  we  were  repulsed  ; 
still  holding  a  portion  of  the  ground  we  had  fought 
upon,  but  not  our  extreme  advance. 

"That  night  I  went  all  over  the  field  on  our  right  ;  in 
fact  I  was  with  the  officers  and  men  until  nearly  day 
light.  I  found  the  feeling  to  be  rather  against  an  at 
tack  the  next  morning  ;  in  fact,  it  was  decidedly  against 
it. 

"I  returned  to  my  headquarters,  and,  after  conversa 
tion  with  General  Sumner,  told  him  that  I  wanted  him 
to  order  the  Ninth  Army  Corps — which  was  the  corps  I 
originally  commanded — to  form  the  next  morning  a 
column  of  attack,  by  regiments.  It  consisted  of  some 
eighteen  old  regiments  and  some  new  ones,  and  I  de 
sired  the  column  to  make  a  direct  attack  upon  the 
enemy's  works.  I  thought  that  these  regiments,  by 
coming  quickly  up  after  each  other,  would  be  able  to 
carry  the  stone  wall  and  the  batteries  in  front,  forcing 
the  enemy  into  their  next  line,  and  by  going  in  with 


352  HE  ASSUMES  RESPONSIBILITY.  [1862. 

them  they  would  not  be  able  to  fire  upon  us  to  any 
great  extent.  I  left  General  Sumner  with  that  under 
standing,  and  directed  him  to  give  the  order. 

u  The  next  morning,  just  before  the  column  started. 
General  Sumner  came  to  me  and  said  :  '  General,  I 
hope  you  will  desist  from  this  attack  ;  I  do  not  know  of 
any  general  officer  who  approves  of  it,  and  I  think  it 
will  prove  disastrous  to  the  army.'  Advice  of  that 
kind  from  General  Sumner,  who  had  always  been  in 
favor  of  an  advance  whenever  it  was  possible,  caused 
me  to  hesitate.  I  kept  the  column  of  attack  formed  and 
sent  over  for  the  division  and  corps  commanders,  and 
consulted  with  them.  They  unanimously  voted  against 
the  attack.  I  then  went  over  to  see  the  other  officers  of 
the  command  on  the  other  side,  and  found  that  the 
same  impression  prevailed  among  them.  I  then  sent 
for  General  Franklin,  who  was  on  the  left,  and  he  was 
of  exactly  the  same  opinion.  This  caused  me  to  decide 
that  I  ought  not  to  make  the  attack  I  had  contemplated. 
And  besides,  inasmuch  as  the  President  of  the  United 
States  had  told  me  not  to  be  in  haste  in  making  this  at 
tack  ;  that  he  would  give  me  all  the  support  that  he 
could,  but  he  did  not  want  the  Army  of  the  Potomac 
destroyed,  I  felt  that  I  could  not  take  the  responsibility 
of  ordering  the  attack,  notwithstanding  my  own  belief 
at  the  time,  that  the  works  of  the  enemy  could  be 
carried."  For  the  part  performed  by  the  "Ulster 
Guard"  during  these  operations,  see  Chronolog.  Hist. 

It  is  truer  of  military  operations  than  of  anything 
else  that  "nothing  succeeds  like  success,"  and  nothing 
extinguishes  a  General's  popularity  and  the  confidence 
of  his  army  in  his  ability,  like  failure.  Explanations 
and  excuses  are  not  accepted  ;  the  delinquencies  of  sub 
ordinates  are  not  taken  into  the  account.  The  com 
manding  general  who  planned  and  ordered  the  abortive 
campaign  must  bear  the  responsibility  for  its  failure. 
No  one  understood  this  better  than  Burnside  himself , 


1862.]  PRESIDENT   INTERDICTS  PROPOSED   MOVEMENT.  353 

and  when  asked  if  Franklin's  inefficient  attack  was  not 
the  real  cause  of  the  failure,  he  at  once  replied  :  "  No  ! 
I  understood  perfectly  well  that  when  the  General  com 
manding  an  Army  meets  with  disaster,  he  alone  is  re 
sponsible  ;  and  I  will  not  attempt  to  shift  that  respon 
sibility  upon  any  one  else."  The  Corps  and  Grand  Di 
vision  commanders  had,  from  the  first,  been  opposed 
to  Burnside' s  plan  of  assault,  and  they  had  generally 
remonstrated  against  his  proposed  renewal  of  the  bat 
tle.  To  what  they  regarded  as  bad  judgment  in  the  be 
ginning,  was  now  added  the  quality  of  rashness  ;  and 
to  their  want  of  confidence  in  his  military  sagacity  was 
now  added  an  apprehension  that  he  might  undertake 
some  desperate  exploit  to  retrieve  his  waning  reputa 
tion. 

So  it  came  to  pass  that  when  Burnside  was  about  to 
set  the  army  in  motion  on  another  campaign,  on  the 
last  day  but  one  in  December,  the  President  counter 
manded  it  by  telegraph.  Burnside  repaired  to  Wash 
ington,  where  he  learned  that  certain  of  his  subordi 
nates — Generals  John  Newton  and  John  Cochrane — had 
visited  the  President  and  represented  the  condition  of 
things  in  the  Army  in  such  a  light  that  the  President 
felt  constrained  to  suspend  the  contemplated  enter 
prise.  Now,  for  the  first,  the  purport  of  these  clandes 
tine  communications  were  imparted  by  the  President 
to  General  Halleck  and  the  Secretary  of  War  ;  and  the 
result  was  an  adherence  to  the  decision  at  which  the 
President  had  arrived. 

The  movement  designed  by  Burnside  was  a  feint 
above  Fredericksburg,  and  an  actual  crossing  seven 
miles  below,  with  a  co-operating  cavalry  raid  in  rear  of 
the  Confederate  Army.  Chafing  under  the  mortifica 
tion  of  the  Fredericksburg  repulse  and  indignant  at  the 
unofficer-like  conduct  of  some  of  his  subordinates — con 
scious  that  his  camp  was  full  of  croakers  of  high  rank, 
and  that  faith  in  his  capacity  was  growing  less  and  less 

2  3 


354  WHAT  BURNSIDE   DID.  [1862. 

as  time  went  on,  he  resolved  to  make  one  more  effort  for 
Ms  own  reputation  and  his  country's  cause.  He  believed 
a  great  victory  was  yet  possible  before  the  storms  of  the 
later  winter  should  render  the  roads  impassable.  His 
movement  by  the  left  had  been  prohibited  by  the  Presi 
dent.  On  the  twentieth  of  January  he  set  his  columns 
in  motion  by  the  right,  with  a  view  to  cross  the  main 
body  of  the  army  at  Banks'  Ford,  four  miles  above 
Fredericksburg,  while  making  feints  below  the  city,  and 
at  several  fords  above.  New  roads  had  been  cut  to  the 
river  at  various  points,  and  cavalry  demonstrations  made 
to  mislead  the  foe,  whose  pickets  lined  the  south  side 
of  the  stream.  The  weather  was  mild  for  the  season, 
and  the  roads  were  excellent.  The  grand  divisions  of 
Hooker  and  Franklin  marched  up  the  river  by  parallel 
roads  and  on  the  night  of  the  twentieth  bivouacked 
in  the  woods  near  the  ford.  Couch's  Corps  moved  down 
the  stream  as  though  to  cross  near  the  Sedden  House. 
Sigel,  with  a  reserve  Corps,  guarded  the  line  of  the  river 
between  the  right  and  left  wings  of  the  Army,  and  kept 
open  their  communications.  The  enterprise  was  of  de 
cidedly  better  promise  than  the  direct  attack  on  Fred 
ericksburg  ;  and  if  the  weather  had  continued  favor 
able  there  was  but  one  element  that  added  to  the  dan 
ger  of  the  ordinary  chances  of  war,  and  that  was  the 
want  of  confidence  in  the  commanding-general.  The 
morale  of  the  Army  was  seriously  impaired,  and  it 
obeyed  by  compulsion  of  military  law,  and  not  freely 
or  from  choice. 

Banks'  Ford  was  at  this  time  only  a  ford  in  name, 
and  the  crossing  was  to  be  by  pontoon  bridges.  The 
pontoons  were  on  the  ground,  and  the  artillery  ready 
to  be  placed  in  position  to  cover  the  crossing,  and  the 
morrow  was  to  see  the  Army  again  on  the  Richmond 
side  of  the  Rappahannock.  Night  had  set  in  ;  the 
clouds  began  to  gather,  and  one  by  one  the  stars  went 
out  and  thick  darkness  reigned.  At  ten  o'clock  the 


1862.]  THE   MUD   CAMPAIGN — BURNSIDE   RELIEVED.  355 

flood-gates  of  Heaven  were  rent  asunder,  and  such  a 
storm  as  that  region  had  not  known  for  years,  burst 
over  the  Army.  Through  wind  and  lightning  and  driv 
ing  sleet  and  snow  and  rain,  the  men  worked  on,  hour 
after  hour,  in  getting  the  guns  up  the  heights  and  plac 
ing  them  in  position,  and  drawing  the  pontoons  to  the 
river's  brink.  And  every  hour  the  ground  beneath 
their  feet  was  becoming  more  and  more  incapable  of 
sustaining  their  weight,  until  finally  every  foot  of  ter 
ritory  had  become  a  quagmire.  Morning  found  the 
Army  in  this  deplorable  condition,  with  the  Com 
mander  still  resolute  in  his  purpose  to  proceed.  But 
now  it  was  found  impossible  to  bring  forward  the  artil 
lery  and  ammunition  wagons — all  were  stalled  in  the 
mud  ;  the  supply  trains  were  immovable  ;  horses  and 
mules  sunk  into  the  fathomless  muck  up  to  their 
bodies.  Ropes  were  attached  to  the  vehicles,  and  long 
lines  of  men  added  their  strength  to  that  of  the  floun 
dering  beasts  ;  but  it  could  not  be — the  advance  was  at 
an  end.  With  the  utmost  difficulty  and  in  a  state  of 
demoralization  that  has  no  parallel  in  the  history  of 
the  Army  of  the  Potomac,  the  old  camps  were  finally 
reached,  and  the  "Mud  Campaign"  was  at  an  end. 
So  also,  was  General  Burnside's  usefulness  as  Com 
mander  of  the  Army. 

Burnside  could  not  but  feel  that  he  was  the  victim 
of  "the  slings  and  arrows  of  outrageous  fortune,"  and 
the  jealousy  of  some  of  his  subordinates.  Against  the 
former  there  was  no  redress,  but  as  to  the  latter  he  re 
solved  to  retaliate  ;  and  prepared  u  General  Order  No. 
8,"  whereby  Major-General  Hooker,  Brigadier-Generals 
W.  T.  H.  Brooks  and  John  Newton  were  named  for  ig 
nominious  dismissal  from  the  service,  and  Major-Gen 
erals  W.  B.  Franklin  and  W.  F.  Smith,  and  Brigadier- 
Generals  John  Cochrane  and  Edward  Ferrero  and  Lieu 
tenant-Colonel  J.  H.  Taylor,  were  relieved  from  duty 
with  the  Army.  Before  promulgating  this  Order,  Gen- 


356  BURNSIDE   RELIEVED.  [1862. 

eral  Burnside  was  persuaded  to  submit  it  to  the  Presi 
dent,  who,  after  consultation  with  his  Cabinet,  decided 
to  relieve  General  Burnside,  instead  of  approving  the 
Order ;  and,  on  the  twenty-eighth  of  January  an  Order 
was  issued  by  the  Secretary  of  War  relieving  Burnside 
from  the  command,  "At  his  own  request;"  and 
Hooker,  whom  he  had  proposed  to  "  ignominiously  dis 
miss,"  became  his  successor.  The  same  Order  relieved 
General  Sumner,  at  his  own  request,  and  also  General 
Franklin,  without  assigning  any  reason  therefor. 


CHAPTER    XXVI. 

GLOOMY  WINTER — REBEL  RAIDERS — DESERTERS  AND  ABSENTEES — IM 
PROVED  MORALE  UNDER  HOOKER — OPENING  OF  CAMPAIGN — STRENGTH 
OP  ARMIES — RENDEZVOUS  AT  CHANCELLORSVILLE — WHAT  IT  WAS — 
CONGRATULATORY  ORDER — ADVANTAGE  OF  THE  INITIAL  SUCCESS  LOST 
— HOOKER  SURPRISED  THAT  LEE  DID  NOT  RETREAT — A  CAMPAIGN  OF 
MANOEUVRES — LEE  STUDYING  THE  CHESS-BOARD — MAKES  HIS  MOVE — 
WHY  DID  HOOKER  TARRY  IN  THE  WILDERNESS — MOVES  OUT  AND  RE 
TURNS — HOOKER'S  STATEMENT  OF  IT— HOOKER  BELIEVES  LEE  is  RE 
TREATING  WHEN  HE  IS  MARCHING  TO  ATTACK  HIM — THE  ERROR  OF  RE 
TURNING  TO  THE  WILDERNESS— HOOKER  FORMS  LINE  OF  BATTLE. 

THE  winter  of  1862-3  proved  a  very  disastrous  one  for 
the  Army  of  the  Potomac,  and  its  misfortunes  imparted 
a  gloom  to  the  prospects  of  the  Federal  cause  which 
was  felt  throughout  the  loyal  portion  of  the  country  no 
less  than  in  the  army  itself.  It  seemed  impossible  for 
the  Administration  to  find  a  competent  commander  for 
that  unfortunate  army.  "  Failure  !  "  had  been  written 
against  the  name  of  every  man  who  had  been  placed  at 
its  head.  Would  such  be  the  record  of  the  dashing 
soldier  to  whose  hands  the  baton  had  now  been  trans 
ferred  ? 

During  this  winter  the  rebel  cavalry  amused  itself  by 
riding  "rough-shod"  over  the  country  in  rear  of  the 
Federal  Army,  capturing  small  parties  of  Union  sol 
diers,  carrying  off  horses  and  wagons,  burning  railroad 
bridges,  and  destroying  army  supplies,  in  all  directions. 
Desertions  from  the  Union  Army  were  reported  to  be  at 
the  rate  of  two  hundred  a  day,  and  there  seemed  to  be 
no  way  to  stop  them.  Citizens  despairing  of  success, 
and  regarding  the  Army  of  the  Potomac  as  consigned  to 
slaughter,  aided  their  relatives  to  escape  from  it  by 
every  means  in  their  power — chief  among  which  was 
smuggling  civilians'  clothes  to  them  ;  and,  arrayed  in 

357 


358  CHANCELLORSVILLE   CAMPAIGN.  [1862-3. 

these,  their  escape  was  not  difficult.  General  Hooker 
testified  before  the  Committee  on  the  Conduct  of  the 
War,  that  the  rolls  showed  2,922  officers  and  81,964 
men  absent  from  the  army,  a  large  proportion  of  whom 
could  not  be  accounted  for.  This  aggregate  must  have 
included  all  absentees  from  the  first  organization  of 
their  commands.  It  is  not  unlikely  that  many  of  them 
had  been  killed  or  captured  on  the  Peninsula  and  in 
Pope's  campaign,  and  not  accounted  for,  while  many 
others  may  have  been  in  hospital.  The  effect  of  "  Gen 
eral  Order  No.  162,  A.  of  P.,  1862,"  was  to  place  men  in 
the  attitude  of  deserters  who  might  be  dead  on  the 
battle-field,  or  prisoners,  or  in  hospital.  After  such 
marches  and  battles  as  those  on  the  Peninsula  and 
in  Pope's  campaign,  it  was  not  always  possible  to  ac 
count  for  every  man,  and  a  number  of  men  were  dropped 
from  the  rolls  of  the  "  Ulster  Guard,"  under  that  Order, 
who  subsequently  reported,  and  whose  absence  was  the 
result  of  sickness  or  capture. 

Hooker  was  the  army's  beau-ideal  of  a  soldier  in  all 
physical  qualities,  and  he  soon  made  a  very  percep 
tible  improvement  in  the  morale  of  his  command.  He 
visited  all  portions  of  the  army,  and  infused  a  good 
deal  of  his  own  confident  spirit  into  his  officers  and 
men.  Desertions  ceased,  and  the  army  began  to  grow 
as  recruits  came  forward,  and  when  the  season  for  active 
operations  arrived,  Hooker  found  himself  at  the  head  of 
one  of  the  finest  armies  the  Government  had  ever  put  in 
the  field.  In  infantry  it  numbered  one  hundred  thou 
sand  men ;  in  artillery  ten  thousand,  and  its  cavalry 
was  thirteen  thousand  strong.  All  arms  were  in  the 
very  best  condition  of  spirits,  and  in  complete  prepara 
tion  for  the  coming  campaign.  Confidence  and  an 
eagerness  for  the  fray  had  taken  the  place  of  hopeless 
ness,  and  a  desire  to  escape  the  service — the  rank  and 
file  had  come  to  believe  in  their  new  commander. 

Hooker  designed  to  open  the  campaign  about  the 


1863.]  OPENING   OF    CAMPAIGN.  359 

middle  of  April,  and  on  the  thirteenth  he  despatched 
the  cavalry  under  General  Stoneman,  to  proceed  up  the 
Rappahannock,  cross  the  river  above  the  rebel  picket- 
line,  and  sweep  down  in  rear  of  Lee's  army.  When 
this  movement  began  to  make  itself  felt,  the  infantry 
columns  were  to  cross  the  river  and  turn  the  Confeder 
ate  position.  Soon  after  the  cavalry  set  out,  a  heavy 
storm  came  on,  rendering  the  river  impassable,  and  the 
movements  were  suspended. 

Two  weeks  elapsed  before  the  water  and  roads  were 
in  a  condition  to  justify  a  renewal  of  operations.  Then, 
on  Monday,  April  twenty-seventh,  the  llth  Corps,  un 
der  General  Howard  ;  the  12th,  under  General  Slocum  ; 
and  later  on  the  same  day,  the  5th  Corps,  under  General 
Meade,  left  their  camps  on  the  right  of  our  line,  and  set 
out  for  Kelly's  Ford,  on  the  Rappahannock,  seventeen 
miles  above  Fredericksburg.  Two  divisions  of  the  2d 
Corps,  General  Couch,  were  to  march  at  sunrise  on  the 
28th,  to  the  vicinity  of  Banks'  Ford,  four  miles  above 
Fredericksburg,  and  from  these,  one  brigade  and  one 
battery  were  to  be  sent  to  United  States  Ford,  eight 
miles  above  Fredericksburg.  These  two  divisions  were 
not  to  show  themselves  along  the  river  bank.  The 
Third  Division  of  this  Corps  was  to  remain  in  camp  at 
Falmouth,  and  picket  the  river  along  that  line,  and  be 
in  readiness  to  repel  any  attempt  of  the  enemy  to  cross. 
The  1st  Corps,  General  Reynolds ;  the  3d,  General 
.Sickles ;  and  the  6th,  General  Sedgwick,  were  to  take 
positions  to  cross  the  river  below  Fredericksburg — the 
6th  Corps,  at  what  was  called  Franklin's  crossing,  being 
the  point  at  which  General  Franklin  crossed  at  the 
battle  of  Fredericksburg,  and  the  1st  Corps  at  Pollock's 
Mills,  a  short  distance  below.  The  3d  Corps  was  to  be 
ready  to  cross  at  either  point  in  support  of  the  1st  or 
6th,  as  might  become  necessary.  The  cavalry  was  to 
cover  the  right  flank  of  the  corps  assigned  to  cross  the 


360  CHANCELLORSVILLE  CAMPAIGN.  [1863. 

river  at  Kelly's  Ford,  and  to  raid  on  Lee's  communica 
tions  with  Richmond. 

When  these  operations  were  inaugurated,  and  during 
their  continuance,  the  Confederate  Army  numbered  less 
than  fifty  thousand  men.  Two  divisions  of  Longstreet's 
Corps  were  at  Suffolk,  and  did  not  return  until  after 
the  battles  of  Chancellorsville.  Walter  H.  Taylor,  Lee's 
Assistant-Adjutant-General,  gives  the  strength  of  the 
Rebel  Army  at  this  time  as  follows  :  Anderson  and  Mc- 
Laws'  commands,  13,000  ;  Jackson's,  including  the  di 
visions  of  A.  P.  Hill,  Rhodes  (late  D.  H.  Hill's)  and 
Trimble,  21,000  ;  Early,  6,000  ;  and  cavalry  and  artillery, 
7,000.  Hooker  appreciated  his  own  superiority  of  num 
bers,  and  in  his  orders  to  General  Slocum,  who,  as  senior 
officer,  had  command  of  his  own  and  the  llth  Corps,  he 
said  :  "  You  will  have  nearly  40,000  men,  which  is  more 
than  he  (Lee)  can  spare  to  send  against  you."  It  could 
have  been  only  in  view  of  the  very  great  disparity  in 
numbers  that  Hooker  adopted  what  are  ordinarily 
considered  rash  and  unjustifiable  tactics,  by  dividing 
his  army  into  two  nearly  equal  parts,  and  then  separat 
ing  the  right  and  left  wings  by  at  least  a  day's  march,, 
with  a  difficult  and  capricious  river  between  them.  He 
was  liable  to  be  whipped  in  detail,  and  the  result  proved 
that  it  was  within  the  compass  of  possibilities  for  Lee 
to  have  fallen  upon  either  wing  and  defeated  it  before 
it  could  be  supported  by  the  other.  But  Lee  was  in 
doubt  as  to  Hooker's  real  purpose,  and  the  disposition 
he  had  made  of  his  army  until  the  morning  of  May 
first,  and  by  that  time  General  Hooker  had  re-enforced 
his  right  wing  by  ordering  up  the  Third  Corps,  and  the 
two  divisions  of  the  Second  Corps,  which  had  been 
lying  near  Banks'  and  United  States  Fords.  This  left 
the  First  Corps,  General  Reynolds,  and  the  Sixth,  Gen 
eral  Sedgwick,  below  Fredericksburg,  while  one  division 
of  the  2d  Corps  remained  in  its  camp  at  Falmouth. 

The  corps  dispatched  to  the  extreme  right  crossed 


1863.]  CHANCELLORSVILLE — WHAT    IT    WAS.  361 

the  Rappaliannock  and  Rapidan,  and  then  facing  to 
the  south-eastward,  marched  down  the  right  bank  of 
the  latter  river,  over  such  roads  as  could  be  found,  and 
on  Thursday,  the  30th,  arrived  at  Chancellorsville, 
which  was  designated  as  the  rendezvous.  Why  it 
should  have  been,  it  is  difficult  to  tell.  Probably,  in 
the  first  instance,  because  the  place  had  a  name,  and 
its  geographical  position  was  known  with  reasonable 
accuracy.  It  was  about  the  worst  position  to  manoeuvre 
civilized  troops  in  that  could  be  found  on  this  continent. 
The  locality  is  known  as  "The  Wilderness,"  and  is  an 
almost  unbroken  expanse  of  dense  thicket,  with  only 
here  and  there  a  human  habitation.  The  far-famed 
Chancellorsville  itself  consisted  of  a  solitary  house  and 
a  few  out- buildings,  and  was  used  as  a  hostelry.  The 
plank  road  from  Fredericksburg  to  Orange  Court-House 
passes  this  tavern  ;  and  a  number  of  obscure  wood  roads 
converge  upon  the  same  point.  The  distance  to  Fred 
ericksburg  is  about  11  miles,  ma  the  plank  road,  which 
runs  nearly  parallel  with  the  Rappahannock,  and  at 
Chancellorsville  is  about  four  miles  south  of  the  river. 
There  is  a  dirt-road  running  from  Chancellorsville, 
nearly  parallel  to  the  plank  road,  and  uniting  with  it 
about  six  miles  east  of  the  latter  place,  and  near  Taber 
nacle  Church.  Still  another  road  leads  to  Banks'  Ford, 
about  four  miles  above  Fredericksburg,  and  whither  a 
part  of  the  Second  Corps  had  been  ordered.  Somewhat 
less  than  three  miles  to  the  eastward  of  Chancellorsville 
the  "Wilderness"  terminates;  and  the  country  from 
thence  to  Fredericksburg  is  rolling,  and  generally 
cleared,  and  presents  no  unusual  obstacles  to  the  man 
oeuvre  of  large  bodies  of  troops  of  all  arms. 

General  Hooker  himself  gave  the  Committee  on  the 
Conduct  of  the  War  the  following  description  of  the 
place  called  Chancellorsville:  "Much  of  that  region 
was  swampy  at  the  time,  and  a  great  deal  of  it  covered 
with  undergrowth,  and  is  impenetrable  even  to  infantry. 


362  CHANCELLORSVILLE   CAMPAIGN.  [1863 

I  directed  General  Slocum  to  send  a  force  through  this 
forest  in  his  front,  and  he  reported  to  me  that  he  could 
not  do  it."  Hooker  halted  three  corps  of  his  army  in 
this  tangled  thicket  about  noon  of  the  thirtieth  day  of 
April,  and  signalized  the  occasion  by  issuing  a  con 
gratulatory  Order  upon  their  successful  crossing  of  the 
rivers,  and  declared  therein  "  that  the  operations  of  the 
last  three  days  have  determined  that  our  enemy  must 
either  ingloriously  fly,  or  come  out  from  behind  his  de 
fences  and  give  us  battle  on  our  own  ground,  where 
certain  destruction  awaits  him.  The  operations  of  the 
Fifth,  Eleventh  and  Twelfth  Corps  have  been  a  succes 
sion  of  splendid  achievements." 

Now  these  operations  had  really  been  remarkably 
successful.  They  had  been  planned  with  judgment, 
and  executed  with  great  skill.  But  their  value  to  the 
Union  Commander  depended  upon  the  use  he  would 
make  of  this  initial  triumph  over  his  adversary.  It  was 
but  the  first  step  in  what  needs  must  be  a  series  of 
operations,  having  as  their  main  object  the  destruction 
of  the  Rebel  army.  To  pause  here  was  to  surrender  all 
advantage  supposed  to  have  been  gained  by  the  secrecy 
and  celerity  of  the  preceding  operations  ;  and,  as  a 
turning  movement,  it  would  have  no  especial  effect, 
because  it  would  give  the  enemy  time  to  select  and 
fortify  another  position,  keeping  himself  constantly 
between  Hooker  and  Richmond.  Lee  had  never  yet 
made  any  serious  opposition  to  th.3  various  crossings  of 
the  Rappahannock  by  the  Army  of  the  Potomac,  nor 
did  he  to  the  crossing  of  the  Monocacy,  in  the  Mary 
land  campaign  ;  and  Hooker  knew  that  the  tactics  of 
the  Confederate  chieftain  was  rather  to  allow  the  army 
to  cross,  and  fight  it  afterwards.  Therefore,  he  could 
not  reasonably  argue  that  Lee  would  be  greatly  alarmed 
on  learning  that  he  was  actually  across  the  river,  and 
waiting  in  the  * '  Wilderness  "  for  the  Confederate  Army 
to  attack  him. 


1863.]  HOOKER    SURPRISED   THAT   LEE   DID   NOT   RETREAT.  363 

I  think  it  is  fair  to  conclude,  from  all  the  facts  and 
circumstances,  that  Hooker  had  in  view  but  two  con 
tingencies  when  he  began  his  campaign.  The  first  was 
a  battle  at  the  river  crossing,  in  which  event  he  would 
fight  as  circumstances  dictated,  and  be  governed  by  the 
result  ;  the  second  was,  that  Lee  must  retreat,  if  the 
Union  Army  were  successfully  transferred  to  the  south 
side  of  the  stream  and  threatened  his  flank  and  rear. 
The  pursuit  was  left  to  be  directed  at  the  proper  time 
and  in  the  proper  way.  Hooker  really  had  no  idea  that 
Lee  would  "come  out  from  behind  his  defences  and 
give  him  battle."  He  did  not  believe  his  forces  would 
justify  such  tactics  ;  but  he  supposed  his  adversary 
would  have  recourse  to  the  other  horn  of  the  dilemma, 
and  "  ingloriously  fly."  That  he  did  not  do  this  was  a 
great  surprise  to  the  Union  Commander,  and  it  left  him 
without  further  plans  of  immediate  operations.  The 
halting  of  his  army  in  the  "  Wilderness,"  and  his  tel 
egram  to  General  Sedgwick  on  the  thirtieth,  show  that 
he  did  not  propose  to  fight  so  much  as  to  manoeuvre. 
He  telegraphed  to  Sedgwick,  below  Fredericksburg : 
"  Make  a  demonstration  on  the  enemy's  lines  in  the  di 
rection  of  Hamilton's  Crossing  at  one  o'clock,  the  object 
being  simply  to  ascertain  whether  or  not  the  enemy 
continues  to  hug  his  defences  in  full  force  ;  and,  if  he 
should  have  abandoned  them,  to  take  possession  of  his 
works  and  the  commanding  ground  in  their  vicinity. 
*  This  demonstration  will  be  made  for  no 
other  purpose  than  that  stated."  Indeed,  General 
Hooker  himself  testified  before  the  Committee  on  the 
Conduct  of  the  War,  speaking  of  his  later  order  to 
Sedgwick  to  attack  :  "When  I  gave  the  order  to  Gen 
eral  Sedgwick,  I  expected  that  Lee  would  be  whipped 
by  manoeuvre.  I  supposed  he  would  be  compelled  to 
march  off  on  the  same  line  that  Jackson  had.  He  would 
have  been  thrown  on  the  Culpepper  and  Gordonsville 
Road,  placing  me  fifty  or  sixty  miles  nearer  Richmond 


364  CHANCELLORSVILLE    CAMPAIGN.  [1863. 

than  himself."  So  fully  persuaded  had  Hooker  been 
from  the  first  that  Lee  would  retreat  if  he  found  his 
powerful  opponent  across  the  river,  that  he  could  not 
divest  his  mind  of  that  idea  and  direct  his  thoughts  to 
the  necessity  of  providing  for  a  different  contingency. 
I  believe  the  disaster  at  Chancellorsville  was  owing  to 
this  preconceived  and  fatal  notion.  The  enemy  was  to 
be  whipped  by  manoeuvre  and  not  by  battle.  In  this 
view  of  the  purposes  of  the  campaign,  Hooker's  con 
gratulatory  Order  on  the  successful  crossing  of  the 
rivers,  and  his  halting  in  the  "Wilderness,"  seem  con 
sistent  with  the  object  in  view.  But,  under  the  circum 
stances  in  which  the  Federal  commander  was  placed,  he 
should  have  looked  for  more  decisive  results  than  could 
be  hoped  for  from  a  campaign  of  manoeuvres. 

Two  brigades  of  Anderson's  division  had  been  posted 
at  Ely's  and  Banks'  Fords,  and  as  the  Federals  ad 
vanced,  they  fell  back  towards  Fredericksburg.  The 
other  brigade  of  the  same  division  was  sent  forward  to 
support  them,  and  they  united  at  Tabernacle  Church, 
on  the  Fredericksburg  and  Orange  Court-House  Plank 
Road,  and  about  mid-way  between  the  former  place  and 
Chancellorsville,  two  or  three  miles  beyond  the  bound 
ary  of  the  <k  Wilderness." 

While  these  events  were  transpiring  on  the  right,  the 
First  and  Sixth  corps  had  crossed  the  Rappahannock 
below  Fredericksburg  as  directed,  and  General  Sedg- 
wick  had  made  the  demonstration  required  by  General 
Hooker's  order  of  the  Thirtieth,  and  found  that  the 
enemy  continued  "to  hug  his  defences."  The  Sixth 
Corps  was  22,000  strong,  and  the  First  and  Third  Corps 
contained  about  35,000  men.  (Sedgwick's  testimony  be 
fore  the  Committee  on  the  Conduct  of  the  War).  But 
as  has  been  already  said,  the  Third  Corps  was  ordered 
to  the  right  on  the  Thirtieth,  and  two  days  later  the 
First  Corps  was  also  called  from  the  left  to  the  right* 
This  left  General  Sedgwick's  Corps  alone  on  the  south 


1863.]  LEE    STUDYING   THE   CHESS-BOARD.  365 

side  of  the  river  below  Fredericksburg,  and  Gibbons' 
division  of  the  Second  Corps  on  the  north  side,  opposite 
that  town. 

Lee,  standing  on  the  heights  in  rear  of  Fredericks- 
burg,  tried  to  read  his  adversary's  designs  in  the  move 
ments  of  his  troops.  The  corps  on  the  right  had 
marched  in  the  night,  and  from  positions  beyond  the 
reach  of  his  observation,  yet  his  vigilant  vedettes  and 
fleet  couriers  had  conveyed  the  news  to  him  of  large 
bodies  of  Union  troops  crossing  at  the  fords  above  Fred 
eric  ksburg,  and  the  problem  for  the  Confederate  com 
mander  to  solve  was,  "Where  is  the  blow  to  fall? 
Which  is  the  feint  and  which  the  real  menace?"  He 
saw  three  corps  of  57,000  men  prepare  to  cross  the  river 
below  the  city,  while  a  division  remained  in  its  camp 
directly  opposite.  Here  at  his  feet  as  it  were,  was  an 
army  out-numbering  the  Confederate  array  at  his  back, 
while  messenger  after  messenger  reported  swarming 
thousands  moving  towards  his  left  and  rear.  General 
Hooker  believed  this  threatening  aspect  would  induce 
his  wily  antagonist  to  "  ingloriously  fly  ;"  but  he  stood 
and  studied  the  moves  of  his  opponent,  and  calculated 
the  chances  of  the  great  game  about  being  played,  upon 
which  depended  the  lives  of  thousands  of  human  beings, 
and,  perhaps,  the  destiny  of  a  nation.  He  saw  Sedg- 
wick  and  Reynolds  cross  the  river  on  the  twenty-ninth, 
and  draw  up  their  forces  on  the  plain  below  the  city 
and  almost  under  his  guns,  and  yet  he  "hugged  his  de 
fences."  The  next  afternoon  he  stood  and  saw  Sedg- 
wick's  demonstration  against  his  right,  and  sent  Stone 
wall  Jackson  to  meet  it.  Closely  scrutinizing  these 
operations,  with  practiced  eye,  he  determined  the  im 
portant  question  on  which  his  mind  had  been  intent  for 
three  days,  and  he  said  to  himself,  "This  movement  on 
my  right  is  a  ruse  de  guerre,  the  real  danger  is  on  the 
other  flank  and  in  my  rear."  He  immediately  recalled 
Jackson,  and  sent  him  to  re-enforce  Anderson  at  Taber- 


366  CHANCELLORSVILLE   CAMPAIGN.  [1863.. 

nacle  Church.  That  night,  Lee  put  Early  with  6,000 
men  in  charge  of  the  rebel  works  at  Fredericksburg,  and 
then  proceeded  with  the  residue  of  his  army,  (M' Law's 
division)  to  re-enforce  Jackson  and  Anderson  at  Taber 
nacle  Church. 

Thus  matters  stood  on  the  morning  of  the  first  of 
May — Hooker  atChancellorsville,  with  the  3d,  5th,  llth, 
12th  and  two  divisions  of  the  2d  Corps,  present,  or  within 
supporting  distance  ;  an  aggregate  strength  of  about  60,- 
000  men.  Sedgwick  and  Reynolds  below  Fredericksburg, 
and  Gibbon  within  supporting  distance,  with  a  com 
bined  strength  of  about  39,000  men.  The  Union  cav 
alry  swinging  around  the  rebel  army's  left.  Lee  at 
Tabernacle  Church,  half  way  between  Fredericksburg 
and  Chancellorsville,  with  about  36,000  infantry  and 
artillery;  Early' s  division,  augmented  by  Barksdale's 
brigade,  holding  the  Confederate  line  at  Fredericksburg, 
and  the  rebel  cavalry  scouting  on  Hooker's  right  flank. 

Manifestly,  Hooker  had  sacrificed  the  opportunity  of 
compelling  Lee  to  "  give  us  battle  on  our  own  ground," 
unless,  indeed,  that  ground  was  the  "  Wilderness,"  and 
we  cannot  do  General  Hooker's  judgment  the  injustice 
to  believe  that  he  deliberately  meditated  making  that 
his  battle-field.  His  own  description  of  it,  shows  that 
he  knew  it  was  not  the  place  to  fight  a  battle  on,  and, 
moreover,  he  stated  on  the  same  occasion  from  which 
we  have  already  quoted  him,  that  "  I  could  not  find  out 
anything  about  that  country,  except  I  knew  that  it  was 
called  the  Wilderness.  I  could  find  out  nothing  about 
roads  there,  either  before  I  crossed  the  river  or  after 
wards."  Then  one  is  constrained  to  inquire  :  "  Why 
spend  twenty-four  hours  there  when  a  march  of  an  hour 
will  bring  the  heads  of  your  columns  '  out  of  the  Wilder 
ness,'  and  enable  you  to  deploy  in  an  open  country  with 
a  conformation  just  adapted  to  your  purposes  ?"  Was 
Hooker  afraid  he  would  intercept  Lee  in  his  c '  inglori 
ous  flight,"  if  he  threw  his  columns  across  the  road  over 


1863.]  WHY   DID   HOOKER   TARRY   IN   THE   WILDERNESS  ? 

which  Jackson  marched  ?  If  Sedgwick  crowded  Lee  off 
the  Bowling  Green  and  Telegraph  roads,  then  he  must 
needs  fly  over  the  road  leading  to  Orange  Court  House, 
and  Hooker's  advance  would  obstruct  that  highway. 
It  was  to  be  a  campaign  of  manoeuvres  and  not  of  bat 
tles.  Hooker  had  determined  to  capture  Richmond  by 
forcing  Lee  on  a  line  of  retreat  to  his  Capital  fifty  or 
sixty  miles  farther  than  Hooker  himself  would  have  to 
go  to  reach  the  same  goal.  With  Richmond  in  Hook 
er's  possession  and  Lee's  army  cut  off  from  aid  or  sup 
plies,  its  capture  or  dispersion  would  next  be  in  order. 
But  the  defect  in  this  strategy  consisted  in  its  being  pre 
dicated  upon  unreal  premises,  and  when  the  pivotal 
condition  failed,  the  entire  scheme  mis-carried.  Not 
that  it  necessarily  need  to  have  done  so,  but  either  be 
cause  Hooker  lacked  resources  in  an  unlooked-for  emer 
gency,  or  because  he  would  believe  that  what  he  had 
expected  must  ensue  ;  it  did  grievously  miscarry.  So 
he  tarried  in  the  Wilderness. 

But  Sedgwick' s  demonstration  on  the  afternoon  of 
the  thirtieth  had  failed  to  relax  the  rebel  em  brace  of 
his  works,  and  no  signs  of  flight  manifested  themselves. 
With  but  eight  days'  rations  when  his  march  began 
four  days  ago,  Hooker  could  not  wait  forever  for  Lee  to 
decamp.  Sixty  thousand  Union  soldiers  could  scarcely 
have  been  maintained  upon  the  supply  of  locusts  and 
wild  honey  to  be  found  in  the  Wilderness  of  Chancellors- 
ville.  Therefore,  about  nine  o'clock  on  the  morning  of 
May  first,  General  Hooker  did  what  he  should  have 
done  some  hours  before — he  ordered  his  columns  to  ad 
vance  into  the  open  country.  Syke's  division  of  the 
Fifth  corps  led  the  way  over  the  Dirt  road,  between  the 
Plank  and  River  road,  and  was  followed  by  a  division 
of  the  Second  corps  ;  the  other  two  divisions  of  the 
Fifth  corps  were  to  march  over  the  River  road.  The 
Third  corps  was  ordered  to  mass  on  the  road  to  United 
States  Ford,  and  about  a  mile  from  Chancellorsville ; 


368  CHANCELLORSVILLE   CAMPAIGN.  [1863. 

practically  in  reserve  ;  the  Twelfth  corps  was  to  move 
down  the  Plank  road  until  the  head  of  the  column  was 
near  Tabernacle  Church  ;  the  Eleventh  corps  was  to 
mass  on  the  Plank  road  a  mile  in  rear  of  the  Twelfth. 
These  several  movements  were  ordered  to  be  completed 
by  two  o'clock.  "After  the  movement  commences, 
headquarters  will  be  at  Tabernacle  Church."  Evident 
ly,  Hooker  knew  very  little  as  to  what  was  going  on  in 
his  near  front.  He  had  no  idea  that  at  the  moment  he 
issued  that  order,  Lee's  headquarters  were  even  then 
"  at  Tabernacle  Church." 

What  ensued  upon  this  late  attempt  to  disengage 
the  Federal  Army  from  the  folds  of  the  Wilderness  is 
told  by  General  Hooker  in  his  examination  before  the 
Committee  on  the  Conduct  of  the  War,  in  the  following 
words : 

"  Two  roads  lead  from  Chancellorsville  to  Fredericks- 
burg,  which  intersect  about  four  miles  from  Chancellors 
ville,  in  the  direction  in  which  we  were  marching.  It 
was  at  this  point  that  the  enemy  had  established  his 
main  force,  his  right  reaching  to  the  south  of  the  Plank 
road,  and  his  left  resting  on  the  Rappahannock. 

"  The  ground  in  our  vicinity  was  broken  and  cover 
ed  with  dense  forests,  much  of  which  were  impenetra 
ble  to  infantry.  The  ravines  to  the  north  of  the  road 
were  deep,  and  their  general  direction  was  at  right 
angles  to  the  Rappahannock,  affording  the  enemy  a 
formidable  position  behind  each  of  them.  Here  was 
the  enemy's  entire  army,  with  the  exception,  as  I  have 
already  stated,  of  Early' s  division  and  Barksdale's 
brigade,  making  a  force  of  about  8,000  men,  which  had 
been  left  to  hold  the  line  from  below  Hamilton's  cross 
ing  to  the  heights  above  Fredericksburg,  a  distance  of 
between  live  and  six  miles.  They  had  left  one  entire 
brigade  to  guard  their  depot  at  Hamilton's  crossing; 
and  two  regiments,  the  18th  and  21st  Mississippi,  to  de 
fend  Fredericksburg. 


1863.]  HOOKER'S  STATEMENT  OP  IT.  359 

"The  12th  Corps  had  been  ordered  to  advance  on 
the  Plank  road,  to  be  followed  by  the  llth  Corps  ;  the 
5th  Corps  had  been  ordered  to  advance  on  the  road 
nearest  the  river,  to  be  followed  by  the  2d  Corps. 
They  had  proceeded  but  a  short  distance  when  the  head 
of  the  column  emerged  from  the  heavy  forest  and  dis 
covered  the  enemy  to  be  advancing  in  line  of  battle. 
Nearly  all  of  the  12th  Corps  had  emerged  from  the 
forest  at  that  moment,  but,  as  the  passage-way  through 
the  forest  was  narrow,  I  was  satisfied  that  I  could  not 
throw  troops  through  it  fast  enough  to  resist  the  ad 
vance  of  General  Lee,  and  was  apprehensive  of  being 
whipped  in  detail. 

"  Accordingly,  instructions  were  given  for  the  troops 
in  advance  to  return  and  establish  themselves  on  the 
the  line  they  had  just  left,  and  to  hold  themselves  in 
readiness  to  receive  the  enemy.  In  the  execution  of 
this  order  a  part  of  the  12th  Corps  and  one  division  of 
the  5th  Corps  had  a  skirmish  with  the  enemy,  but  re 
turned  and  established  themselves  on  the  line  in  good 
order.  The  enemy  continued  his  advance,  and  upon 
reaching  the  forest,  with  a  contracted  front,  fell  upon 
the  12th  and  2d  Corps,  but  were  promptly  and  easily  re 
pulsed.  Nothing  more  transpired  that  night,  except 
perhaps  some  random  firing  among  the  pickets." 

Now,  did  Hooker  believe  that  Lee  meant  to  fight 
him  in  the  woods,  or  that  his  movement  was  the  looked- 
f or  retreat  \  Even  on  the  following  day,  while  Jack 
son'  s  column  was  passing  across  Hooker' s  front  to  make 
the  attack  on  his  right,  Hooker  believed  the  inevitable 
retreat  was  in  progress,  and  sent  word  to  Sedgwick  : 
' k  We  know  the  enemy  is  flying,  trying  to  save  his 
trains  ;  two  of  Sickles'  divisions  are  among  them." 

It  is  scarcely  possible  to  conceive  of  a  more  "inglor 
ious  "  retrograde  than  that  described  in  General  Hook 
er's  statement,  and  it  presents  a  most  striking  contrast 
to  his  congratulatory  Order  of  the  day  before.  The  re- 

24 


370  CHANCELLORSVILLE   CAMPAIGN.  [1863. 

call  went  far  to  dispirit  the  army,  because  it  tended  to 
prove  either  that  General  Hooker's  policy  was  unform 
ed  or  vacillating,  or  that  he  was  surprised  by  meeting 
the  enemy  and  was  afraid  to  fight  him.  Several  of  the 
corps  and  division  commanders  endeavored  to  induce 
Hooker  to  revoke  the  order  recalling  the  troops  to 
Chancellorsville.  The  left  column  under  Griffin  and 
Humphreys  had  nearly  reached  Banks'  Ford,  the  pos 
session  of  which  would  have  shortened  the  line  of  com 
munication  between  Hooker  and  Sedgwick  by  twelve 
miles.  The  centre  column  under  Sykes  had  obtained 
possession,  after  a  spirited  skirmish  between  the  ad 
vance  guards  of  the  two  armies,  of  a  commanding  ridge 
that  runs  across  the  roads  over  which  Hooker's  forces 
were  advancing,  and  of  which  Couch  says  in  his  report : 
"The  ground  on  which  I  had  posted  Hancock  in  sup 
port  of  Sykes,  was  about  one  and  a  half  miles  from 
Chancellorsville,  and  commanded  it.  Upon  receiving 
orders  from  General  Hooker  to  come  in,  I  sent  Major 
Burt  to  him  urging  that,  on  account  of  the  great  advan 
tages  of  that  position,  it  should  be  held  at  all  hazards. 
The  reply  was,  to  return  at  once."  General  Slocum's 
column  on  the  right  had  met  no  resistance,  and  was  well 
advanced  into  the  open  country,  and  it  seems  as  though 
the  debouche  from  the  Wilderness  was  secured  by  the 
movements  and  positions  of  the  leading  divisions  of  the 
Union  Army.  Generals  Warren  and  Humphreys  be 
sought  Hooker  to  hold  on  to  these  positions  (Reports  of 
these  officers),  but  he  only  reiterated  the  order  to  fall 
back. 

General  Hooker  having  brought  his  forces  back  into 
the  Wilderness,  with  the  enemy  following  closely  the 
retiring  Unionists,  formed  his  line  of  battle ;  with  his 
left  resting  near  the  river  road,  and  a  little  north  of  east 
from  Chancellorsville,  from  thence  in  a  westerly  di 
rection  it  ran  to  the  Fredericksburg  and  Orange  Court 
House  plank  road,  which  it  struck  and  crossed  a  few 


1863.]  HOOKER  FORMS   LINE   OF   BATTLE.  371 

hundred  yards  east  of  Chancellorsville,  and  then  ran 
westerly  along  the  south  side  of  that  road,  about  three 
miles,  when  it  turned  sharply  towards  the  rear  of  the 
line,  and  stretched  back  across  what  is  known  as  "The 
Old  Turnpike,"  forming  a  defensive  crotchet  to  this 
flank.  The  line  was  about  five  miles  long.  Near  where 
it  intersected  the  plank  road,  and  a  few  hundred  yards 
in  rear  of  the  line,  was  a  clearing  of  about  an  acre  of 
ground,  whereon  stood  the  Chancellor  House  and  its 
appendages.  This  house  General  Hooker  used  as  head 
quarters,  and  the  cleared  ground  around  it  was  covered 
with  army  wagons,  horses,  &c.  Posted  along  our  line 
of  battle,  from  left  to  right,  and  in  the  order  named, 
were  Meade's  Fifth  Corps,  one  division  of  the  Second 
Corps,  Slocum's  Twelfth  Corps,  one  division  of  the 
Third  Corps,  with  Howard's  Eleventh  Corps  on  the 
right.  The  residue  of  the  army  was  held  in  reserve. 
These  movements  and  operations  consumed  Friday,  the 
first  day  of  May. 

On  Saturday  morning  the  force  of  General  Couch's 
reasoning  of  the  day  before  was  made  manifest  by  the 
thorough  shelling  which  the  Confederates  gave  the  open 
space  around  the  Chancellor  House,  from  guns  which 
they  had  posted  on  the  ridge  which  Couch  had  carried 
on  Friday,  and  which  he  had  urged  Hooker  to  retain 
possession  of.  At  an  early  hour  the  enemy's  skirmish- 
line  advanced,  and  began  to  feel  the  Federal  position 
from  the  river  road  up  to  the  Chancellor  House,  and 
for  some  distance  along  the  plank  road,  as  though 
seeking  for  a  weak  spot  in  Hooker's  armor.  These 
offensive  demonstrations  were  continued,  at  intervals, 
through  the  day,  but  no  general  attack  was  made  on 
these  parts  of  the  lines.  These  operations  were  de 
signed  only  to  occupy  Hooker's  attention,  while  the 
vital  blow  was  preparing  to  be  struck  at  the  extreme 
right. 


CHAPTER    XXVII. 

JACKSON'S  MARCH — SICKLES  STRIKES  HIS  COLUMN — FOLLOWS  JACKSON — 
WHERE  HE  WENT — DEVENS  ON  EXTREME  RIGHT— JACKSON  FALLS 
UPON  HIM — THE  RESULT — HOWARD  TO  DEVENS — LEE  ATTACKS  THE 
LEFT  AND  CENTRE — FEARFUL  CONFUSION— HOOKER  IN  THE  SADDLE — 
' '  RECEIVE  ^THE  ENEMY  ON  TOUR  BAYONETS" — PLEASONTON — MAJOR 
KEENAN — "GENERAL,  I  WILL  DO  IT" — PLEASONTON  CHECKS  THE  AD 
VANCE — SAVES  THE  ARMY — WARD'S  ATTACK — JACKSON  MORTALLY 

HURT — HIS    CHARACTER. 

STAKTING  from  near  Tabernacle  Church,  at  about  the 
time  Lee's  skirmishers  approached  Hooker's  lines, 
Stonewall  Jackson  began  his  march  with  22,000  men, 
for  the  right  flank  of  the  Union  line.  This  march 
would  be  for  three  miles  nearly  parallel  with  Hooker's 
front,  and  was  a  most  perilous  one  to  make  before  a 
watchful  and  energetic  opponent.  It  likewise  left  Lee 
himself  in  a  position  of  great  danger,  if  the  movement 
of  Jackson  should  be  discovered,  and  advantage  of  his 
absence  taken  to  attack  Lee,  with  his  force  reduced  to 
about  13,000  men.  But  after  Hooker  had  been  sa 
easily  forced  to  abandon  the  open  country,  and  take 
cover  in  the  Wilderness,  Lee  seems  to  have  had  no  ap 
prehension  that  he  would  assume  the  aggressive. 

Jackson  moved  over  the  dirt  road  until  nearly  oppo 
site  Chancellorsville,  when  he  filed  to  the  left  into  an 
obscure  road  running  nearly  west,  called  "The  Old 
Mine  Road."  Fitz-Lee's  cavalry  was  deployed  on 
Jackson's  right  flank  to  mask  the  movement.  At  the 
"Furnace,"  on  the  Old  Mine  Road,  Jackson  detached 
the  Twenty -third  Georgia  to  guard  a  forest  road  lead 
ing  from  the  "Furnace"  to  Chancellorsville,  and  by 
way  of  which  his  rear  was  liable  to  attack. 

The  condition  of  the  country  was  exceedingly  fa 
vorable  to  the  success  of  such  an  enterprise  as  Jackson 
had  undertaken,  and  his  reputation  for  such  bold  ex- 

372 


1868.]  SICKLES  STRIKES  JACKSON'S  COLUMN.  373 

ploits  should  have  put  his  adversary  on  his  guard 
against  him.  His  guides  were  familiar  with  the  roads 
and  paths  through  the  forest,  while  to  the  Unionists  it 
was  a  terra  incognita.  But  it  was  ground  of  our  own 
choosing,  and  we  have  no  business  to  find  fault  with  it. 

While  Jackson's  column  was  passing  the  "  Fur 
nace,"  it  was  observed  by  the  Union  pickets,  and  the 
fact  that  a  large  body  of  Confederates  were  moving  to 
wards  the  Federal  right  was  duly  reported  to  Head 
quarters.  Birney's  Division  of  Sickles'  Corps  was  at 
this  time  posted  well  to  the  front  of  the  Union  line, 
-and  nearly  opposite  the  point  where  the  Eleventh  and 
Twelfth  Corps  joined.  Upon  Sickles'  suggestion, 
Hooker  directed  that  Birney's  Division  should  be  still 
farther  advanced,  in  order  to  discover  the  strength  and 
purpose  of  the  enemy's  movement.  A  second  division 
•of  Sickles'  Corps  was  thrown  forward  to  support  Bir- 
ney.  Birney  reached  the  road  over  which  Jackson  was 
marching,  in  time  to  strike  the  rear  of  his  column  and 
capture  a  few  prisoners,  and  the  Twenty-third  Georgia, 
left  at  the  "  Furnace,"  was  captured  en  masse.  Sickles 
regarded  the  operations  in  which  he  was  engaged,  suffi 
ciently  important  to  justify  his  calling  upon  General 
Hooker  for  re-enforcements,  and  the  latter  ordered 
Pleason  ton's  Cavalry  and  a  brigade  of  infantry  from 
each  of  the  two  right  Corps  (Eleventh  and  Twelfth)  to 
report  to  General  Sickles. 

General  Hooker  states  in  his  examination  before  the 
Committee  on  the  Conduct  of  the  War  (page  126).  that 
this  movement  of  Jackson  was  reported  at  his  Head 
quarters  as  early  as  half-past  nine  in  the  morning,  and 
that  he  directed  two  divisions  of  the  Third  Corps  to  fol 
low  up  the  movement  "  This  order  was  promptly  ex 
ecuted,  but  the  two  divisions  did  not  reach  the  line  of 
the  enemy's  flank  movement  until  after  the  main  column 
had  passed,  still  in  season  to  capture  nearly  a  regiment 
of  its  rear  guard,  and  they  were  ordered  to  follow  up 


374  CHANCELLORSVILLE   CAMPAIGN.  [1863. 

the  enemy's  column  that  had  passed  off  to  our  right. 
I  learned  from  the  prisoners  that  this  column  was 
Jackson's  Corps,  numbering  about  25,000  men.  His 
route  had  been  over  a  by-road  through  the  forest,  diag 
onally  across  my  front,  and  approaching  within  two  or 
three  miles  of  the  right  of  the  Eleventh  Corps." 

Whether  it  was  good  generalship  in  view  of  the  in 
formation  thus  obtained  of  the  strength  and  direction  of 
this  hostile  body,  to  be  content  with  giving  orders  to 
"  follow  it  up,"  admits  of  serious  doubt.  Birney  was  too 
late  to  do  more  than  to  strike  the  rear  guard,  while  the 
main  column  pushed  on  to  its  destination.  Jackson's 
object  ought  to  have  been  apparent  to  General  Hooker, 
and  something  more  should  have  been  done  than  to  fol 
low  him  up,  unless  such  following  up  could  have  brought 
him  to  a  stand  and  forced  him  to  accept  battle  under 
circumstances  less  favorable  to  him  than  they  would  be 
at  the  right  of  the  Union  Army,  whither  he  was  evi 
dently  going.  But  that  he  had  not  been  arrested  in  his 
march — that,  in  fact,  he  had  strided  on,  regardless  of 
the  turmoil  of  battle  in  his  rear  was  manifest,  and  yet 
General  Hooker  seems  to  have  taken  no  steps  to  meet 
the  impending  onset.  Instead  of  doing  so,  he  weakened 
his  right  flank  by  sending  two  brigades  from  it  to  Sickles. 
The  next  he  hears  from  Jackson's  column  is  the  out 
burst  of  battle  on  the  right,  at  six  in  the  evening.  If 
the  two  divisions  of  Sickles'  Corps,  which  had  been  thus 
thrown  to  the  front,  had  been  at  once  recalled,  and,  with 
the  other  reserves  of  the  army,  had  been  posted  on  the 
right,  to  support  the  threatened  flank,  the  result  of  Jack 
son's  attack  ought  to  have  been  the  very  reverse  of  what 
it  was. 

Jackson,  meantime  pushed  on,  and  reaching  the 
Brock  Road,  turned  the  head  of  his  column  to  the  right, 
and  marching  in  a  northerly  direction,  crossed  the  plank 
road,  and  bending  to  the  eastward,  crossed  the  old  turn 
pike  about  a  mile  beyond  the  right  of  Hooker's  line. 


1863.]  JACKSON  FALLS  UPON  DEVENS.  375 

Here  he  halted  and  prepared  his  column  for  the  assault. 
His  design  was  to  swing  his  left  around  the  right  flank 
and  strike  the  rear  of  the  Eleventh  Corps,  and  at  the 
same  time  deliver  a  furious  attack  along  its  front. 

General  Devens'  Division  of  the  Eleventh  Corps  oc 
cupied  the  extreme  right  of  the  Union  line,  and  the 
two  right  regiments  were  formed  so  as  to  present  nearly 
a  right  angle  to  the  general  course  of  the  Federal  posi 
tion — in  military  parlance  they  were  "refused,"  so  as 
to  present  a  front  to  any  force  moving  upon  the  works 
from  the  westward.  But  there  were  no  natural  obstacles 
on  this  flank  upon  which  to  rest  it — it  was  "in  air/' 
There  were  no  reserves  to  the  right  division,  except  two 
regiments,  and  nearly  the  whole  of  the  Eleventh  and 
Twelfth  Corps  were  posted  on  the  line . 

Jackson's  attack  was  made  with  his  usual  impetu 
osity,  at  about  six  o'clock  in  the  evening,  and  the  force 
of  the  blow  fell  upon  General  Devens'  Division,  and  at 
first,  principally  upon  the  two  regiments  which  were 
"refused."  Devens  at  once  ordered  up  his  two  reserve 
regiments  and  made  a  stubborn  fight  against  absolutely 
overwhelming  odds.  His  entire  division  consisted  of  but 
two  brigades,  numbering  less  than  four  thousand  men, 
and  against  these  was  being  hurled,  with  all  the  energy 
of  their  enthusiastic  leader,  and  with  all  the  elan  inspir 
ed  by  the  initial  success  of  preceding  operations,  22,000 
men.  Unless  this  fiank  was  supported,  and  that  soon, 
there  was  but  one  result  to  be  anticipated — the  right 
would  inevitably  be  crushed.  Two  divisions  of  the  army 
constituting  a  part  of  its  reserves,  were  floundering  in 
the  thicket  two  or  three  miles  in  front  of  the  line,  sup 
posed  to  be  "following  up  "  this  movement,  and  liable 
to  be  cut  off  by  the  advance  of  Jackson's  column  ;  the 
residue  of  the  reserves  were  posted  near  the  Chancellor 
House,  and  too  remote  to  be  of  any  avail.  The  situation 
could  scarcely  have  been  worse  if  planned  with  a  view 
to  facilitate  the  operations  of  the  assaulting  column. 


376  CHANCELLORSVILLE   CAMPAIGN.  [1863. 

Devens  made  the  best  disposition  he  could  of  his  own 
division  to  meet  the  rebel  on-set,  and  when  the  at 
tack  had  fully  developed,  and  he  saw  the  purpose  of  the 
Confederate  commander  to  be  the  disruption  of  our  right 
and  an  advance  down  the  old  turnpike,  sweeping  the 
rear  of  the  Federal  line,  he  at  once  sent  an  aide  to  General 
Schurz,  commanding  the  next  division  on  his  left,  in 
forming  him  of  the  character  of  the  attack,  and  sug 
gesting  that  he  change  front  across  the  road.  This  was 
done  by  one  of  General  Schurz' s  brigades,  that  of  Gen 
eral  Schimmelfennig,  who  changed  front  to  the  west, 
and  nearly  perpendicular  to  the  established  line. 

Jackson's  attack  on  Devens'  "refused"  wing  was 
made  by  a  column  of  battalions  en  masse,  while  heavy 
lines  enveloped  his  extreme  right,  and  extended  across 
his  front  to  the  left.  Pushing  the  left  of  his  line  around 
Devens'  right,  Jackson  opened  a  heavy  fire  upon  the 
Hank  and  rear  of  the  Federals.  No  troops  can  long  be 
held  to  their  work  under  such  circumstances,  and  after 
a  very  determined  resistance  upon  the  part  of  officers 
and  men,  the  division  gave  way  and  retired  in  confusion. 
General  Schimmelfennig' s  Brigade  were  next  encoun 
tered  by  the  exultant  and  yelling  Rebels,  and  their 
advance  was  checked  for  nearly  an  hour.  General  Dev 
ens  succeeded  in  re-forming  a  portion  of  his  division 
at  this  point,  and  contributed  in  retarding  the  advance 
of  the  foe.  Meantime,  General  Howard  had  directed 
General  Stein wehr,  who  commanded  his  third  division, 
to  change  front,  which  was  accomplished  in  time  to  re 
ceive  the  enemy's  attack,  but  he  could  only  offer  a  tem 
porary  resistance  to  the  masses  brought  against  him, 
and  was  compelled  to  fall  back.  General  Howard  per 
sonally  directed  the  operations  of  his  Corps  from  the 
time  the  right  gave  way,  and  displayed  great  coolness 
and  gallantry  on  the  field.  Of  General  Devens,  General 
Howard  said  :  u  Your  own  conduct  was  noble  and  self- 
sacrificing  in  the  extreme.  More  than  an  hour  after  the 


1863.]        LEE  ATTACKS  LEFT  AND   CENTRE — FEARFUL  CONFUSION.  377 

attack,  I  saw  you  still  rallying  men,  forming  lines  to  re 
sist  the  enemy's  attack,  though  suffering  from  a  severe 
and  painful  wound  received  early  in  the  action."  Gen 
eral  Devens  had  received  a  painful  wound  in  the  foot 
early  in  the  action,  but  he  continued  in  command  until 
the  battle  was  over,  and  remained  on  the  field  in  an  am 
bulance  during  that  night  and  the  next  day. 

About  the  time  Jackson  burst  upon  the  right  of 
Hooker's  line,  Lee,  with  his  13,000  men  made  a  deter 
mined  attack  upon  the  front  of  the  left  and  centre, 
held  by  the  Corps  of  Couch  and  Slocum.  The  attack 
was  in  aid  of  Jackson's  operations  rather  than  with  any 
expectation  of  carrying  the  works.  The  resistance  of 
the  Eleventh  Corps  had  delayed  Jackson  nearly  two 
hours  and  it  was  now  growing  dark,  but  the  Confeder 
ates  were  still  advancing  down  the  line  with  the  pros 
pect  of  sweeping  the  entire  Federal  Army  out  of  its 
works.  The  utmost  confusion  reigned  within  the  lines 
of  the  Unionists  ;  the  noise  of  battle,  now  extending 
along  the  front  for  two  miles  and  rolling  up  from  the 
right  with  increasing  volume,  as  position  after  position 
was  gained  by  the  exultant  rebels,  swept  in  threaten 
ing  thunders  over  the  Headquarters  of  General  Hooker 
at  the  Chancellor  House.  Flying  men,  riderless  horses, 
caissons  with  and  without  drivers,  artillery  carriages, 
army  wagons,  all  crowded  and  struggled  over  the  nar 
row  road,  seeking  to  escape  the  shot  and  shell  that 
rained  around  them  and  the  swarming  hordes  that  came 
yelling  in  their  rear. 

Hooker  now  appeared  in  person  upon  the  scene  and 
riding  to  the  head  of  his  old  division,  then  commanded 
by  General  Berry,  which  with  a  brigade  of  the  Second 
Corps  had  been  held  in  reserve  near  Headquarters, 
double-quicked  them  in  the  direction  of  the  approach 
ing  rebels  and  ordered  Berry  to  seize  and  hold,  if  pos 
sible,  a  point  of  high  ground  a  little  to  the  right  of  the 
Twelfth  Corps,  and  which  had  constituted  a  part  of  the 


378  CHANCELLORSVILLE   CAMPAIGN.  [1863. 

line  of  the  Eleventh.  It  was  a  commanding  position 
and  its  possession  by  the  enemy  would  endanger  the 
residue  of  the  line.  Hooker  shouted  to  Berry  above  the 
roar  of  battle  :  "  Throw  your  men  into  the  breach — re 
ceive  the  enemy  on  your  bayonets — don't  fire  a  shot— 
they  can't  see  you!"  (N.  Y.  Times,  May  5,  1863.) 
Berry  advanced  some  three-quarters  of  a  mile  and  find 
ing  that  the  enemy  were  already  in  possession  of  the 
coveted  point,  he  halted  and  formed  line  of  battle  across 
the  road. 

General  Pleasonton,  who  had  been  acting  in  support 
of  General  Sickles'  movement  against  Jackson's  march 
ing  column,  in  the  afternoon,  opportunely  returned  to 
the  lines  at  this  moment  and  at  once  comprehended  the 
situation  and  saw  that  immediate  and  effective  action 
was  necessary  to  prevent  a  stampede  of  the  entire  army. 
He  had  but  two  regiments  of  cavalry  with  him  and  one 
battery  of  horse  artillery.  The  woods  on  Pleason 
ton' s  left  were  filled  with  Confederates  who  were  rap 
idly  advancing,  and  it  was  necessary  that  they  should 
be  brought  to  a  halt.  It  was  a  most  unpromising  place 
for  a  cavalry  charge,  but  Pleasonton  had  no  other 
forces  to  employ  and  what  was  required  was  immediate 
action.  Turning  to  Major  Keenan,  commanding  the 
Eighth  Pennsylvania  regiment,  he  said  :  "Major,  you 
must  charge  in  these  woods  with  your  regiment  and 
hold  the  rebels  until  I  can  get  some  of  these  guns  into 
position.  You  must  do  it  at  all  cost."  The  Major  re 
plied  :  "  General,  I  will  do  it."  He  made  the  charge  in 
gallant  style  and  fell  dead  at  the  head  of  his  regiment. 
Pleasonton  says:  "I  mentioned,  (selected)  the  Major, 
because  I  knew  his  character  so  well  ;  that  he  was  the 
man  for  the  occasion.  He  replied  to  me  with  a  smile  on 
his  face,  although  it  was  almost  certain  death.  ' '  Gen 
eral,  I  will  do  it."  Major  Keenan' s  charge  surprised 
and  alarmed  the  rebels  and  brought  them  to  a  tempor 
ary  halt.  Pleasonton  availed  himself  of  the  opportu- 


1863.]  "GENERAL,  i  WILL  DO  IT  !" — SAVES  THE  ARMY.  379 

nity  to  put  his  battery  in  position,  unlimber  and  double 
shot  it  with  canister.  Gathering  the  passing  and  aban 
doned  guns,  he  soon  had  twenty- two  cannon  in  position 
and  each  one  double  shotted.  Soon  a  blaze  of  fire  burst 
out  of  the  woods  in  front  of  Pleasonton,  and  a  multi 
tude  of  the  enemy  came  charging  upon  the  guns.  Pleas 
onton  had  cautioned  his  gunners  not  to  fire  until  he 
gave  the  command  and  to  aim  their  pieces  at  the  ground- 
line  of  the  parapet  lately  occupied  by  the  Eleventh 
Corps.  A  moment  later  and  the  command  l '  Fire  /' '  rang 
out,  and  twenty-two  cannon,  filled  almost  to  the  muz 
zles  with  canister,  hurled  their  deadly  missiles  into  the 
charging  throng.  The  discharge  'swept  their  ranks 
away — it  seemed  to  blow  them,  bodily,  over  the  parapet. 
They  several  times  returned  to  the  assault  only  to  be 
met  by  the  same  consuming  fire,  and  they  abandoned 
the  attempt  to  make  any  farther  progress  for  the  night* 
This  was  one  of  the  most  soldier-like  and  gallant  ex 
ploits  of  that  fatal  day,  and  but  for  it  the  enemy  might, 
and  probably  would,  have  swept  on  until  they  had 
taken  our  entire  line  in  reverse.  To  no  man  more  than 
to  General  Pleasonton  is  due  the  credit  of  having  saved 
the  Army  from  utter  rout. 

At  midnight  Ward's  Brigade  of  Birney's  division, 
under  orders  from  General  Sickles,  made  a  successful 
attack  upon  the  Confederates  and  drove  them  back 
across  the  Union  line  of  works  and  reoccupied  General 
Howard's  rifle-pits,  and  recovered  several  pieces  of  ar 
tillery  and  some  caissons  which  had  been  abandoned 
during  the  day.  Thus,  the  final  success  of  the  day's 
operations  was  with  the  Union  Army. 

The  bold  and  tireless  enthusiast  who  directed  and 
inspired  the  column  which  smote  Hooker's  right,  had 
himself  been  stricken  down,  in  the  moment  of  his  first 
success,  by  the  fire  of  his  over-zealous  followers.  With 
the  religious  faith  and  formal  severity  of  a  Puritan,  and 
with  the  sincerity  and  devotion  to  the  Confederate  cause 


380  CHANCELLORSVILLE  CAMPAIGN. 

of  a  Crusader,  Jackson  strongly  impressed  his  officers 
and  men  with  the  faith  that  animated  himself  in  his 
invincibility  and  in  the  ultimate  success  of  the  cause  in 
which  they  were  engaged.  His  brief  military  career  had 
been  exceptionally  striking  and  was  surrounded  with  a 
halo  of  romance  which  tended  to  magnify  his  martial 
exploits  and  win  the  unbounded  admiration  of  his 
people.  But  with  all  his  dash  and  enthusiasm  he  was 
a  remarkably  discreet  leader,  and  conducted  his  opera 
tions  upon  well-considered  plans,  and  it  was  in  the 
pursuit  of  information  upon  which  to  guide  his  conduct 
in  the  further  operations  against  Hookers  right  that  he 
received  the  wounds  of  which  he  soon  after  died.  John 
Esten  Cooke,  in  his  life  of  General  Lee,  narrates  the 
circumstances  attending  the  wounding  of  Jackson. 
"  It  was  now  between  nine  and  ten  P.  M.,  and  Jackson 
rode  to  the  front  to  reconnoitre.  The  fighting  had 
ceased — the  moon  was  shining  through  misty  clouds. 
Jackson  rode  forward  on  the  Chancellorsville  road  a 
hundred  yards  in  advance  of  his  lines,  with  a  few 
officers,  and  halted  to  listen.  Suddenly  a  volley  from 
his  own  infantry,  was  fired  into  his  party — several  of 
whom  fell  from  their  horses.  Wheeling  to  the  left, 
Jackson  galloped  into  the  woods  to  escape  a  second 
volley.  In  doing  so,  he  passed  in  front  of  his  men  who 
fired  upon  him,  at  twenty  paces,  and  wounded  him  in 
three  places — twice  in  his  left  arm  and  once  in  his  right 
hand.  He  dropped  the  reins  from  the  left  hand  as  the 
bullets  passed  through  that  arm,  and  seized  them  in  his 
bleeding  right  hand.  His  horse  wheeled  suddenly  and 
dashed  off  towards  Chancellorsville.  He  passed  be 
neath  the  limb  of  a  pine  tree  which  struck  Jackson  in 
the  face  and  tore  off  his  cap  and  nearly  dismounted 
him.  He  retained  his  seat,  however,  and  regained  the 
road,  when  he  was  met  by  Captain  Wilbourn,  one  of  his 
staff  officers."  In  "The  Life  of  Stonewall  Jackson,  by 
a  Virginian,"  it  is  said  that  Jackson  had  ordered  A.  P. 


1863.]  JACKSON  MORTALLY  HURT.  381 

Hill  to  advance  with  his  division,  and  to  reserve  his  fire 
unless  cavalry  approached  from  the  direction  of  the 
enemy,  and  that  Jackson  with  his  staff,  rode  forward 
to  the  skirmish  line.  That  there  he  ordered  an  aide  to 
ride  back  and  tell  Hill  to  press  right  on.  Soon  after 
giving  this  order,  he,  himself  turned  and  rode  back  at  a 
trot,  followed  by  his  staff.  The  little  body  of  horsemen 
were  mistaken  for  Federal  Cavalry  and  fired  upon  as 
described.  Captain  Bos  well  was  killed ;  Colonel  Crutch- 
field,  Chief  of  Artillery  was  wounded,  and  two  couriers 
were  killed.  The  bone  of  Jackson' s  left  arm  was  shat 
tered,  and  the  chief  artery  severed ;  another  ball, 
entering  the  same  arm  between  the  elbow  and  wrist, 
passed  out  through  the  palm  of  the  hand.  This  writer 
says  Jackson  fell  from  his  horse  and  was  caught  by 
Captain 'Wormly,  to  whom  he  said,  "All  my  wounds 
are  by  my  own  men."  This  writer  adds,  that  the  fire 
which  wounded  Jackson,  was  responded  to  by  the 
Federals  who  made  a  sudden  advance ;  and,  the  Con 
federates  falling  back,  their  foes  actually  charged  over- 
Jackson's  body.  Subsequently  regaining  the  ground, 
Jackson  was  placed  upon  a  litter  and  borne  to  the  rear, 
amid  a  heavy  fire  from  the  Federal  lines.  One  of  the 
litter-bearers  was  shot  down,  and  the  General  fell  from 
the  shoulders  of  the  men,  receiving  a  severe  contusion, 
adding  to  the  injuries  of  the  arm,  and  injuring  the  side 
severely.  The  Federal  artillery  fire,  he  says,  was  terri 
ble,  and  the  wounded  General  was  left  for  five  minutes 
until  the  fire  slackened,  when  he  was  placed  in  an  am 
bulance  and  borne  to  the  rear.  He  died  eight  days 
afterwards  at  Guineas'  Station,  five  miles  from  Chancel- 
lorsville.  Jackson  was  wounded  about  the  time  of  the 
operations  of  General  Pleasonton,  above  described,  and 
the  "terrible"  artillery  fire  was  no  doubt  from  his 
guns. 


CHAPTER    XXVIII. 

THE  ELEVENTH  CORPS  MADE  THE  SCAPE-GOAT — IS  IT  JUST  ? — GENERAL 
SICKLES'  STATEMENT — FALLACY  OF  HOOKER'S  STATEMENT — REYNOLDS 
ORDERED  TO  THE  RIGHT — SEDGWICK  ORDERED  TO  MARCH  TO  CHAN- 

CELLORSVILLE — DIFFICULTIES   IN   THE   WAY — CARRIES   MARIE'S  HILL — 

MARCHES  ON — WHAT  HAPPENED  MEANTIME  AT  CHANCELLORSVILLE — 
LEE  SENDS  M'LAWS  TO  MEET  SEDGWICK — SUNDAY'S  FIGHT  AT  SALEM 
CHURCH — HOOKER'S  OPPORTUNITY — MONDAY'S  FIGHT  AT  SALEM  CHURCH 

— SEDGWICK   CROSSES   THE   RIVER — LEE   PREPARES  TO   RENEW  ATTACK 

ON  HOOKER — LATTER  CROSSES  RAPPAHANNOCK — UNEQUAL  TO  THE 
COMMAND — HOOKER'S  ORDER— SOPHISTICAL  —  STONEMAN'S  OPERATIONS 
— LEE'S  ORDER — LOSSES — HOOKER. 

GENERAL  HOOKEK,  unlike  Burnside,  seeks  a  scape-goat 
to  bear  the  blame  for  the  misfortunes  of  his  army  at 
Chancellorsville,  and  the  Eleventh  Corps  is  made  to 
carry  the  burden — not  only  through  the  Wilderness,  but 
through  every  history  of  the  campaign  which  has  since 
been  written,  and  the  foundation  for  this  generally 
accepted  state  of  facts  is  the  allegation  of  General 
Hooker  himself  at  the  time  of  the  occurrence,  and  re 
peated  before  the  Committee  on  the  Conduct  of  the  War, 
that  "The  bad  conduct  of  the  Eleventh  Corps  had  cost 
me  the  key  of  my  position,  and  had  very  much  embar 
rassed  me  by  contracting  my  sphere  of  action.  The 
Eleventh  Corps  had  been  completely  surprised  and  dis 
gracefully  routed,"  and  very  much  more  to  the  same 
effect.  General  Hooker  says  that  the  dispositions  for 
defence  were  inadequate  on  the  right,  and  that  no 
pickets  were  on  the  alert  to  advise  of  the  approach  of 
the  enemy.  He  says,  "It  has  been  reported  to  me  that 
the  Corps-commander  was  under  the  impression  that 
the  enemy  was  retiring" 

The  fault  of  position  of  the  Eleventh  Corps,  if  there 
was  any,  is  not  chargeable  to  the  Corps-commander,  for 

382 


1863.]  FALLACY   OF   HOOKER'S   STATEMENT.  383 

he  held  the  position  he  was  assigned  to.  General  De- 
vens  testified  before  the  Committee  that  G-eneral  Hooker 
visited  his  portion  of  the  line  on  Saturday  morning,  ac 
companied  by  G-eneral  Howard,  and  that  the  latter 
asked  General  Hooker  "if  the  dispositions  were  satis 
factory,  and  he  replied  that  they  were."  General 
Sickles  stated,  before  the  same  Committee  that  he  ac 
companied  General  Hooker  on  this  occasion,  and  "the 
condition  of  affairs,  as  it  seemed  to  him  (Hooker),  and  I 
think  to  others  who  accompanied  him,  and  as  was  re 
ported  to  me  by  Generals  Howard  and  Slocum,  was  en 
tirely  satisfactory." 

As  to  the  charge  that  the  Eleventh  Corps  was  sur 
prised,  it  is  shown  by  General  Devens  statement  that 
the  column  of  Jackson  was  seen  from  the  right,  as  it 
passed  over  a  high  point  of  the  road  (near  the  "Fur 
nace)"  about  eleven  o'clock  in  the  morning  ;  and  that 
he  sent  an  aide,  Lieutenant  H.  G.  Davis,  to  report  the 
fact  to  General  Howard.  General  Howard  informed 
Lieutenant  Davis  that  he  had  already  observed  the 
movement,  and  that  it  was  known  at  General  Hooker's 
Headquarters.  It  appears  from  the  same  statement, 
that  the  picket  line  of  the  Eleventh  Corps  was  from 
half  to  three-quarters  of  a  mile  beyond  the  line,  and 
that  during  the  day  they  were  frequently  engaged  with 
the  enemy's  skirmishers.  About  two  or  three  o'clock 
in  the  afternoon,  two  soldiers,  who  had  been  sent  out 
especially  to  observe  and  report  the  enemy's  move 
ments,  came  in  and  stated  that  the  enemy  was  massing 
heavily  on  the  Federal  right.  These  men  General  De 
vens  at  once  sent  to  General  Howard,  and  from  thence 
they  were  sent  to  General  Hooker's  headquarters.  The 
skirmish  line  of  the  Eleventh  Corps  met  the  enemy's 
advance  well  in  front  and  resisted  it  with  great  deter 
mination,  but  was  finally  driven  back  upon  the  main 
line.  The  right  division,  Devens',  which  General 
Hooker  says  "  was  flying,  panic-strickeu  to  the  rear," 


384  CHANCELLORSVILLE   CAMPAIGN.  [1863. 

contained  something  less  than  four  thousand  men,  and 
its  loss  was  sixteen  hundred.  Among  them  were 
nearly  every  brigade  and  regimental  commander,  and 
the  division-commander  himself  was  wounded.  These 
facts  show  that  the  corps  did  some  fighting,  and  go  far 
to  disprove  the  injurious  imputations  of  the  Com 
mander  of  the  Army. 

If  "  the  corps-commander  was  under  the  impression 
that  the   enemy  was   retiring,"   (which   seems   hardly 
probable  when  he  was  sending  information  to  General 
Hooker  that  he  was  massing  on  his  right),  he  was  by  no 
means  singular,  for  Hooker  himself  believed  the  fact  to 
be  so,  and  as  late  as  Saturday  afternoon  wrote  to   Gen 
eral  Sedgwick,  "  The  General  commanding  directs  that 
General  Sedgwick  cross  the  river  as  soon  as  indications 
will  permit ;  capture  Fredericksburg,  with  everything 
in  it,  and  vigorously  pursue  the  enemy.     We  know  the 
enemy  is  flying,    trying   to   save   his    trains  ;    two   of 
Sickles'   divisions  are  among  them."      (General  Sedg 
wick' s  testimony  before  the  Committee.)     Did  General 
Sickles,  too,  believe  this?    He  stated  before  the  Com 
mittee  that  "  The  direction  which  the  enemy's  column 
took,  judging  from  what  information  we  had  of  the 
country,  and  from  the  maps  we  had,  was  susceptible  of 
two  interpretations.     It  was,   perhaps,  a  movement  in 
retreat ;  for  they  had  a  large  train  with  them,  a  great 
many  wagons,  and  all  arms,   except  cavalry,  were  in 
large  force.     I  forced  the  column  to  abandon  the  road 
which  they  were  taking,  and  seeing  no  further  move 
ment  of  the  enemy's  troops,  we  supposed  for  a  time 
that  they  had,  perhaps,  abandoned  the  operation,  if  it 
was  a  movement  of  a  column  for  the  purpose  of  attack  ; 
or  if  it  was  a  movement  for  a  retreat,  that  they  had 
taken  a  more   available  route.     A  reconnoisance  was 
then  pushed  out,  which  resulted  in  ascertaining  that 
the  movement  of    the  enemy   still    continued."     But 
whitherward  ?    This,    General   Sickles   omits   to   state. 


1863.]  SEDGWICK   ORDERED   TO   CHANCELLORSVILLE.  gg5 

It  is  manifest  that  Gfenerals  Hooker  and  Sickles  both 
believed  this  was  a  retreat,  and  that  accounts  for  the 
extraordinary  position  of  two  of  General  Sickles'  di 
visions  when  the  attack  was  made  on  the  right,  and  for 
the  failure  of  General  Hooker  to  move  his  supports  to 
the  imperilled  flank  in  season. 

If  the  "key"  of  the  position  had  been  wrenched 
from  the  Eleventh  Corps,  it  had  been  regained  by  Gen 
erals  Pleasonton  and  Sickles  during  the  night  of  Sat 
urday,  and  the  enemy  had  probably  suffered  as  much 
from  the  fighting  of  that  day  and  night  as  the  Federals 
had.  Therefore,  it  would  seem  not  to  have  been  a  good 
ground  upon  which  to  base  a  reason  for  the  subsequent 
dispositions  of  the  Army,  and,  least  of  all  for  the  ulti 
mate  retreat. 

On  the  morning  of  the  second  of  May,  General 
Hooker  ordered  General  Reynolds  to  join  him  with  the 
First  Corps.  This  left  Sedgwick  with  his  own  Corps, 
and  General  Gibbons'  division  of  the  Second  Corps, 
less  one  brigade  which  had  been  ordered  to  Banks' 
Ford.  After  the  disaster  on  his  right  Saturday  night, 
General  Hooker  telegraphed  to  General  Sedgwick  to  at 
once  take  up  his  line  of  march  on  the  Chancellorsville 
road  until  he  connected  with  the  main  body  of  the  Fed 
eral  army,  "and  you  will  attack  and  destroy  any  force 
you  may  fall  in  with  on  the  road."  In  this  dispatch 
Sedgwick  was  informed,  ' '  You  will  probably  fall  upon 
the  rear  of  the  forces  commanded  by  General  Lee,  and, 
between  you  and  the  Major-General  commanding,  he 
expects  to  use  him  up."  While  this  movement  was 
going  on  General  Gibbon  was  directed  to  take  posses 
sion  of  Fredericksburg. 

This  order  for  General  Sedgwick' s  advance  reached 
him  at  eleven  o'clock  on  Saturday  night,  about  three 
miles  below  Fredericksburg,  making  the  distance  be 
tween  him  and  Chancellorsville  about  fourteen  miles. 
Before  he  could  "take  up  his  line  of  march  on  the 


3£6  CHANCELLORSVILLE   CAMPAIGN.  [1863. 

Chancellorsville  Road,"  he  had  to  carry  the  heights  of 
Fredericksburg,  where  Early  was  posted  with  about 
fr,000  men,  behind  works  that  had  resisted  the  onset  of 
Burnside's  army.  After  removing  this  obstruction  to 
Ms  advance,  he  had  the  army  of  General  Lee  to  encoun 
ter,  which  now  held  General  Hooker  shut  up  in  the 
penetralia  of  the  "Wilderness."  If  Hook'er,  with 
sixty  thousand  men,  (and  when  Reynolds  joined  him 
he  had  eighty  thousand)  could  not  fight  his  way  to 
Sedgwick,  how  could  the  latter  with  but  twenty-two 
thousand  fight  his  way  to  Hooker  ?  If  Mahomet  could 
not  go  to  the  mountain,  surely  the  mountain  could 
not  come  to  Mahomet. 

At  eleven  o'clock  on  Sunday  morning,  the  third  of 
May,  Sedgwick  assaulted  and  carried  the  heights  at 
Marie's,  capturing  a  large  number  of  prisoners  and 
several  guns.  Sedgwick  had  left  his  position  below 
Fredericksburg  during  the  night,  and  the  enemy  had 
opposed  his  march  all  the  way  to  Fredericksburg,  and 
fought  valiantly  to  hold  their  works  there.  When  the 
heights  had  been  carried,  Sedgwick  pushed  on  towards 
Chancellorsville. 

But  meantime,  momentous  events  were  transpiring 
at  Chancellorsville.  General  Hooker  had  directed  Gen 
erals  Warren  and  Comstock,  on  Saturday  night,  to 
trace  out  a  new  line  for  the  Federal  Army  to  fall  back 
upon,  and  before  daylight  it  was  withdrawn  to  this  new 
position.  At  dawn  the  Confederates  began  to  move 
npon  the  Union  Line.  J.  E.  B.  Stuart,  who  had  suc 
ceeded  to  the  command  of  Jackson's  corps,  (Hill  having 
been  wounded)  advanced  against  the  right  of  the  line  now 
held  by  Sickles,  a  part  of  Slocum's  corps,  and  French's 
division  of  Couch's  corps,  and  which  faced  nearly 
westward,  from  whence  Stuart's  attack  would  come. 
The  rest  of  Slocum's  corps  and  Hancock's  division  of 
Couch's  corps  formed  the  centre  and  left,  covering  the 
roads  from  Chancellorsville  to  Fredericksburg.  Han- 


1863.]  WHAT   HAPPENED   MEANTIME   AT    CHANCELLORSVILLE.  837 

cock's  left  brigade  was  "refused"  so  as  to  face  nearly 
eastward,  to  prevent  the  enemy  passing  to  the  rear  of 
our  lines.  Thus  the  line  described  nearly  the  three 
sides  of  a  hollow  square,  facing  east,  south  and  west. 

Stuart  gradually  extended  his  right  toward  Lee,  who 
had  opened  the  action  on  his  part  of  the  line  at  the 
same  moment  Stuart's  attack  began.  Lee's  blow  fell 
upon  the  centre  and  left  of  Hooker's  line,  and  was  met 
by  the  Federals  with  a  determined  front.  McLaws, 
who  confronted  Hancock,  was  handsomely  repulsed 
with  heavy  loss,  but  Anderson  succeeded  in  gaining 
ground  in  front  of  Slocum,  and  finally  reached  out  his 
left  and  met  Stuart's  approaching  right,  and  the  rebel 
army  was  once  more  united,  and,  by  a  thin  line,  encom 
passed  Hooker's  position.  Lee  had,  meantime,  posted 
thirty  cannon  on  the  elevated  position,  which  had  been 
abandoned  on  the  right  and  enfiladed  Slocum' s  line. 
He  sent  word  of  the  fact  to  Hooker,  and  desired  to 
know  if  any  movements  were  being  made  to  relieve  him, 
or  if  he  might  expect  re-enforcements  and  ammunition. 
Hooker  replied  that  he  could  not  make  soldiers  or  am 
munition  ;  yet,  at  that  very  moment  30,000  men  were 
disengaged,  and  so  continued  throughout  the  action. 

Lee  now  gave  the  order  for  his  whole  line  to  ad 
vance.  With  wild  yells  and  shouts  of  "Charge,  and 
remember  Jackson,"  the  rebels  rushed  upon  the  Federal 
works.  Repulsed  at  different  points,  and  especially  in 
Sickles'  front,  they  returned  to  the  attack  again  and1 
again,  until  the  Union  line  began  to  waver,  and  finally 
give  ground.  Shot  and  shell  were  now  pouring  as  thick 
as  hail  stones  around  the  Chancellor  House,  and  one  of 
the  pillars  of  the  piazza  against  which  General  Hooker 
was  standing  was  shattered  by  a  cannon  ball,  and  the 
General  overthrown  and  stunned  by  the  concussion.  A 
considerable  interval  followed,  during  which  the  Army 
was  without  a  head  to  direct  its  operations  or  to  issue 
an  order.  Reports  and  applications  for  re-enforcements 


388  CHANCELLOKSVILLE  CAMPAIGN.  [1863. 

came  from  different  parts  of  the  struggling  line,  but 
there  was  no  one  to  act  in  the  unlooked-for  emergency. 
Sickles  was  making  a  most  gallant  fight  on  his  part  of 
the  line,  but  the  enemy  were  pressing  him  with  great 
numbers  and  resolution.  His  ammunition  was  nearly 
exhausted,  and  he  sent  his  aide,  Major  Tremaine,  to 
general  headquarters  with  a  request  for  re-enforce 
ments  and  ammunition.  Tremaine  found  Hooker, pros 
trate  and  surrounded  by  his  staff,  who  supposed  the 
General  to  be  dead  or  dying,  and  could  get  no  attention 
to  his  message.  General  Couch,  next  in  rank  to 
Hooker,  finally  assumed  command,  and  the  army  was 
again  retired  toward  the  river,  surrendering  the  Chancel 
lor  House  and  the  roads  to  Fredericksburg.  Fortu 
nately,  an  interior  line  of  works  had  been  constructed 
a  mile  in  rear  of  that  just  abandoned,  in  which  were 
posted  the  Corps  of  Meade  and  Reynolds.  The  army 
fought  its  way  back  to  these  works  in  tolerable  order, 
and  again  faced  the  advancing  foe.  Hooker's  head 
quarters  had  but  just  been  removed  from  the  Chancellor 
House  when  its  battered  walls  took  fire,  and  it  was 
burned  down. 

It  was  ten  o'clock  in  the  morning  when  the  Confed 
erates  obtained  possession  of  Chancellorsville.  A  most 
desperate  struggle  of  six  hours'  duration  had  made  an 
interval  of  rest  desirable  to  each  army.  Moreover,  the 
Confederates  had  won  their  triumph  at  a  heavy  cost  of 
officers  and  men,  and  General  Lee  paused  to  re-arrange 
his  lines  and  restore  the  formation  of  his  troops.  The 
works  into  which  the  Federals  had  now  retired  were  in 
the  form  of  a  redan,  with  the  left  flank  resting  on  the 
Rappahannock,  and  the  right  upon  the  Rapidan,  which 
streams  unite  in  rear  of  the  works,  and  just  below  the 
point  of  union,  is  the  United  States  Ford. 

As  Lee  was  about  to  renew  his  assault,  he  received 
information  of  the  storming  of  Fredericksburg  Heights 
and  the  retreat  of  Early,  and  the  advance  of  Sedgwick's 


186o.J  HOOKER'S  OPPORTUNITY.  389 

Corps  on  his  rear.  Without  a  moment's  hesitation,  he 
detached  the  brigades  of  Mali  one,  Kershaw,  Wofford, 
and  Semmes,  under  General  McLaws,  to  take  up  their 
march  towards  Fredericksburg,  and  arrest  the  advance 
of  Sedgwick.  Wilcox's  Brigade,  which  had  been 
guarding  Banks'  Ford,  was  ordered  to  join  these 
forces,  and  the  remnant  of  Early' s  command  was  di 
rected  to  fall  on  Sedgwick' s  rear.  While  most  of 
Early' s  command  had  been  forced  off  in  the  direction 
of  the  Bowling  Green  and  Telegraph  roads,  and  were 
therefore  now  in  Sedgwick' s  rear,  Barksdale's  Brigade 
had  taken  the  Plank  road  and  moved  toward  Chancel- 
lorsville.  So  it  happened  that  when  Barksdale  reached 
Salem  Church,  some  four  miles  from  Fredericksburg, 
and  opposite  Banks'  Ford,  he  met  the  brigade  of  Wil- 
cox,  up  from  which  it  had  just  marched.  The  position 
for  a  defensive  battle  was  all  that  could  be  desired — a 
bold  ridge  running  perpendicular  to  the  road,  with  a 
wooded  crest  and  an  open  country  in  front,  over  which 
the  Federals  must  advance.  Forming  line  of  battle 
along  this  ridge,  they  awaited  the  approach  of  Sedg 
wick' s  column,  and  received  it  with  a  well-directed  and 
steady  fire.  The  Federals  made  repeated  attempts  to 
carry  this  position,  but  they  were  repulsed  with  heavy 
loss.  McLaws  had  now  arrived  and  assumed  command 
of  operations,  and  the  struggle  went  on  until  night, 
without  a  change  in  the  relative  position  of  the  forces. 
Monday  morning  showed  an  augmentation  of  the  rebel 
strength,  and  attacks  were  now  delivered  along  Sedg 
wick' s  flank,  and  hostile  troops  were  gathering  in  his 
rear.  They  had  reoccupied  the  Fredericksburg  Heights, 
and  while  they  barred  his  advance,  they  threatened  to 
to  cut  off  his  line  of  retreat.  Hooker,  meantime,  with 
the  bulk  of  his  army  around  him,  lay  quietly  within  his 
works,  while  Lee,  with  a  mere  handful  of  men,  con 
fronted  him.  General  Hooker  stated  to  the  Committee 
that  "  My  object  in  ordering  General  Sedgwick  forward 


390  CHANCELLORSVILLE   CAMPAIGN.  [1863. 

at  the  time  named,  was  to  relieve  me  from  the  position 
in  which  I  found  myself  at  Chancellorsville  on  the 
night  of  the  second  of  May."  And  he  adds,  that  he 
supposed  such  movement  would  induce  Lee  to  retreat. 
Never  did  a  General  have  a  more  favorable  opportunity 
offered  him  to  deal  his  antagonist  a  mortal  blow  than 
Hooker  had  at  this  moment,  at  Chancellorsville.  He 
should  have  marched  out  of  his  works,  dispersed  the 
insignificant  force  Lee  had  in  hand,  and  pressed  for 
ward  to  the  relief  of  Sedgwick.  With  a  modicum  of 
generalship,  and  with  one-half  the  energy  he  had  dis 
played  before  he  met  the  enemy,  Hooker  might  have 
destroyed  the  rebel  army,  even  so  late  as  the  fourth  of 
May. 

Impatient  of  this  menace  in  his  rear,  and  convinced 
that  no  fight  remained  in  Hooker,  Lee  sent  Anderson 
with  three  additional  brigades  on  Monday  morning,  to 
re-enforce  the  Confederates  at  Salem  Church.  It  was 
late  in  the  afternoon  before  Anderson  could  get  his  men 
in  the  position  from  which  he  purposed  to  assail  Sedg 
wick' s  left,  and,  if  possible,  close  up  his  avenue  of 
escape  towards  the  river.  At  six  o'clock  the  battle 
burst  out  furiously  on  Sedgwick' s  front  and  left,  and 
until  dark  the  fighting  was  of  the  most  desperate  char 
acter  on  both  sides.  The  Federals  had  been  forced  to 
yield  ground,  and  the  left  of  Sedgwick' s  line  had  been 
pressed  back  toward  the  direction  of  Banks'  Ford. 
Night,  fortunately,  put  an  end  to  the  combat,  and  un 
der  its  cover,  Sedgwick  withdrew  from  the  field,  and 
reaching  the  Rappahannock  at  Banks'  Ford,  crossed 
to  the  north  side  over  a  pontoon  bridge,  which  had  been 
laid  by  the  Federals  after  the  withdrawal  of  Wilcox. 

Sedgwick  having  been  thus  disposed  of,  Lee  recalled 
his  troops  to  Chancellorsville  on  Tuesday,  and  position 
ed  them  for  the  final  assault  on  Hooker's  lines,  which 
the  Confederate  commander  proposed  to  make  on  Wed 
nesday  morning.  Hooker  dreaded  the  impending  blow,. 


1863. J  HOOKER'S  ORDER— SOPHISTICAL.  391 

and  summoned  his  corps-commanders  to  a  council  of 
war.  They,  appreciating  the  condition  of  disorganiza 
tion  and  demoralization  to  which  the  army  had  been  re 
duced  by  the  unwisdom  and  vacillations  of  the  command 
er,  assented  to  the  proposition  to  "  ingloriously  fly"  to 
the  north  side  of  the  Rappahannock,  and  that  night  the 
army  regained  the  other  bank  without  molestation. 
When  the  rebel  skirmishers  advanced  at  daylight  next 
morning,  they  found  no  foe  to  dispute  their  occupation 
of  the  Federal  works. 

Such  were  the  misfortunes,  and  such  the  conclusion 
of  a  campaign  which  opened  with  promising  auspices  of 
success.  A  superb  army  animated  by  the  highest 
hopes,  and  confident  of  winning,  at  last,  a  victory  over 
its  obstinate  adversary  that  should  go  far  toward  end 
ing  the  rebellion,  found,  at  the  conclusion  of  this  brief 
campaign,  that  the  old  fatality  still  overhung  it,  and 
that  its  fate  was,  to  be  led  to  useless  slaughter.  Once 
more  the  mournful  words  were  written  under  the  name 
of  the  new  commander,  "  Unequal  to  his  exalted  posi 
tion!-'  Silently,  dispiritedly,  the  army  returned  to  its 
old  camping-ground,  and  sat  down  to  reflect  upon  the 
mysterious  providence  which  had  so  strangely  over 
ruled  its  destiny  ;  had  so  dazed  and  confounded  the 
usually  clear  intellect  of  the  keen-eyed  and  handsome 
soldier  who  had  won  its  confidence,  and  whom  it  so  re 
cently  delighted  to  honor. 

On  reaching  camp,  General  Hooker  issued  an  Order 
in  which  he  said:  "The  Major-General  commanding, 
tenders  to  this  army  his  congratulations  on  its  achieve 
ments  of  the  last  seven  days.  If  it  has  not  accom 
plished  all  that  was  expected,  the  reasons  are  well 
known  to  the  army.  It  is  sufficient  to  say  they  were  of 
a  character  not  to  be  foreseen,  nor  prevented  by  human 
sagacity  or  resources."  It  was  entirely  true  that  the 
reasons  of  failure  were  "well  know  a  to  the  army,"  and 
they  did  not  tend  to  mitigate  the  chagrin  and  mortifi- 


392  CHANCELLOKSVILLE   CAMPAIGN.  [1863. 

cation  that  officers  and  men  alike  felt  for  the  disgraceful 
failure  of  this  campaign,  but  there  was  an  almost  uni 
versal  non-concurrence  in  the  statement,  that  the  causes 
of  failure  were  u  of  a  character  not  to  be  foreseen  nor 
prevented  by  human  sagacity  or  resources."  On  the 
contrary,  it  was  apparent  that  the  exercise  of  very  or 
dinary  sagacity  and.  the  most  moderate  amount  of  re 
sources,  would  have  secured  a  glorious  triumph  to  the 
Union  arms. 

He  proceeds  to  speak  of  the  withdrawal  from  the 
south  side  of  the  river  in  such  sophistical  terms  as  these  : 
"  In  withdrawing  from  the  south  bank  of  the  Rappa- 
hannock  before  delivering  a  general  battle  to  our  ad 
versaries,  the  army  has  given  renewed  evidence  of  its 
confidence  in  itself  and  its  fidelity  to  the  principles  it 
represents.  In  fighting  at  a  disadvantage,  we  would 
have  been  recreant  to  our  trust,  to  ourselves,  our  cause, 
and  our  country.  Profoundly  loyal,  and  conscious  of 
its  strength,  the  Army  of  the  Potomac  will  give  or  de 
cline  battle  whenever  its  interest  or  its  honor  may  de 
mand.  It  will  also  be  the  guardian  of  its  own  history 
and  its  own  honor."  In  this  paragraph  General  Hook 
er  seems  to  have  forgotten  the  boast  of  seven  days  ago 
that  the  enemy  must  fight  him  on  ground  of  his  own 
choosing,  or  ingloriously  fly. 

He  again  refers  to  the  successful  crossing  of  the 
rivers  in  his  advance,  and  to  the  equally  successful  re- 
crossing  in  his  retreat,  and  concludes  with  the  follow 
ing  somewhat  consolatory  paragraph  :  ' '  The  events  of 
the  last  week  may  swell  with  pride  the  heart  of  every 
officer  and  soldier  of  this  army.  We  have  added  new 
lustre  to  its  former  renown.  We  have  made  long 
marches,  crossed  rivers,  surprised  the  enemy  in  his  en 
trenchments,  and,  wherever  we  have  fought,  have  in 
flicted  heavier  blows  than  we  have  received.  We  have 
taken  from  the  enemy  5,000  prisoners,  fifteen  colors  ; 
-captured  and  brought  off  seven  pieces  of  artillery  ; 


1863.]  STONEMAN'S  OPERATIONS— LEE'S  ORDER.  393 

placed  Tiors  de  combat  18,000  of  his  chosen  troops  ;  de 
stroyed  his  depots  filled  with  vast  amounts  of  stores  ; 
deranged  his  communications  ;  captured  prisoners  with 
in  the  fortifications  of  his  capital,  and  filled  his  country 
with  fear  and  consternation.  We  have  no  other  regret 
than  that  caused  by  the  loss  of  our  brave  companions  ; 
and  in  this  we  are  consoled  by  the  conviction  that  they 
have  fallen  in  the  holiest  cause  ever  submitted  to  the 
arbitrament  of  battle." 

The  destruction  of  depots  and  derangement  of  com 
munications,  and  capture  of  prisoners  within  the  fortifi 
cations  of  his  capital,  herein  claimed,  are  supposed  to 
refer  to  the  operations  of  the  cavalry  under  General 
Stoneman.  With  everything  in  its  favor,  it  was,  prob 
ably,  the  most  utter  abortion  of  the  war — if  it  were 
possible  that  there  could  be,  then  it  was  a  more  ab 
solute  failure  than  Hooker's.  Suffice  it  to  say,  that 
with  scarcely  any  opposition,  the  utmost  Stoneman 
accomplished,  with  his  splendid  cavalry  of  ten  thousand 
sabres,  was  to  do  a  little  damage  to  the  James  and 
Kanawha  Canal,  burn  two  or  three  turnpike  bridges, 
cut  a  railroad  in  a  couple  of  places  so  inefficiently  that 
the  Rebels  repaired  it  before  the  clatter  of  the  horses' 
hoofs  had  died  out,  captured  and  paroled  a  train-load  of 
sick  Confederates,  destroyed  a  small  quantity  of  stores, 
and — rode  back  !  The  total  loss  of  the  cavalry  corps  in 
the  operations  described  in  this  chapter  was  145,  most 
of  which  occurred  at  Chancellorsville,  among  the  small 
force  under  Pleasonton.  Hooker,  when  he  came  to 
understand  the  true  state  of  the  case,  relieved  Stone 
man,  and  assigned  General  Pleasonton  to  the  command. 
From  thenceforth  our  cavalry  was  a  very  efficient  arm 
of  the  service. 

It  may  be  interesting  to  compare  the  Order  issued  by 
General  Lee  with  that  of  General  Hooker,  and  I  there 
fore  incorporate  it.  He  said:  "With  heartfelt  gratifi 
cation,  the  General  commanding  expresses  to  the  Army 


394  CHANCELLOBSVILLE    CAMPAIGN.  [1863. 

his  sense  of  the  heroic  conduct  displayed  by  officers  and 
men  during  the  arduous  operations  in  which  they  have 
just  been  engaged. 

"Under  trying  vicissitudes  of  heat  and  storm,  you 
attacked  the  enemy,  strongly  intrenched  in  the  depths 
of  a  tangled  wilderness,  and  again  on  the  hills  of  Fred- 
ericksburg,  fifteen  miles  distant,  and  by  the  valor  that 
has  triumphed  on  so  many  fields,  forced  him  once  more 
to  seek  safety  beyond  the  Rappahannock.  While  this 
glorious  victory  entitles  you  to  the  praise  and  gratitude 
of  the  nation,  we  are  especially  called  upon  to  return 
our  grateful  thanks  to  the  only  giver  of  victory,  for  the 
signal  deliverance  He  has  wrought. 

"It  is,  therefore,  earnestly  recommended  that  the 
troops  unite  on  Sunday  next,  in  ascribing  to  the  Lord 
of  Hosts  the  glory  due  His  name. 

"Let  us  not  forget  in  our  rejoicings,  the  brave  sol 
diers  who  have  fallen  in  defense  of  their  country  ;  and, 
while  we  mourn  their  loss,  let  us  resolve  to  emulate 
their  noble  example.  The  army  and  the  country  alike 
lament  the  absence  for  a  time  of  one  (Jackson,  who  was 
supposed  not  to  be  mortally  wounded)  to  whose  bravery, 
energy  and  skill,  they  are  so  much  indebted  for  suc 
cess." 

In  these  operations  the  Union  Army  lost  17,197  offi 
cers  and  men,  distributed  among  the  different  corps  and 
arms  of  the  service  as  follows :  First  Corps,  Reynolds^ 
292  ;  Second  Corps,  Couch,  2,025 ;  Third  Corps,  Sickles, 
4,039;  Fifth  Corps,  Meade,  699;  Sixth  Corps,  Sedg- 
wick,  4,601  ;  Eleventh  Corps,  Howard,  2,508  ;  Twelfth 
Corps,  Slocum,  2,883  ;  Engineers,  3  ;  Signal  Corps,  2  ; 
Cavalry,  145.  The  loss  of  the  enemy  was  nearly  or  quite 
as  great  as  that  of  the  Federals. 

These  operations  proved  that  the  Administration  had 
not  yet  found  the  man  who  was  destined  to  lead  the 
Army  of  the  Potomac  to  victory.  At  the  head  of  a  di 
vision  or  a  corps,  Hooker  had  no  superior ;  he  could 


1863.]  HOOKER.  395 

quickly  perceive  and  take  advantage  of  circumstances 
which  were  embraced  within  the  sweep  of  the  eye,  and 
fight  his  men  as  long  as  there  was  a  chance  of  success. 
His  bearing  under  fire  was  gallant  and  inspiring,  and 
his  record  in  the  various  subordinate  capacities  which 
he  held  is  above  praise,  but  his  mental  grasp  was  not 
equal  to  the  command  of  an  army  of  a  hundred  thou 
sand  men,  and  he  could  not  take  in  and  comprehend 
the  various  phases  and  demands  of  a  battle-field  extend 
ing  over  miles  of  country  and  the  operations  on  which 
must  be  directed  while  they  could  not  be  seen.  His 
campaign  was  planned  upon  certain  assumed  facts,  and 
from  these  certain  results  were  deducted,  as  inevitable, 
and  when  this  theory  proved  delusive,  there  was  an 
utter  failure  of  resources  to  meet  the  changed  condition 
of  things — an  intellectual  obscuration  ensued,  which 
was  but  partially  enhanced  by  the  shock  of  a  cannon 
ball.  The  magnitude  of  the  situation  was  out  of  all 
proportion  to  the  capacity  of  the  Federal  commander, 
and  his  mind  became  chaotic  under  the  weight  of  its  re 
sponsibilities. 


CHAPTER    XXIX. 

RELATIVE  CONDITION  OF  ARMIES — LEE  MOVES  NORTH — HOWE'S  RECON- 
NOISSANCE — REBEL  CAVALRY  AT  CULPEPPER — PLEASONTON  GOES  TO 
LOOK  AFTER  THEM — WELL  DONE — A  DASH  ACROSS  THE  POTOMAC— 
MILROY  IN  THE  VALLEY — OVERWHELMED— HOOKER  STARTS  NORTH — 
REBELS  AT  CHAMBERSBURG — HOOKER  ACROSS  THE  BORDER— LEVYING 
TRIBUTE — FRENCH  AT  MARYLAND  HEIGHTS — HALLECK  REFUSES  TO 
SEND  HIM  TO  HOOKER — THE  LATTER  RESIGNS — HIS  ORDER  THEREON — 
GENERAL  MEADE  APPOINTED — DIFFERENCE  IN  CHARACTER — MEADE'S 
ORDER — IS  GIVEN  COMMAND  OF  FRENCH — MEADE  MOVES  TOWARDS 
THE  ENEMY — A  CAVALRY  ENCOUNTER — LEE  GATHERS  HIS  ARMY 
AROUND  GETTYSBURG — LEE  WAS  OBLIGED  TO  FIGHT — HE  COULD  NOT 
AFFORD  TO  WAIT — STUART  ASTRAY — ORDER  OF  MARCH  ON  NIGHT  OF 
THIRTIETH  OF  JUNE — WHAT  IT  SHOWS. 

ELATED  by  the  successes  gained  over  the  Army  of  the 
Potomac  during  the  winter  and  spring,  and  counting 
upon  their  disheartening  effects  among  the  people  of 
the  loyal  States — knowing,  moreover,  that  General 
Hooker's  army  had  been  reduced  in  numbers  by  the 
Chancellorsville  Campaign  about  20,000  men,  and 
that  since  that  time  it  had  undergone  a  further 
diminution  by  the  mustering  out  of  some  20,000  nine 
months'  and  two  years'  men,  General  Lee  determined 
to  try  his  fortunes  once  more  on  loyal  soil  ;  his  army 
was  in  the  best  spirit  for  such  an  enterprise,  and,  in  the 
language  of  General  Longstreet,  it  was  in  a  condition 
"  to  undertake  anything"  (Swinton's  Army  of  Poto 
mac,  p.  310.)  Longstreet  had  returned  from  his  fruit 
less  operations  at  Suffolk,  with  his  two  divisions,  and  a 
large  number  of  conscripts  had  joined  I^ee's  army,  mak 
ing  its  aggregate  strength  about  ninety  thousand  men. 
On  the  other  hand,  Hooker  reported  his  infantry  on 
the  thirteenth  of  May,  at  about  eighty  thousand  men, 
and  on  the  twenty-seventh  of  the  same  month  General 
Pleasonton  reported  the  effective  cavalry  at  4,677  horses 

396 


1863.]        LEE  MOVES  NORTH— PLEASONTON  LOOKING  AFTER  HIM.  397 

—a  reduction  of  two-thirds  its  strength  since  March. 
Thus  it  had  come  to  pass  that  the  rebel  army  was 
numerically  stronger  than  its  opponent,  and  its  morale 
was  of  the  very  highest  order. 

On  the  third  of  June  McLaw's  division  of  Long- 
street's  corps  began  its  march  fronf  Fredericksburg  for 
Culpepper  Court  House,  and  was  followed  next  day  by 
the  corps  of  Ewell  and  Hood.  The  route  of  march  of 
these  forces  was  effectually  screened  by  the  hills  and 
woods  on  the  south  side  of  the  Rappahannock.  A.  P. 
Hill's  corps  was  retained  in  the  works  at  Fredericks- 
burg,  and  so  displayed  as  to  represent  the  presence  of 
the  entire  army.  But  Hooker  suspected  that  some 
movement  was  afoot  across  the  stream,  and  he  ordered 
General  Howe  to  find  out  what  it  was.  Howe  crossed 
with  his  division  of  the  Sixth  Corps  at  "  Franklin's 
Crossing  "  on  the  fifth  of  June,  and  made  a  demonstra 
tion  against  the  right  of  the  enemy's  lines.  Hill  met  it 
with  such  apparent  confidence  and  force,  that  Howe 
was  impressed  with  the  belief  that  the  whole  rebel 
army  was  present,  and  after  a  little  skirmishing,  with 
drew. 

On  the  sixth  of  June  Hooker  learned  that  there  was 
a  large  concentration  of  rebel  cavalry  at  Culpepper,  and 
he  telegraphed  General  Hal  leek  on  that  day,  saying : 
"As  the  accumulation  of  the  heavy  rebel 'force  of  cav 
alry  about  Culpepper  may  mean  mischief,  I  am  deter 
mined,  if  practicable,  to  break  it  up  in  its  incipiency. 
I  shall  send  all  my  cavalry  against  them,  stiffened  by 
about  three  thousand  infantry."  Therefore  Hooker  di 
rected  Pleasonton  to  look  after  these  rebel  horsemen, 
and  "stiffened"  him  with  the  infantry  brigades  of 
General  Ames  of  the  Eleventh  Corps,  and  General 
Russel  of  the  Sixth,  and  two  batteries.  This  force 
moved  up  the  Rappahannock,  and  was  to  cross  in  two 
divisions  at  Kelly' s  and  Beverly' s  Fords,  some  six  miles 
apart.  Buford's  brigade  of  cavalry,  supported  by 


398  GETTYSBURG  CAMPAIGN.  [1863. 

Ames'  infantry,  crossed  Beverly's  Ford  at  daylight  on 
the  ninth  of  June,  and  was  confronted  by  Jones's  rebel 
cavalry  brigade  and  a  small  infantry  force.  Jones  at 
once  charged  the  leading  Union  regiment,  the  Eighth 
New  York,  killing  B.  F.  Davis,  its  colonel,  and  putting 
the  regiment  to  flight.  The  Eighth  Illinois  cavalry 
now  in  turn  charged  Jones,  and  forced  him  to  fall  back. 
Russell  now  came  up  with  his  infantry,  and  Pleasonton 
ordered  him  to  attack  the  enemy  in  front  while  he  fell 
on  their  flank  with  the  Sixth  Pennsylvania  cavalry, 
supported  by  the  Fifth  and  Sixth  regulars.  The  com 
bined  attack  was  gallantly  made,  but  two  additional 
regiments  of  rebel  cavalry  assailed  the  flank  of  Pleas 
onton'  s  flanking  forces,  and  they  were  driven  back  with 
loss.  It  was  evident  that  Jones  was  being  rapidly  re- 
enforced  by  both  infantry  and  cavalry,  and  that  Pleas - 
onton's  situation  was  becoming  critical.  Gregg,  who 
commanded  his  other  cavalry  division,  which  had 
crossed  at  Kelly's,  arrived  on  the  field  at  one  o'clock, 
having  fought  the  enemy  all  along  his  route,  and  taken 
150  prisoners.  The  country  seemed  to  be  full  of  Con 
federate  soldiers.  Late  in  the  afternoon  Pleasonton 
made  an  impetuous  dash  upon  the  foe  in  his  front,  and 
forced  him  to  retire  upon  his  reserves,  and  then  he  with 
drew  his  own  troops  across  the  river.  His  loss  in  this 
days'  fighting  was  about  five  hundred  men.  Stuart, 
who  commanded  the  rebel  cavalry,  admitted  a  loss  of 
over  six  hundred  men  and  two  field  officers  killed,  and 
one  general  and  two  field  officers  wounded. 

This  spirited  reconnoissance  established  the  fact  that 
a  very  large  cavalry  and  infantry  force  was  in  the  neigh 
borhood  of  Culpepper,  and  indicated  a  movement  of  the 
entire  rebel  army  toward  some  point  on  the  Potomac. 
Two  days  after  Pleasonton' s  fight  a  rebel  cavalry  regi 
ment  appeared  at  Edwards'  Ferry,  and  dashed  across 
the  river  into  Maryland,  dispersed  the  Sixth  Michigan 
Cavalry  picketing  the  river,  burned  their  camp,  and  re- 


1863.]  MILROY   IN    SHENANDOAH   VALLEY.  399 

crossed  into  Virginia.  Hooker  still  held  on  to  his  lines 
along  the  Rappahannock ;  but  he  sent  his  sick  and 
wounded  away,  and  watched  and  waited  for  further  in 
formation.  He  kept  Howe's  division  across  the  river, 
but  hostilities  were  not  resumed. 

The  Valley  of  the  Shenandoah,  which  had  been  the 
granary  of  Lee' s  army,  and  the  route  of  its  operations 
time  and  again,  was  now  guarded  by  about  ten  thou 
sand  men  under  command  of  General  R.  H.  Milroy, 
and  distributed  at  points  from  Harper's  Ferry  up  to 
Front  Royal,  a  town  on  the  north  side  of  the  Blue 
Ridge,  and  thirty-five  miles  southwest  of  the  Ferry. 
On  the  seventeenth  of  June  the  patrols  reported  the 
enemy  advancing;  in  force  on  the  Front  Royal  road  ; 
and  when  Milroy  sent  out  reconnoissances  on  the 
different  roads  leading  up  the  Valley  to  find  out  what 
was  going  on,  they  encountered  the  enemy  on  every  one 
of  them.  A  prisoner,  taken  in  one  of  the  numerous 
skirmishes  that  ensued,  communicated  to  Milroy  the 
astounding  intelligence  that  the  corps  of  Ewell  and 
Longstreet  were  in  the  vicinity,  numbering  about  fifty 
thousand  men.  Milroy  gathered  his  little  army  to 
gether  at  Winchester,  and  still  seemed  incredulous  as 
to  the  proximity  of  any  considerable  rebel  force.  He 
believed  it  impossible  that  Lee's  army  could  have 
reached  his  vicinity  without  his  having  received  due 
notice  of  its  approach  from  Gfeneral  Hooker  or  General 
Halleck  ;  and  so  he  held  on.  During  the  fourteenth 
the  enemy  threw  a  force  in  Milroy' s  rear  to  cut  off  his 
retreat ;  and  at  a  late  hour  of  the  day  they  made  a  dash 
upon  his  works  from  the  front,  but  were  handsomely 
repulsed.  Milroy  then  made  a  sally,  but  found  the 
enemy  in  great  force,  and  withdrew  within  his  fortifica 
tions.  Soon  afterwards,  the  rebels  opened  a  severe  ar 
tillery  fire,  and  following  this  Ewell' s  men  charged  and 
carried  the  Federal  breastworks,  on  the  westerly  side 
of  the  city.  An  attempt  to  seize  the  principal  fort  was 


400  GETTYSBURG  CAMPAIGN.  [1863. 

repulsed,  and  for  a  time  the  fighting  ceased.  Con 
vinced  now  of  the  hopelessness  of  resistance,  Milroy 
decided  to  retreat,  and  soon  after  midnight  spiked  his 
guns,  and  began  his  night.  The  enemy  instantly  re 
newed  their  attacks,  and  a  running  fight  ensued,  in 
which  the  Federals  lost  heavily  in  killed,  wounded, 
and  prisoners.  The  main  avenues  of  escape  had  been 
closed  by  rebel  troops,  and  the  end  of  the  affair  was  the 
loss  of  more  than  half  of  Milroy 's  command  ;  some 
thirty  cannon  ;  two  hundred  and  seventy  odd  wagons  ; 
and  four  hundred  horses.  This  was  a  pretty  good  be 
ginning  of  a  second  invasion — almost  equal  to  the  cap 
ture  of  Miles  on  the  former  occasion  ;  would  it  have  a 
similar  sequel  ? 

Hooker  re-called  Howe,  and  set  his  army  in  march 
northward,  on  the  thirteenth  of  June.  His  route  was 
over  the  beaten  track  of  the  army  to  Centreville,  and 
from  thence  to  Edwards'  Ferry,  which  was  reached  by 
the  head  of  the  column  (Eleventh  Corps)  on  the  after 
noon  of  the  twenty-fourth  of  June.  Daring  this  and 
the  next  two  days  the  infantry  and  artillery  crossed  the 
Potomac  at  this  point,  and  pressed  on  toward  Middle- 
town  and  Frederick.  The  cavalry  under  Pleasonton, 
had  marched  on  the  left,  and  some  portion  of  it  was  al 
most  daily  in  contact  with  the  Confederate  troopers, 
under  Stuart.  Our  cavalry  had  now  begun  to  show 
that  it  could  fight  as  well  as  ride,  and  the  rebels  were 
worsted  in  most  of  the  skirmishes  in  which  they  en 
gaged  our  men. 

A  brigade  of  Rebel  Cavalry,  under  General  Jenkins, 
had  ridden  into  Chambersburg,  Pa.,  eight  days  before 
the  Federals  began  to  cross  the  Potomac,  and  laid  hands 
on  all  the  horses  and  cattle  they  could  find,  and  de 
stroyed  the  railroad.  The  following  day  Swell's  corps 
paid  the  same  unfortunate  city  a  visit,  and,  from  thence 
one  division,  Early 's,  was  sent  to  York,  while  John 
son's  was  directed  upon  Carlisle.  On  the  twenty-fourth 


1863.]  REBELS   AT   CHAMBERSBURG.  401 

and  twenty-fifth  the  corps  of  A.  P.  Hill  and  Longstreet 
forded  the  Potomac  at  Shepherdstown  and  Williamsport, 
and  the  entire  army  of  General  Lee  was  once  more  on 
loyal  soil,  and  on  the  twenty-seventh  of  June  these  two 
corps  were  also  at  Chambersburg.  Mean  time,  Imboden, 
with  a  brigade  of  Rebel  cavalry,  was  raiding  along  the 
line  of  the  Baltimore  and  Ohio  railroad,  northwest  of 
Chambersburg,  effectually  destroying  that  great  line  of 
communication  between  Washington  and  the  West,  and 
at  the  same  time  rendering  useless  the  Chesapeake  and 
Ohio  Canal.  Two  days  after  the  Army  of  the  Potomac 
crossed  the  river,  the  Rebel  General  Stuart  crossed  at 
Seneca,  below  Edwards'  Ferry,  and  moving  eastward 
between  our  army  and  Washington,  picked  up  a  number 
of  Union  officers  on  their  way  to  their  commands  :  seized 
and  burned  a  train  of  187  army  wagons  laden  with  stores 
for  the  army,  and  rode  into  Winchester,  Md.  From 
thence,  turning  northward,  he  passed  around  the  head 
of  our  army  and  proceeded  to  Carlisle.  Finding  that 
the  forces  of  General  Johnson  had  evacuated  the  place, 
he  pushed  on  in  the  direction  of  Gettysburg  and  joined 
the  Confederate  troops  gathering  around  that  borough 
on  the  first  day  of  July. 

Thus  the  Confederates  marauded  over  a  great  portion 
of  western  Maryland  and  penetrated  Pennsylvania 
as  far  as  the  Susquehanna  River,  levying  contribu 
tions  wherever  there  appeared  to  be  an  ability  to 
meet  their  requisitions.  As  an  example  of  the  sum 
mary  process  by  which  the  Confederate  exchequer 
and  Commissary's  and  Quartermaster's  departments 
were  replenished  from  the  town  of  York,  the  fol 
lowing  is  reproduced:  "Required  for  the  use  of 
Early' s  division:  165  barrels  of  flour,  or  28,000 
pounds  of  baked  bread  ;  300  gallons  of  molasses  ;  1,650 
pounds  of  coffee  ;  3,500  pounds  of  sugar  ;  1,200  pounds 
of  salt ;  32,000  pounds  of  fresh  beef,  or  21,000  pounds 
bacon  or  pork.  The  above  articles  to  be  delivered  at  the 

26 


402  GETTYSBURG   CAMPAIGN.  [1863. 

Market  House  on  Main  street,  at  4  o'clock  P.  M.     \Vm. 
W.  Thornton,  Captain  and  A.  C.  S."     And  again  : 

"Required  for  the  use  of  Early' s  command  :  2,000 
pairs  shoes  or  boots  ;  1,000  pairs  socks  ;  1,000  felt  hats; 
one  hundred  thousand  dollars  in  money.  C.  E.  Snod- 
grass,  Major  and  Chief  Q.  M.,  Early' s  division.  June 
28,  1865." 

"Approved;  and  the  authorities  of  the  town  of  York 
will  furnish  the  above  articles  and  the  money  required  ; 
for  which  certificates  will  be  given.  J.  A.  Early,  Maj . - 
Gen.  Commanding."  They  compromised  these  claims 
for  $23,000  cash. 

After  Hooker  entered  Maryland,  his  army  was  re-en 
forced  by  about  15,000  men  from  the  defences  of  Wash 
ington,  and  he  applied  to  General  Halleck  to  have  Gen 
eral  French's  command  of  about  11,000  men,  posted  at 
Maryland  Heights,  opposite  Harper's  Ferry,  placed  un 
der  his  orders.  McClellan  had  made  a  similar  applica 
tion  pending  the  Antietam  campaign,  when  Colonel 
Miles  was  holding  thejsame  post  with  an  equal  force. 
Halleck  was  reluctant  thenjto  have  the  post  broken  up, 
and  Lee  captured  the  entire  garrison  and  all  its  arma 
ment  and  stores.  But  the  General-in-Chief  had  grown 
no  wiser  from  experience,  and  in  answer  to  Hooker's  ap 
plication  he  said  :  "  Maryland  Heights  has  always  been 
regarded  as  an  important  post  to  be  held  by  us,  and 
much  expense  and  labor  incurred  in  fortifying  them.  I 
cannot  approve  of  their  abandonment,  except  in  case  of 
absolute  necessity." 

That  Halleck' s  reasons  for  retaining  this  considera 
ble  force  at  Harpsrs  Ferry,  under  the  circumstances, 
were  utterly  unsound,  there  can  hardly  be  two  opin 
ions.  It  was  even  a  worse  infatuation  than  that  which 
possessed  him  in  regard  to  Fredericksburg  during 
Pope's  campaign.  Hooker  availed  himself  of  this  re- 


1863.]  HOOKER   RESIGNS-  -MEADE   APPOINTED.  403 

fusal  to  ask  to   be  relieved  of   the  command  of   the 
Army,  in  the  following  communication  : 

"  SANDY  HOOK,  June  27,  1863. 
4'  MAJOR-GENERAL  H.  W.  HALLECK, 

General-in-Chief  : 

u  My  original  instructions  require  me  to  cover 
Harper' s  Ferry  and  Washington.  I  have  now  imposed 
upon  me,  in  addition,  an  enemy  in  my  front  of  more 
than  my  numbers.  I  beg  to  be  understood,  respect 
fully,  but  firmly,  that  I  am  unable  to  comply  with  this 
condition,  with  the  means  at  my  disposal,  and  earnestly 
request  that  I  may  at  once  be  relieved  from  the  position 
I  occupy. 

"  JOSEPH  HOOKER, 

"  Major -General.^ 

The  next  day  Colonel  Hardie  arrived  at  General 
Hooker's  Headquarters,  then  at  Frederick,  with  an 
Order  relieving  him,  and  placing  General  Meade  in 
command.  Hooker  at  once  issued  the  following  Order, 
which  terminated  his  connection  with  the  Army  of  the 
Potomac  : 

"  HEADQUARTERS  ARMY  OF  THE  POTOMAC, 
"  FREDERICK,  MD.,  June  28,  1863. 

"  In  conformity  with  the  orders  of  the  War  Depart 
ment,  dated  June  27th,  1863,  I  relinquish  the  command 
of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac.  It  is  transferred  to 
Major-General  George  G.  Meade,  a  brave  and  accom 
plished  officer,  who  has  nobly  earned  the  confidence 
and  esteem  of  the  army  on  many  a  well-fought  field. 
Impressed  with  the  belief  that  my  usefulness  as  the 
Commander  of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac  is  impaired, 
I  part  with  it,  yet  not  without  the  deepest  emotions. 
The  sorrow  of  parting  with  the  comrades  of  so  many 


404  GETTYSBURG   CAMPAIGN.  [1863.- 

battles,  is  relieved  by  the  conviction  that  the  courage  and 
devotion  of  this  army  will  never  cease  nor  fail ;  that  it 
will  yield  to  my  successor,  as  it  has  to  me,  a  willing 
and  hearty  support.  With  the  earnest  prayer,  that 
the  triumph  of  the  army  may  bring  successes  worthy 
of  it  and  the  nation,  I  bid  it  farewell. 

"  JOSEPH  HOOKER, 

"  Major -General" 

General  Hooker  took  leave  of  his  general  and  staff 
officers,  and  retired  to  Baltimore,  where  he  was  directed 
to  await  orders  from  the  Adjutant-General's  office,  but 
venturing  to  Washington,  three  days  afterwards,  with 
out  leave,  he  was  arrested,  by  direction  of  General 
Halleck,  but  soon  released.  Halleck  and  Hooker  had 
no  affection  for  one  another,  and  the  former  had  op 
posed  Hooker's  promotion,  and  had  prevented  his  selec 
tion  at  the  time  of  McClellan's  removal.  He  did  not 
believe  Hooker  had  the  ability  requisite  for  such  a 
command,  and  was  no  doubt  pleased  with  the  tender  of 
his  resignation.  With  a  juster  estimate  of  his  capaci 
ty  than  he  had  before  the  battle  of  Chancellorsville,  it  is 
by  no  means  improbable  that  General  Hooker  made  use 
of  the  refusal  of  Halleck  to  extend  his  authority  over 
French,  to  relieve  himself  of  a  command  that  he  felt  he 
was  unequal  to.  A  commander  who  believed  himself 
entirely  able  to  handle  his  army  would  not  have  resign 
ed  for  so  paltry  a  reason,  on  the  eve  of  a  battle  which 
presented  an  opportunity  to  wipe  out  the  stigma  of  a 
recent  disgraceful  defeat. 

Meade  was  the  very  opposite  of  Hooker  in  manner 
and  temperament.  He  had  none  of  that  demonstrative 
bon  homme  manner  which  characterized  his  predecessor 
and  did  much  to  make  him  popular  with  the  army, 
even  in  spite  of  his  evident  incapacity.  Meade,  in 
civilian  clothes,  would  have  passed  for  a  clergyman  or 


1863.]  MEADE'S  ORDER — GIVEN  COMMAND  OF  FRENCH.  405 

professor  in  one  of  our  Colleges,  but  the  army  knew  he 
was  a  thorough  soldier,  and  he  had  the  most  unquali 
fied  respect  of  every  officer  and  man  in  it.  He  at  once 
issued  the  following  modest  and  sensible  Order  : 

"  HEADQUARTERS  ARMY  OF  THE  POTOMAC, 

June  28,  1863. 

"  By  direction  of  the  President  of  the  United  States,  I 
hereby  assume  command  of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac. 
As  a  soldier,  in  obeying  this  order — an  order  totally  un 
expected  and  unsolicited — I  have  no  promises  or  pledges 
to  make.  The  country  looks  to  this  army  to  relieve  it 
from  the  devastation  and  disgrace  of  a  hostile  invasion. 
Whatever  fatigues  and  sacrifices  we  may  be  called  upon 
to  undergo,  let  us  have  in  view  constantly  the  magnitude 
of  the  interests  involved,  and  let  each  man  determine  to 
•do  his  duty,  leaving  to  an  all- controlling  Providence 
the  decision  of  the  contest.  It  is  with  just  diffidence 
that  I  relieve  in  the  command  of  this  army  an  eminent 
and  accomplished  soldier,  whose  name  must  ever  appear 
conspicuous  in  the  history  of  its  achievements ;  but  I 
rely  upon  the  hearty  support  of  my  companions  in  arms 
to  assist  me  in  the  discharge  of  the  duties  of  the  impor 
tant  trust  which  has  been  confided  to  me. 

GEORGE  G.  MEADE,  Maj.-Gen.  Commanding." 

Simultaneously  with  Meade's  appointment,  Halleck 
.abandoned  the  absurd  theory  about  Harper' s  Ferry,  and 
French  was  placed  under  Meade'  s  command,  as  was  also 
General  Couch,  who  had  a  force  of  about  20,000  militia, 
which  had  been  hastily  congregated  at  Harrisburg,  the 
capital  of  Pennsylvania,  and  which  place  was  threat 
ened  by  the  Eebel  advance.  On  the  morning  of  the 
twenty-ninth  of  June  General  Meade  put  his  columns 
in  motion,  toward  the  north,  to  intercept  the  Confed 
erate  army,  which  was  supposed  to  be  moving  towards 


406  GETTYSBURG  CAMPAIGN.  [1863. 

Harrisburg.  The  First  and  Eleventh  Corps  took  the 
Emmettsburg  road,  and  composed  the  left  flank  of  the 
army ;  the  Third  and  Twelfth  Corps  marched  over  the 
road  leading  to  Taney  town  ;  the  Second  was  directed  on 
Frizzleburg;  the  Fifth  to  Union  and  the  Sixth  to 
Windsor.  These  dispositions  led  toward  the  supposed 
route  of  march  of  the  Confederate  forces  and  at  the 
same  time  covered  Washington  and  Baltimore. 

On  the  thirtieth  of  June  Kilpatrick's  brigade  of  cav 
alry  very  unexpectedly  ran  into  a  body  of  rebel 
troopers  at  Hanover,  in  Pennsylvania,  and  were  over 
matched  in  the  encounter  that  ensued,  but  General 
Custer,  who  had  passed  the  Point  without  discovering 
the  enemy,  hearing  the  noise  of  battle,  returned  and 
threw  his  forces  into  the  fight  and  the  rebels  were  re 
pulsed.  On  the  same  day  Meade  issued  an  Order  re 
questing  corps  and  other  commanders  to  address  their 
troops,  explaining  to  them  the  immense  issues  involved 
in  the  struggle.  He  closed  with  these  words  :  "  Homes, 
firesides  and  domestic  altars,  are  involved.  The  army 
has  fought  well  heretofore  ;  it  is  believed  that  it  will 
fight  more  desperately  and  braver  than  ever,  if  it  is  ad 
dressed  in  fitting  terms.  Corps  and  other  commanders 
are  authorized  to  order  the  instant  death  of  any  soldier 
who  fails  in  his  duty  this  hour." 

Lee  had  now  become  apprised  of  the  proximity  of 
the  Army  of  the  Potomac,  and  he  began  to  gather  his 
scattered  divisions  around  him  at  Gettysburg,  a  village 
of  some  three  thousand  inhabitants  and  the  capital  of 
Adams  County,  Pennsylvania.  So,  on  the  morning  of 
the  twenty -ninth  of  June,  Hill  and  Longstreet  began 
their  march  from  Chambersburg,  twenty  miles  west  of 
Gettysburg,  toward  that  town,  and  at  the  same  time 
Swell's  corps  evacuated  York  and  countermarched  for 
the  place  of  general  rendezvous. 

Meade  had  no  information  of  the  movements  toward 
a  concentration  of  the  Rebel  Army  at  Gettysburg ;  and 


1868.]  LEE   WAS   OBLIGED   TO   FIGHT.  4Q7 

it  is  not  probable  that  Lee  expected  the  impending 
battle  would  be  fought  at  that  particular  locality.  The 
role  that  he  was  now  playing  compelled  him  to  fight 
wherever  the  Federal  army  offered  battle.  He  was  a 
great  distance  from  his  base,  and  in  a  hostile  country, 
and  his  communications  were  liable  to  be  interrupted  at 
any  moment.  He  knew  the  Federal  army  was  growing 
in  numbers  daily,  and  the  militia  were  gathering  in 
great  force  to  oppose  his  progress  eastward.  To  attempt 
to  retire  with  no  other^achievements  than  the  insignifi 
cant  skirmishes  and  the  inconsiderable  spoils  which 
had  thus  far  signalized  his  march,  would  have 
seemed  pusillanimous ;  besides,  the  Federal  army 
was  now  so  near  his  line  of  retreat  that  it  was  not  pos 
sible  to  retire  without' having  his  flank  and  rear  exposed 
to  almost  certain  attack.  He  must,  therefore,  fight; 
and  the  sooner  the  two  armies  were  brought  into  col 
lision,  the  better  for  the  Confederates.  Meade  could 
afford  to  wait ;  Lee  could  not.  It  is  very  probable  that 
the  rapid  march  of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac  had  sur 
prised  the  Confederate  commander.  He  knew  that  his 
strategy  had  misled  Hooker,  and  detained  the  army  at 
Falmouth  a  full  week  after  he  had  set  all  his  corps  but 
Hill's  in  motion  for  the  North;  and  his  information 
seems  to  have  been  less  prompt  than  usual  as  to  the 
operations  of  his  adversary  after  he  began  his  march. 
This  is  manifest  from  the  following  statement  in  Gen 
eral  Lee's  report  of  the  Gettysburg  campaign  :  "Prepa 
rations  were  now  made  to  advance  upon  Harrisburg  ; 
but,  on  the  night  of  the  28th,  information  was  received 
from  a  scout  that  the  Federal  Army,  having  crossed  the 
Potomac,  was  advancing  northward,  and  that  the  head 
of  the  column  had  reached  South  Mountain.  As  our 
communications  with  the  Potomac  were  thus  menaced, 
it  was  resolved  to  prevent  his  further  progress  in  that 
direction  by  concentrating  our  army  on  the  east  side  of 
the  mountains."  General  Lee  had  been  deprived  of  the 


408  GETTYSBURG    CAMPAIGN.  [1863. 

source  from  which  his  information  chiefly  came  as  to 
his  opponent's  movements,  by  a  singular  disposition  of 
the  main  body  of  his  cavalry,  under  Stuart  himself, 
who  was  the  brains  and  spirit  of  that  arm  of  the  Con 
federate  service.  He  had  been  dispatched  to  watch 
Hooker  ;  and,  if  possible,  to  impede  his  passage  of  the 
Potomac.  He  was  then  to  cross  himself,  and  take  his 
proper  position  on  the  right  flank  of  Lee's  advancing 
columns,  presenting  a  barrier  to  the  Union  cavalry,  and 
giving  information  of  the  movements  and  positions  of 
Meade's  columns.  But  Stuart  failed,  on  this  occasion, 
to  comprehend  the  situation  ;  and,  having  advanced  to 
Fairfax  Court  House,  he  faced  to  the  northward,  and 
crossed  the  Potomac  at  Seneca,  forty  miles  below  the 
point  at  which  the  Army  of  the  Potomac  had  crossed, 
and  consequently  found  himself  on  the  right  flank  of 
the  Union  Army,  and  that  entire  army  between  himself 
and  Lee.  It  was  in  his  endeavor  to  pass  the  head  of 
the  Federal  columns  that  he  reached  Hanover,  and  en 
countered  Kilpatrick  and  Custer.  He  expected  to  find 
Ewell  at  Carlisle,  whither  he  went,  but  did  not  reach 
that  place  till  the  first  of  July,  and  then  Ewell  was 
drawing  up  his  forces  around  the  northeast  side  of 
Gettysburg,  and  thither  Stuart  followed  him. 

On  the  night  of  the  30th  of  June,  Meade  issued  orders 
for  the  movement  of  the  army  on  the  next  day.  The 
First,  Third  and  Eleventh  Corps  constituted  the  left 
wing  of  the  Army — nearest  the  enemy— and  was  under 
command  of  General  Reynolds,  who  was  directed  to 
move  on  Gettysburg.  The  Fifth  and  Twelfth  Corps 
were  to  march  to  Two  Taverns  and  Hanover  ;  the  Second 
Corps,  with  headquarters,  to  Taneytown,  and  the  Sixth 
Corps  to  Manchester.  These  dispositions  go  far  to  show 
that  General  Meade  had  no  expectation  of  a  general 
battle  at  Gettysburg,  for  the  result  was  to  increase  the 
distance  between  some  of  the  corps  and  that  place. 
Probably  General  Meade  knew  little  or  nothing  about 


1863.]  WHAT  IT   SHOWS.  409 

the  strategical  advantage  of  that  position  ;  and  that 
the  great  battle  which  was  fought  there  was  the  result 
of  chance  rather  than  of  design  upon  the  part  of  either 
commander. 


CHAPTER    XXX. 

GETTYSBURG — REBELS  HOVERING  AROUND  IT — REYNOLDS  ON  MARSH  CREEK 
— HILL  AND  LONGSTREET  NEAR  BY — QUESTION  AS  TO  STRENGTH 
OF  ARMIES — DID  EITHER  COMMANDER  KNOW  OF  THE  OTHER'S  PROX 
IMITY  ? — LEE  DID  NOT  EXPECT  TO  FIGHT  AT  GETTYSBURG NEITHER 

LEE   NOR   MEADE    KNEW    OF   THE    STRATEGIC   ADVANTAGE    OF   GETTYS 
BURG REYNOLDS   KNEW   THE   ENEMY   WERE    IN   CONSIDERABLE  FORCE 

NEAR     HIM — PL  EASONTON — BUFORD — DEVIN. 

GETTYSBURG  lies  upon  the  north  slope  of  a  hill  which 
rises  in  its  immediate  rear,  some  four  hundred  and  eighty 
feet  above  the  valley,  just  north  of  the  town,  through 
which  flows  a  rivulet  called  "  Stevens'  Run."  The  con 
tour  of  this  hill  is  not  unlike  a  fishing-hook,  and  taking 
this  familiar  figure  as  a  guide,  we  will  briefly  describe  it. 
Turning  the  apex  of  the  convex  bend  so  it  will  point  due 
north,  it  will  embrace  "  Cemetery  Hill."  Standing  now, 
with  your  back  towards  Gettysburg,  and  your  eye  follow 
ing  the  course  of  the  hook  on  your  left  and  to  the  south 
ward,  and  towards  its  point,  you  find  it  crosses  a  slight 
depression  a  few  hundred  rods  from  the  apex  of  the 
bend,  and  then  begins  to  rise  until  it  attains  the  top  of 
"Gulp's  Hill,"  and  passing  that,  terminates  at  the 
point,  on  "  McAllister's  Hill."  The  distance  from  on 
this  side  the  hook  is  a  little  less  than  two  miles.  Along 
the  base  of  this  hilly  ridge  runs  "  Rock  Creek,"  and  on 
the  east  side  of  it,  opposite  "McAllister's  Hill,"  abruptly 
rises  another  bluff,  which  swells  into  "Wolf  Hill,"  at  a 
short  distance  from  the  creek,  and  then  continues  in  a 
high  ridge  toward  the  northeast,  for  a  considerable  dis 
tance.  Turning  now  to  the  other  side  of  the  hook,  you 
will  first  observe  that  it  is  a  mile  longer  than  the  left 
side,  and  is  more  uniform  in  its  course,  but  characterized 
by  the  same  general  outlines.  A  few  hundred  rods  from 
the  apex  of  the  bend  is  a  bluff,  rising  higher  than  "  Ceme- 


1863.]  GETTYSBURG.  411 

tery  Hill,"  then  follows  a  depression  for  a  distance  of 
half  a  mile,  where  the  ridge  is  but  twenty  feet  above  the 
bed  of  "  Stevens'  Run  ;"  then  the  ground  rises  again  in 
a  bold  rocky  ledge  into  ''Little  Round  Top,"  and 
making  another  ascent  culminates  in  "Round  Top." 
The  distance  across,  from  point  to  shank,  is  about 
two  and  a  half  miles,  and  the  circumference  about 
five  miles.  Within  the  hook  the  ground  is  low  and 
tolerably  level,  but  as  you  approach  the  bend  it 
becomes  hilly,  and  finally  rises  abruptly  into  "Cemetery 
Hill."  The  Baltimore  Pike  and  the  Taneytown  Road 
enter  Gettysburg,  through  the  level  space  within  the 
hook,  and  cross  it  at  the  bend. 

Retaining  the  same  position  bat  looking  to  the  north, 
Gettysburg  lies  at  your  feet,  extending  from  near  the 
top  of  Cemetery  Hill  to  the  foot  of  the  valley,  through 
which  flows  i;  Stevens'  Run,"  and  which  empties  into 
Rock  Creek,  a  mile  northeast  of  the  village.  This  val 
ley  curves  around  the  point  of  the  hill,  on  the  slope  of 
which  the  town  stands,  and  follows  the  conformation  of 
the  fishing-hook  until  it  is  interrupted  by  the  opposing 
ridge  of  Wolf  Hill.  Still  looking  to  the  north,  right 
over  the  tops  of  the  houses  on  the  westerly  side  of 
Gettysburg,  and  about  a  mile  from  where  you  stand, 
you  see  a  ridge  on  the  farther  side  of  the  valley,  running 
nearly  north  and  south,  but  much  lower  than  the  Ceme 
tery  Hill.  On  this  ridge  stands  the  Lutheran  Seminary, 
and  the  ridge  itself  is  called  "Seminary  Ridge."  Be 
yond  this,  at  short  intervals,  plain  ridge  and  valley  suc 
ceed  each  other,  until  the  South  Mountain  range  termin 
ates  the  scene.  To  the  northward  and  to  the  right  and 
left,  the  landscape  was  fair  to  look  upon  on  the  first 
day  of  July,  1863.  Woods,  rich  in  their  summer  foliage, 
stood  as  a  glowing  and  animate  frame-work  around  the 
cultivated  fields  and  the  rural  village  which  was  soon 
to  become  famous  as  the  scene  of  the  greatest  battle  of 
modern  times.  The  Emmetsburg  road  starts  from  the 


412  GETTYSBURG    CAMPAIGN.  [1863. 

south,  side  of  Gettysburg,  passes  along  the  hillside  west 
of  the  cemetery,  cleaves  the  valley  diagonally  in  a  south 
westerly  course,  and  ascends  and  crosses  Seminary 
Eidge,  at  a  point  nearly  opposite  Little  Round  Top,  and 
about  a  mile  from  it.  The  Hagerstown  road  leaves  the 
north  side  of  Gettysburg,  and  crossing  the  ridges  in  a 
westerly  direction,  is  lost  to  sight  in  the  forest  toward 
South  Mountain.  Across  the  low  ground  from  the 
ridge,  near  the  Seminary  to  Gettysburg,  was  built  up  a 
dirt  causeway  or  railroad  embankment,  and  over  which 
the  "  Ulster  Guard  "  marched  into  Gettysburg,  after  the 
battle  of  the  first  of  July. 

For  several  days,  rebel  troops,  both  infantry  and 
cavalry,  had  visited  Gettysburg,  and  numerous  bodies 
of  soldiers  were  hovering  on  the  north  side  of  the  town. 
On  the  thirtieth  of  June,  at  about  nine  o'clock  A.  M.,  a 
considerable  portion  of  Hill's  Corps  approached  within 
half  a  mile  of  the  village,  and  stationed  pickets  along 
Seminary  Ridge.  At  the  end  of  an  hour  they  withdrew 
towards  Cashtown,  and  an  hour  later  General  Buford 
rode  into  Gettysburg,  at  the  head  of  six  thousand  Fed 
eral  cavalry,  and  passing  through  the  town  took  posi 
tion  on  the  farm  of  Honorable  E.  McPherson,  a  mile 
and  a  half  northwestward,  where  he  unlimbered  his 
guns  and  made  his  dispositions  to  resist  an  attack.  One 
corps  of  the  left  wing — the  First — reached  Marsh  Creek, 
four  miles  southwest  of  Gettysburg,  on  the  afternoon 
of  the  thirtieth,  and  halted  there  for  the  night.  The 
Eleventh  was  at  Emmettsburg,  six  miles  in  rear  of 
the  First.  On  the  same  night,  the  Rebel  General  Hill, 
encamped  his  corps,  35,000  strong,  a  few  miles  north 
of  the  point  occupied  by  General  Reynolds.  Long- 
street's  Corps,  with  the  exception  of  Pickett's  di 
vision,  which  was  still  at  Chambersburg,  closed  up  in 
rear  of  Hill.  This  corps  was  31,000  strong,  and  24,000 
of  these  men  were  near  at  hand.  Rodes'  and  Early 's 
divisions,  of  Swell's  Corps,  numbering  19,000  men, 


1863.]  STRENGTH   OF  ARMIES.  413 

bivouacked  at  Heidlersburg,  nine  miles  from  Gettys 
burg,  on  this  night.  Johnson's  division  of  this  corps, 
12,000  strong,  was  countermarching  from  Carlisle,  and 
yet  some  distance  from  Gettysburg. 

No  one  fact  about  the  Gettysburg  battle  has  been  a 
subject  of  more  controversy  than  that  in  relation  to  the 
actual  numbers  composing  the  two  armies.  I  suspect 
that  each  side  has  attempted  to  show  the  opposing  army 
greater  than  it  really  was,  and  at  the  same  time  to  under 
state  its  own  forces.  This  enhances  the  merits  of  the 
victory  on  the  Federal  computation  of  relative  strength, 
and  the  Confederates  seek  to  parry  the  discredit  of  de 
feat  by  exaggerating  the  numbers  of  the  Unionists,  while 
they  place  their  own  upon  returns  which  do  not  include 
the  re-enforcements  that  joined  them  after  they  crossed 
the  Potomac.  The  system  of  returns  adopted  in  the 
Federal  Army  was  either  defective  in  itself  or  in  its  exe 
cution,  for  it  failed  to  give  an  accurate  report  of  the 
strength  of  the  army.  The  nearest  the  general-in-chief, 
or  a  corps,  division  or  brigade  commander  could  come  to 
a  positive  statement  of  his  command  was  "about" 
such  a  number.  The  system  in  the  Confederate  Army 
was  even  worse,  or  its  officers  were  more  skilful  in  con 
cealing  its  true  strength.  It  is  probably  not  possible  to 
give  the  exact  figures  of  the  strength  of  a  large  army 
from  day  to  day,  especially  when  it  is  on  the  march  or 
engaged  in  an  active  campaign.  Sickness,  casualties 
from  various  causes,  and  the  inevitable  evil  of  strag 
gling  diminishes  its  ranks,  but  a  very  close  approxima 
tion  ought  always  to  be  possible.  The  numbers  above 
given  as  the  strength  of  the  three  Rebel  Infantry  Corps 
are  derived  from  authorities  strongly  Federal,  and  I 
think  they  over-state  them. 

Lossing's  "  Pictorial  History  of  the  Civil  War,"  Vol. 
Ill,  page  59,  foot-note  2,  gives  the  figures  I  have  quoted 
as  the  strength  of  these  corps,  and  distributes  them  as 
follows  :  Hill' s  Corps — Heath' s  and  Pender'  s  divisions, 


414  GETTYSBURG    CAMPAIGN.  [1863. 

10,000  men  each;  Anderson's  division,  same  corps, 
15,000  men.  Longstreet's  Corps — McLaws'  and  Hood's 
divisions,  12,000  each;  and  Pickett's  division,  same 
corps,  7.000.  Swell's  Corps— Rodes'  division,  10,000; 
Early' s,  9,000  ;  and  Ed.  Johnson's,  12,000. 

This  would  make  the  infantry  arm  of  the  Confeder 
ate  Army  97,000  strong,  which  I  believe  to  be  an  over 
estimate,  although  Mr.  Lossing  °is  supported  by  other 
writers,  and  expresses  substantially  the  views  on  the 
subject  said  to  have  been  entertained  by  Generals 
Hooker  and  Meade. 

Mr.  Greeley,  in  his  "American  Conflict,"  Vol.  II, 
page  371,  says,  the  corps  of  Ewell  and  Longstreet  (while 
marching  down  the  Shenandoah  Valley)  numbered 
about  50,000  men.  Mr.  Bates,  in  his  History  of  the 
Battle  of  Gettysburg,  quotes  General  Hooker's  state 
ment,  that  two  Union  men  had  counted  the  Confederate 
force  as  it  passed  through  Hagerstown,  and  that  they 
compared  notes  every  night.  That  in  round  numbers 
Lee  had  91,000  infantry  and  280  pieces  of  artillery,  and 
that  there  were  about  6,000  cavalry  marching  with  that 
column.  The  body  of  Confederate  cavalry  that  crossed 
at  Seneca,  General  Hooker  estimates  at  5,000.  General 
Meade  says  :  "I  think  General  Lee  had  about  90,000 
infantry,  from  4,000  to  5,000  artillery,  and  10,000 
cavalry."  (Bates,  p.  196.)  Professor  Jacobs  (Notes  on 
the  Rebel  Invasion,  pages  22-3)  gives  Hill's  Corps 
35,000  ;  Longstreet's  31,000,  and  Ewell' s  31,000. 

Mr.  Swinton,  in  his  "  History  of  the  Army  of  the  Po 
tomac,"  page  310,  gives  the  aggregate  present,  88,754  ; 
present  for  duty,  68,352.  He  says  he  learns  from  Gen 
eral  Longstreet  that  when  the  three  corps  were  concen 
trated  at  Chambersburg,  the  morning  reports  showed 
67,000  bayonets.  John  Esten  Cooke  (Life  of  General 
Lee,  page  273)  says,  that  Lee's  army  numbered  68,352 
bayonets,  on  the  last  day  of  May,  1863.  But  after  this 
date,  and  before  the  battle  of  Gettysburg,  it  is  certain 


1863.]  STRENGTH   OP   ARMIES.  415 

that  Lee  received  considerable  re- enforcements.  He 
was  obliged  to  cover  his  line  of  communications  by 
strong  guards,  and  his  long  march  and  numerous  skir 
mishes  cost  him  a  good  many  men.  It  is  impossible  to 
tell  what  his  re-enforcements  numbered,  but  they,  no 
doubt,  more  than  equaled  his  guards  and  losses  on  the 
march. 

I  have  very  conclusive  evidence  of  the  fact  that  some 
re-enforcements  arrived  to  General  Lee,  after  "the 
three  corps"  had  marched  from  Chambersburg,  and, 
in  fact  during  the  battle.  This  I  have  in  the  record 
kept  of  the  marches  of  the  14th  Virginia  Regiment,  by 
its  Colonel,  James  M.  Hodges,  on  the  back  of  a  pocket 
map  of  the  State  of  Virginia,  and  whose  regiment  was 
in  the  final  charge  made  by  Pickett's  division  (Armi- 
stead's  brigade)  on  the  third  day  of  July,  and  Colonel 
Hodges  was  killed  within  a  hundred  feet  of  me. 

This  record  shows  that  Colonel  Hodges  was  at  Rich 
mond  in  May.  June  3d,  he  was  at  Hanover  Junction 
(Fredericksburg  and  Richmond  Railroad).  June  8th, 
he  left  Hanover  Junction,  and  crossed  the  Potomac  on 
the  25th.  On  the  2d  of  July,  he  marched  23  miles,  and 
"  camped  within  three  miles  of  Gettysburg."  He  was 
just  in  time  to  participate  in  the  closing  scenes,  and  he 
led  his  regiment  up  almost  to  the  muzzles  of  the  mus 
kets  of  my  men,  through  a  fire  that  thinned  his  ranks 
at  every  step.  No  one  could  have  displayed  more 
courage  than  Colonel  Hodges  did.  His  gallantry,  even 
in  so  bad  a  cause,  won  my  admiration,  and  I  desire  to 
pay  this  slight  tribute  to  his  memory. 

Another  fact,  tending  to  show  that  Richmond  had 
been  stripped  of  troops  to  augment  Lee's  columns,  is 
narrated  on  page  289  of  Mr.  Cooke's  "  Life  of  Lee,"  as 
follows:  "The  movements  of  the  Federal  commander 
were  probably  hastened  (towards  Lee's  line  of  march) 
by  the  capture,  about  this  time,  at  Hagerstown,  of  a 
dispatch  from  President  Davis  to  General  Lee.  Lee,  it 


416  GETTYSBURG   CAMPAIGN.  [1863. 

seems,  had  suggested  that  General  Beauregard  should 
be  sent  to  make  a  demonstration  in  the  direction  of 
Culpepper,  and  by  thus  appearing  to  threaten  Wash 
ington,  embarrass  the  movements  of  the  Northern  army. 
To  this  suggestion  the  President  is  said  to  have  replied 
that  he  had  no  troops  to  make  such  a  movement  ;  and 
the  capture  of  this  dispatch  on  its  way  to  Lee  probably 
hastened  the  movements  of  General  Meade,  who  had 
thus  the  proof  before  him  that  Washington  was  in  no 
danger.  The  Confederacy  was  thus  truly  unfortunate 
again,  as  in  September,  1862,  when  a  similar  incident 
came  to  the  relief  of  General  McClellan." 

General  Butterfield,  Chief -of -Staff  to  Generals  Hooker 
and  Meade,  testified  before  the  Committee  on  the 
Conduct  of  the  War  that  the  returns  of  the  Federal 
Army  on  the  tenth  of  June  gave  the  strength  of  the  sev 
eral  corps  as  follows :  First  Corps,  11,350 ;  Second, 
11,361  ;  Third,  11,898  ;  Fifth,  10,135  ;  Sixth,  15,408  , 
Eleventh,  10,177  ;  Twelfth,  7,925— giving  a  total  of 
78,255  men.  Subsequently,  and  before  the  battle,  the 
Fifth  Corps  was  augmented  by  two  brigades  of  the 
Pennsylvania  Reserves,  of  about  4, 000  men  ;  the  Twelfth 
by  Lockwood's  Maryland  Brigade,  2,500  strong,  and  the 
First  Corps,  (on  the  2d  of  July)  by  Stanriard's  Vermont 
Brigade,  of  2,500  men,  whose  time  had  expired  but  who 
determined  to  stay  until  the  battle  was  over.  The 
Union  cavalry  mustered  about  12,000  sabres,  and  gave 
Meade  an  army  of  99,000  men  on  paper,  excluding  Gen 
eral  French  with  the  Maryland  Heights  forces,  who  was 
posted  near  Frederick  to  look  after  the  communica 
tions.  Making  the  usual  deductions  for  guards,  sick 
and  stragglers  (whose  numbers  always  increased  as  a  bat 
tle  became  imminent)  it  is  supposed  that  Meade  had  on 
the  heights  of  Gettysburg,  after  deducting  the  losses  of 
the  first  day,  only  about  65,000  men.  As  a  guide  to  a 
calculation  of  the  numbers  actually  present  on  the  bat 
tle-field,  it  may  be  stated  that  the  First  Corps  was 


1863.]  DID   EITHER   KNOW    OF    OTHER'S   PROXIMITY?  417 

11,350  strong  on  paper  according  to  the  last  preceding 
report,  whereas  it  is  known  that  it  went  into  battle  on 
the  first  day  of  July  with  only  8,200  men. 

It  has  been  seen  that  the  country  adjacent  to  Gettys 
burg  became  very  populous  on  the  last  night  of  June, 
1863.  Nearly  one  hundred  thousand  armed  men  were 
lying  in  the  fields  and  woods  within  a  few  miles  of  the 
town — seventy  thousand  of  them  Confederates  and 
thirty  thousand  Federals.  Did  either  know  of  the 
proximity  of  the  other?  Mr.  Swinton  says  the  battle 
(of  the  first  day)  was  precipitated  contrary  to  the  ex 
pectations  of  either  army,  (page  328).  And  this  idea 
has  generally  been  accepted  and  is  probably  correct,  as 
to  both  Meade  and  Lee  and  the  great  majority  of  their 
officers. 

The  Brookline  (Mass.)  Chronicle,  under  date  of 
February  16,  1878,  published  an  article  on  the  first 
day's  battle,  "  from  the  original  manuscript  now  in  pos 
session  of  a  staff  officer  of  the  volunteer  army,  resident 
in  Brookline,"  wherein  this  paragraph  occurs: 

k'  It  was  always  supposed  by  us  that  Gettysburg  was 
a  mutual  surprise.  That  it  was  such  to  the  Confeder 
ates,  I  for  one  have  no  doubt.  It  so  chanced  that  I  was 
wounded  and  taken  prisoner  near  the  close  of  the  first 
day's  battle,  and  the  universal  feeling  of  disbelief  that 
existed  among  the  Confederates,  as  to  what  troops  they 
had  fought  was  amusing.  They  would  not  believe  that 
we  belonged  to  the  Army  of  the  Potomac,  insisting  that 
we  were  Pennsylvania  militia  in  disguise.  I  well  recol 
lect  that  General  Ewell  was  uncomfortably  emphatic  in 
his  denial  of  our  representations,  and  should  say  that  it 
was  not  until  near  sunset  that  the  Confederates  settled 
down  into  the  belief  that  we  had  been  telling  the  truth. 
I  have  always  considered  that  this  was  the  reason  be 
hind  Lee's  official  statement  that  the  attack  was  not 
pressed  that  afternoon,  the  enemy''  s  force  being  un 
known,  and  it  being  advisable  to  await  the  arrival  of  the 

27 


418  GETTYSBURG    CAMPAIGN.  [1863. 

rest  of  our  troops.     While  they  knew  we  had  crossed 
the  Potomac,  they  had  no  idea  we  were  so  near." 

In  a  speech  made  at  Boston,  Sept.  17,  1877,  by  Gen 
eral  Heth,  who  commanded  the  van-guard  of  Hill's 
corps  and' opened  the  fight  on  the  first  of  July,  there  is 
an  insinuation  that  the  battle  was  the  result  of  a  chance 
encounter,  and  an  admission  that  the  stubborn  fighting 
of  the  Federals,  on  that  day,  saved  the  battle.  He  said : 

"  As  my  command,  by  one  of  those  strange  acci 
dents  of  war,  brought  on  accidentally  this  battle,  I  was 
in  a  position  to  know  that  Reynolds,  in  sacrificing  his 
life,  saved  at  that  time  this  battle  to  his  country." 

General  Longstreet,  speaking  through  the  Grand 
Army  Gazette,  of  December,  1877,  says :  "On  the 
morning  of  the  1st,  General  Lee  and  myself  left  his  head 
quarters  together)  and  had  ridden  three  or  four  miles, 
when  we  heard  heavy  firing  along  Hill's  front.  The  fir 
ing  became  so  heavy  that  General  Lee  left  me  and  hur 
ried  forward  to  see  what  it  meant.  After  attending  to 
some  details  of  my  march,  I  followed.  The  firing  pro 
ceeded  from  the  engagement  between  our  advance  and 
Reynolds'  corps,  in  which  the  Federals  were  repulsed. 
This  rencontre  was  totally  unexpected  on  both  sides." 

General  Lee,  himself,  says  in  his  report  of  his  opera 
tions  in  this  invasion:  "It  had  not  been  intended  to 
deliver  a  general  battle  so  far  from  our  base  unless  at 
tacked  ;  but,  coming  unexpectedly  upon  the  whole  Fed 
eral  Army,  to  withdraw  through  the  mountains,  with 
our  extensive  trains,  would  have  been  difficult  and  dan 
gerous.  At  the  same  time,  we  were  unable  to  await  an 
attack,  as  the  country  was  unfavorable  for  collecting 
supplies  in  the  presence  of  the  enemy,  who  could  re 
strain  our  foraging  parties  by  holding  the  mountain 
passes  with  local  and  other  troops.  A  battle  had,  there 
fore,  become  in  a  measure  unavoidable  ;  and  the  success 
already  gained  gave  hope  of  a  favorable  issue." 
Mr.  Cooke  says,  at  page  300  :  ' '  When  the  sound  of 


1868.]  NEITHER   KNEW    STRENGTH   OF   POSITION.  419 

the  engagement  was  first  heard  by  Lee,  he  was  in  the 
rear  of  his  troops  at  the  headquarters  which  Hill  had 
just  vacated,  near  Cashtown,  under  the  South  Mountain. 
The  firing  was  naturally  supposed  by  him  to  indicate 
an  accidental  collision  with  some  body  of  the  enemy's 
cavalry,  and,  when  intelligence  reached  him  that  Hill 
was  engaged  with  the  Federal  infantry,  the  announce 
ment  occasioned  him  the  greatest  astonishment.  Gen 
eral  Meade's  presence  so  near  him  was  a  circumstance 
completely  unknown  to  Lee,  and  certainly  was  not  de 
sired  by  him." 

So  it  would  seem  that  although  Lee  concentrated  his 
army  on  Gettysburg,  he  did  not  intend,  as  we  have  al 
ready  said,  to  deliver  a  general  battle  at  that  place. 
There  is  nothing  that  indicates  that  he  had  any  idea  of 
the  strategic  value  of  the  position  on  the  south  side 
of  the  town.  He  certainly  made  no  effort  to  possess 
himself  of  it  prior  to  its  occupation  by  the  Federal 
troops.  Detachments,  large  or  small,  of  the  Eebel 
army  had  been  in  Gettysburg  and  the  adjacent  neigh 
borhood,  off  and  on,  since  the  21st  of  June.  On  the  af 
ternoon  of  the  26th,  General  Gordon' s  brigade  of  Early' s 
division,  Ewell's  corps,  5,000  strong,  entered  the  village, 
Early  himself  being  with  the  brigade,  and  remaining 
over  night.  He  demanded  of  the  town  council  a  contri 
bution  of  1,200  pounds  of  sugar,  600  pounds  of  coffee, 
60  barrels  of  flour,  1,000  pounds  of  salt,  7,000  pounds 
of  bacon,  10  barrels  of  whiskey,  10  barrels  of  onions, 
(whiskey  and  onions  in  equal  proportions),  1,000  pairs 
of  shoes,  500  hats  ;  or,  in  lieu  thereof,  $5,000  in  money. 
Messrs.  Kendlehart  and  Buchler  of  the  town  council, 
informed  General  Early  the  goods  demanded  were  not 
in  town,  and  that  the  burrough  had  no  funds.  Early 
did  not  attempt  to  enforce  the  requisition.  (Notes  on 
the  Eebel  Invasion,  by  Prof.  Jacobs,  page  16.) 

If  Early  had  supposed  it  even  possible  that  the  two 
great  armies  would  collide  on  this  ground,  he  would 


420  GETTYSBURG   CAMPAIGN.  [1863. 

have  devoted  himself  to  an  inspection  of  the  position, 
rather  than  to  a  fruitless  attempt  to  extort  goods  or 
money  out  of  the  burrough  of  Gettysburg. 

It  was  probably  owing  to  the  concentration  of  roads 
on  Gettysburg  that  led  the  Confederate  commander  to 
select  that  as  the  point  of  combining  his  army,  which 
was  then  dispersed  to  points  east,  north  and  west  of 
that  town.  In  addition  to  the  roads  heretofore  men 
tioned  as  leading  out  of  the  village,  were  the  Hagerstown, 
Chambersburg,  Carlisle,  Harrisburg,  Bonoughtown, 
York  and  Hanover  roads.  These  roads  had  been  occu 
pied  by  Lee's  columns  and  raiding  parties,  and  when 
his  order  to  concentrate  was  issued  on  the  28th  of  June, 
Longstreet  and  Hill  were  at  Chambersburg,  twenty 
miles  westerly  of  Gettysburg,  while  Ewell's  corps  was 
at  York,  thirty  miles  east,  and  Carlisle,  twenty-eight 
miles  north  of  Gettysburg,  with  Stuart's  cavalry  trying 
to  work  its  way  around  the  head  of  the  Federal  columns, 
and  with  detachments  distributed  over  the  country  be 
tween  the  remote  points  of  York  and  Chambersburg. 

General  Meade  was  no  better  informed  than  Lee  was 
as  to  the  favorable  formation  of  the  rocky  ledges  behind 
Gettysburg  for  a  defensive  battle.  He  testified  before 
the  Committee  on  the  Conduct  of  the  War,  that  prior  to 
July,  1863,  he  had  never  seen  the  place  or  knew  any 
thing  about  it.  He  contemplated  occupying  the  line  of 
Pipe  Creek  whereon  to  receive  battle,  if  circumstances 
would  admit  of  it.  That  place  he  had  seen,  and  knew 
it  was  a  strong  position.  But  Meade  was  resolved  to 
arrest  Lee's  march  on  Harrisburg  by  a  strong  demon 
stration  against  his  flank  and  rear,  and  for  that  purpose 
the  left  wing  of  the  Union  army  was  thrown  well  out 
toward  Gettysburg.  While  Meade  was  probably  un 
aware  of  Lee's  intention  to  concentrate  on  that  place, 
it  .can  hardly  be  supposed  that  he  was  ignorant  of  the 
fact  that  considerable  bodies  of  Confederate  troops  were 
in  that  neighborhood.  There  was  no  obstacle  in  the  way  of 


1863.]  REYNOLDS   KNEW   ENEMY   WERE   NEAR.  421 

communication  with  the  town,  and  on  the  28th  of  June, 
General  Cowpland,   at  the  head  of  two  regiments   of 
Federal  cavalry,  entered  the  village  from  Emmettsburg 
and  encamped  on  the  north  side  for  the  night.     The  next 
day  he  had  a  slight  skirmish  with  rebel  infantry  near 
Fairfield,  about  eight  miles  west  of  Gettysburg.     The 
writer,  who  had  been  ordered  by  General  Reynolds  to 
join  the  first  corps  with  his  command,  finds  in  his  diary, 
under  date  of  June  30th,  the  following  entry  :   "  Marched 
at  four  o'clock  A.M.  (from  Lewiston)  ;  mustered  on  the 
road  ;  halted  in  a  grove  in  front  of  St.  Mary's  College 
and   had   coffee  ;    marched  through  Emmettsburg  and 
joined  first  brigade,  third  division  first  corps,  at  four 
P.M.  ;  rainy,  with  heavy  showers  ;  my  regiment  posted  in 
woods  along  Marsh  Run,  to  overlook  approaches  from 
Fairfield,  about  five  miles  off— west  of  north — where  the 
enemy  are  said  to  be  six  thousand  strong ;    General 
Reynolds  commands  left  wing  of  army  ;  General  Double- 
day  succeeds  to  command  of  first  corps ;  General  Row 
ley  commands  the  division,  and  Colonel  Chapman  Bid- 
die  (senior  colonel)  commands  the  brigade."     The  open 
ing  of  the  next  day's  entry  is  as  follows :   "  Up  at  six  ; 
received  orders  last  evening  to  have  three  days'  rations 
in  haversacks."     General  Reynolds  must  certainly  have 
known  of  the  proximity  of  large  bodies  of  rebel  troops 
and  of  the  imminence  of  a  collision.     The  order  requiring 
the  men  to  carry  three  days'  provisions  clearly  indicated 
that  he  anticipated  fighting  before  the  next  day  closed. 
In  his  article  on  the  "Campaign  and  Battle  of  Gettys 
burg,"  published  in  the  Atlantic  Monthly  of  July,  1876, 
General  Howard  says,  at  page  52  :   "Just  at  night  (June 
30)  I  received  a  note  from  General  Reynolds  requesting 
me  to  ride  up  to  Marsh  Run  and  see  him.        *        * 
He  showed  me  a  bundle  of  dispatches — the  information 
brought  to  him  during  the  day — evidence  of  the  near 
ness,  position  and  designs   of  the  enemy."     Reynolds 
could  not  have  known  just  how  strong  the  hostile  force 


422  GETTYSBURG  CAMPAIGN.  [1863. 

on  his  front  and  left  was,  but  that  he  knew  there  was 
such  a  force  there,  great  or  small,  there  can  be  no 
doubt,  and  that  he  informed  General  Meade  of  the  fact 
is  equally  certain. 

General  Pleasonton  testified  before  the  Committee 
on  the  Conduct  of  the  War,  that  he  had  studied  the 
country  very  carefully,  and  that  he  regarded  Gettys 
burg  as  the  only  point  where  the  decisive  battle  could 
be  fought,  and  that  he  ordered  General  Buford  to  hold 
that  point  to  the  last  extremity,  until  the  Army  of  the 
Potomac  could  get  there.  General  J.  Watts  De  Pey- 
ster,  in  his  Decisive  Conflicts,  reports  a  conversation 
which  took  place  between  General  Buford  and  Colonel 
Thomas  Devin,  commanding  one  of  Buford' s  brigades, 
on  the  night  of  the  thirtieth  of  June.  General  De 
Peystersays:  "On  the  night  of  the  thirtieth  General 
Buford  spent  some  hours  with  Colonel  Tom  Devin,  and 
while  commenting  upon  the  information  brought  in  by 
Devin' s  scouts,  remarked  that  the  battle  would  be 
fought  at  that  point,  and  that  he  was  afraid  it  would  be 
commenced  in  the  morning  before  the  infantry  would 
get  up."  Devin  did  not  think  the  enemy  were  so  near 
in  any  considerable  force,  and  said  he  would  take  care 
of  all  that  would  attack  his  front  during  the  succeeding 
twenty -four  hours.  "  No  you  wont,"  said  Buford, 
4 'they  will  attack  you  in  the  morning,  and  they  will 
come  booming — skirmishers  three  deep.  You  will  have 
to  fight  like  the  devil  to  hold  your  own  until  supports 
arrive.  The  enemy  must  know  the  importance  of  this 
position,  and  will  strain  every  nerve  to  secure  it,  and  if 
we  are  able  to  hold  it  we  will  do  well."  Buford' s  sig 
nal  officer,  from  whom  General  De  Peyster  gets  this  in 
formation,  says  General  Buford  told  him  to  seek  out 
the  most  prominent  points  and  watch  everything  ;  "  to 
look  out  for  camp-fires  during  the  night  and  for  dust  in 
the  morning."  He  says  Buford  seemed  more  anxious 
than  he  ever  saw  him  before. 


CHAPTER  XXXI. 

THE  FIRST  DAY  AT  GETTYSBURG THE  CAVALRY  MEET  AND  CHECK  THE 

ENEMY — APPROACH  OF  FIRST  CORPS — POSITION  OF  WADSWORTH'S  DIVI 
SION — MESSAGES  TO  SICKLES  AND  HOWARD — REYNOLDS  KILLED — A  WORD 
ABOUT  HIM — ARCHER'S  BRIGADE  CAPTURED — CHANGES  IN  COMMANDS 

RESULTING  FROM  REYNOLDS'  DEATH— DOUBLEDAY  IN  COMMAND  OF 
THE  FIELD— NOTHING  COULD  BE  BETTER — WADSWORTH — CHAPMAN 
BIDDLE— FOURTEENTH  BROOKLYN,  NINETY-FIFTH  N.  Y. ,  SIXTH  WISCON 
SIN  CAPTURE  TWO  MISSISSIPPI  REGIMENTS — ROBINSON'S  DIVISION  IN 

RESERVE — DOUBLEDAY'S  DIVISION — ARRIVES  ON  THE  LEFT — CAPTAINS 
BALDWIN  AND  CUNNINGHAM  HOLD  THE  HARMAN  HOUSE — THE  VAN 
OF  EWELL'S  CORPS  ARRIVES — ELEVENTH  CORPS  ARRIVES — HEAVY 
FIGHTING  ON  THE  RIGHT  AND  CENTRE — SPLENDID  FIGHTING  BY 

FIRST  CORPS — ELEVENTH  CORPS  OVERCOME  BY  RODES  AND  EARLY. 

BUFORD  was  early  in  the  saddle  on  the  morning  of 
the  first  of  July.  His  skirmish-line,  composed  of  dis 
mounted  cavalrymen,  extended  from  the  west  side  of 
the  Millerstown  or  Hagerstown  road,  where  it  crosses 
Willoughby  Run,  easterly,  along  the  ridge,  on  the  left 
bank  of  the  stream,  across  the  Chambersburg,  Mum- 
masburg,  Carlisle,  and  Harrisburg  roads,  and  terminat 
ing  on  Rock  Creek.  His  reserves  were  posted  behind 
the  ridge,  in  rear  of  this  one,  and  his  horse  artillery 
was  planted  to  cover  the  roads  over  which  he  moment 
arily  expected  to  see  the  enemy  advance.  Soon  after 
nine  o'clock  the  enemy's  skirmishers  came  u  booming" 
along,  over  the  roads  and  through  the  woods  and  fields, 
and  the  rattle  of  musketry  announced  to  Buford's 
practiced  eai,  that  something  more  than  a  reconnois- 
sance  and  a  consequent  skirmish  had  begun.  The  fire 
increased  rapidly  on  both  sides,  and  in  half  an  hour  the 
Confederates  had  gotten  some  of  their  batteries  in  po 
sition  and  opened  a  brisk  artillery  fire.  Buford's  guns 
now  broke  silence,  and  answered  the  Rebels,  gun  for  gun. 
Buford  readily  saw  that  he  had  a  very  large  Confeder- 

423 


424  GETTYSBURG  CAMPAIGN — FIRST   DAY.  [1863. 

ate  force  in  front  of  him,  and  that  their  superiority  of 
numbers  must,  in  the  end,  overpower  him.  He  was 
naturally  anxious  to  see  the  columns  of  Federal  infant 
ry  approaching,  and  as  time  went  on  he  turned  an 
earnest  gaze  towards  the  south.  With  consummate 
generalship  he  led  the  enemy  to  believe  that  they  were 
contending  with  infantry,  and  that  it  was  in  large  force. 
They  were  therefore  cautious,  and  felt  their  way  with 
deliberation.  But  they  were  steadily  increasing  their 
pressure  on  Buford's  lines,  and  extending  towards  his 
flanks.  Help  must  come,  and  quickly,  or  these  brave 
fellows  will  be  captured  or  driven  from  the  field. 
Buford's  orders  from  Pleasonton  were  to  hold  on,  to 
the  last  extremity,  and  Buford  himself  knew,  as  well  as 
any  one,  the  prize  for  which  he  was  making  the  gallant 
fight.  It  lay  behind  him  in  the  natural  fortifications  on 
the  other  side  of  Gettysburg,  and  Buford  meant  to 
save  it  for  his  comrades,  rushing  to  his  support. 

The  cupola  of  the  Theological  Seminary  had  been 
taken  possession  of  by  Buford's  signal  officer,  and  he 
was  looking  southward  for  the  hoped-for  succor.  About 
ten  o'clock  he  observed  a  cloud  of  dust  on  the  Emmetts- 
burg  road,  and  by  and  by  he  was  able  to  distinguish 
the  flag  of  the  First  corps  fluttering  in  the  wind,  as  the 
fast  riding  cavalcade  came  rapidly  towards  the  battle 
field.  Buford  himself  went  into  the  cupola  to  gladden 
his  own  eyes  with  the  sight  of  Reynolds'  corps  flag, 
but  he  had  hardly  attained  the  outlook,  before  the  eager 
corps  commander,  now  commanding  the  left  wing,  drew 
up  his  panting  horse  beneath  the  signal  station,  and 
called  oat  to  Buford,  "What's  the  matter.  John?" 
"The  devil's  to  pay,"  replied  the  trooper,  and  came 
down  to  confer  with  Reynolds.  Reynolds  had  ridden 
on  when  hearing  the  familiar  noise  of  battle,  with  his 
staff  and  escort,  directing  that  the  First  corps  should 
hasten  after  him.  He  now  asked  Buford  if  he  could 
hold  his  ground  until  the  infantry  came  up,  the  head 


1863.]  APPROACH   OF    FIRST   CORPS.  425 

of  the  column  being  a  mile  and  a  half  behind.     Buford 
said  he  thought  he  could. 

General  De  Peyster,  in  the  article  heretofore  refer 
red  to,  thus  describes  the  advance  of  the  gallant  old 
First  corps  :  "Spectators  in  the  cupola  of  the  Evan 
gelical  Lutheran  Theological  Institute,  known  as  the 
"Seminary,"  and  other  adjacent  elevated  positions, 
who  were  watching  the  advance  of  the  First  corps 
along  the  Emmettsburg  road  and  across  the  swale 
drained  by  Stevens'  Ran,  to  the  left  of  the  town,  spoke 
of  it  with  an  enthusiastic  admiration  which,  under  the 
circumstances,  it  is  easy  to  conceive,  since  those  troops 
brought  with  them,  as  they  believed,  not  only  succor 
but  assured  rescue.  They  described  the  spectacle  as 
something  perfectly  magnificent,  as  the  ranks  double- 
quicked  across  the  interval,  swept  up  Oak  Ridge,  and 
deployed  on  its  crest,  their  bayonets  scintillating  and 
Hashing  back  the  rays  of  that  bright  July  morning  sun. 
Ahead,  as  they  dipped  into  the  low  ground  along 
Stevens'  Run,  and  making  the  fences  fly  with  the 
strokes  of  their  flashing  axes,  bounded  the  Pioneers  of 
the  leading  brigade,  and  in  their  track  the  panting  but 
ardent  thousands  of  Boys  in  Blue." 

Wadsworth's  division  was  the  first  to  reach  the  field, 
with  Cutler's  brigade  leading.  Reynolds  had  been  on 
the  ground  long  enough  for  his  quick  military  eye  to 
take  in  the  situation,  and  he  was  prepared  to  give 
Wadsworth  his  orders  as  soon  as  he  rode  up,  and  he 
directed  him  to  take  the  three  right  regiments  (76th 
and  147th  N.  Y.  and  56th  Pa.)  to  the  north  side  of  a 
railroad  bed  running  parallel  with  the  Chambersburg 
Pike  and  a  few  hundred  feet  north  of  it,  and  form  line 
of  battle  facing  nearly  west.  This  disposition  threw  his 
right  well  out  towards  the  left  of  Devens'  brigade  of 
cavalry,  then  occupying  the  northerly  extremity  of  Sem 
inary  Ridge,  with  one  regiment  across  the  Mummasburg 
road.  But  there  was  still  a  wide  interval  between  the 


426  GETTYSBURG    CAMPAIGN — FIRST   DAY.  [1863. 

two  brigades.  The  two  remaining  regiments  of  Cutler's 
brigade  (14th  Brooklyn  and  95th  N.  Y.,)  with  Hall's 
(Maine)  battery,  and  which  was  the  only  one  that 
marched  with  the  division,  Reynolds  himself  conducted 
to  the  south  side  of  the  railroad  cut  where  he  posted 
the  battery  on  the  Chambersburg  Pike  a  hundred  feet 
in  advance  of  the  brigade  line  and  leading  the  other 
regiments  a  hundred  feet  in  advance  of  the  guns,  post 
ed  them  in  line  of  battle  on  the  south  side  of  the  Cham 
bersburg  Pike  and  on  the  right  of  a  little  grove  which 
crowns  Seminary  Ridge,  a  few  hundred  yards  south  of 
the  point  where  the  Pike  crosses  it.  The  formation 
was  somewhat  en  echelon,  with  the  left  regiments  for 
ward.  The  official  map  of  the  battle-field,  published 
by  authority  of  the  War  Department,  states  the  time 
as  10:15  A.  M.,  when  the  formations  were  completed, 
from  which  it  would  appear  that  the  cavalry  had  been 
holding  the  ground  something  over  an  hour.  As  the 
infantry  took  their  places  in  line  the  dismounted  troop 
ers  along  this  part  of  the  field  withdrew,  but  Devin  re 
mained  in  position  on  the  right  and  the  cavalry  skir 
mishers  extended  the  line  on  Wadsworth's  left. 

The  rebel  force  thus  far  on  the  field  was  Heth's  di 
vision  of  A.  P.  Hill's  corps,  which  had  marched  down 
the  Chambersburg  Pike  from  its  last  encampment,  and 
finding  Buford  in  front,  deployed  to  the  right  and  left 
of  the  Pike,  and,  sending  his  skirmishers  "booming" 
along  over  the  fields  and  through  the  woods,  advanced 
to  the  attack.  The  official  map  gives  this  time  as  9 
o'clock  A.  M.  Meredith's  brigade  of  Wadsworth's  di 
vision  arrived  on  the  ground  soon  after  Cutler  was 
posted  and  took  position  on  the  left  of  his  two  advanced 
regiments.  Meredith's  two  right  regiments  rested  in 
the  edge  of  the  grove  on  the  top  of  the  ridge  and  his 
line  conformed  to  the  course  of  the  ridge.  Up  to  this 
time  the  enemy's  demonstrations  had  been  against  the 
troops  on  and  contiguous  to  the  Chambersburg  Pike — 


1863.]  MESSAGES   TO   SICKLES  AND   HOWARD.  427 

he  had  not  shown  himself  as  far  west  as  the  left  of 
Meredith's  brigade.     About  the  time  Meredith  got  into 
position,   Heth  had   discovered  the  importance  of  the 
grove  on  the  top  and  westerly  slope  of  the  ridge,  which 
General  Doubleday  says  "  possessed  all  the  advantages 
of  a  redoubt,  strengthening  the  centre  of  our  line,  and 
enfilading  the  enemy's  columns  should  they  advance  in 
the  open  space  on  either  side.     I  deemed  the  extremity 
of  the  woods,  which  extended   to   the  summit  of  the 
ridge,    the  key  to  the  position."     Heth  sent  General 
Archer  with  his  brigade   to   seize   this   bit  of  woods. 
Archer  crossed  the  run  with  his  brigade  and  gallantly 
advanced  up  the  opposite  slope.     The  left  regiment  of 
Archer  lapped  over  upon  the  position  occupied  by  the 
14th  Brooklyn  and  95th  N.   Y.,   and  these  regiments 
stubbornly  resisted  the  rebel  advance.     General  Rey 
nolds  riding  up  at  the  moment  and  at  once  compre 
hending  the  object  of  the  enemy  and  appreciating  the 
importance  of  the  woods,  ordered  Meredith's  brigade 
to  advance  through  the  woods  at  double-quick.     Arch 
er's  men  were  already  entering  the  woods  at  the  foot  of 
the  slope  near  the  Run,  and  General  Reynolds  shouted 
to   Meredith's  brigade  "Forward,  men!  forward,   for 
God's  sake,  and  drive  those  fellows  out  of  the  woods." 
General  Reynolds  had  already  dispatched  couriers  to 
Howard  and  Sickles,  whose  corps  belonged  to  Reynolds' 
left  wing,  urging  them  to  hurry  forward  to  the  battle 
field.     He  had  now  assumed  the  task  for  the  whole 
army  that  Buford  had  already  performed  for  the  First 
corps — to   check  the  enemy's  advance  until  the  main 
body  of  the  army  should  arrive  and  take  position  on  the 
heights  in  rear  of  Gettysburg.     The  difficulty   of  the 
undertaking  was  momentarily  increasing  by  the  con 
stantly  augmenting  numbers  of  his  opponents,  but  Rey 
nolds  was  the  last  man  to  surrender  a  position  he  be 
lieved  it  vital  to  the  success  of  the  Union  Army  to  hold. 
Howard   was    on  his   way  from   Emmettsburg   to  the 


428  GETTYSBURG   CAMPAIGN — FIRST   DAY.  [1863. 

battle-field,  but  Sickles'  corps  was  lying  in  its  camps 
near  the  same  place  when  Reynolds'  messenger  arrived 
there. 

When  Reynolds  had  sent  Meredith' s  brigade  into  the 
woods,  with  the  exclamation  above  quoted,  he  drew  up 
his  horse  near  the  edge  of  the  grove,  and  at  that  moment 
the  bullet  of  a  rebel  sharp-shooter  pierced  his  brain, 
killing  him  instantly.  No  abler  man  or  truer  patriot 
fell  during  the  war.  He  died  in  defence  of  his  native 
State  and  within  a  few  miles  of  the  place  of  his  birth. 
He  graduated  from  West  Point  with  the  rank  of  Second 
Lieutenant  in  July,  1841,  and  was  breveted  Captain  for 
gallant  and  meritorious  conduct  at  Monterey,  Mexico, 
in  1846,  and  Major  for  similar  conduct  at  Buena  Vista, 
February,  1847.  At  the  breaking  out  of  the  rebellion 
he  was  Lieutenant-Colonel  of  the  Fourteenth  U.  S.  In 
fantry.  For  gallantry  on  the  Peninsula  he  was  breveted 
Colonel  of  his  regiment  and  Brigadier- General  U.  S.  A. 
He  was  captured  by  the  enemy  on  the  Peninsula 
and  taken  to  Richmond.  Having  been  exchanged  he 
was  given  the  command  of  a  division  and  subsequently 
of  the  First  corps,  with  the  rank  of  Major-General 
U.  S.  Volunteers.  As  has  heretofore  been  shown,  he  was 
commanding  the  left  wing  of  the  army,  consisting  of 
three  corps,  at  the  time  of  his  fall.  His  death  was  a 
great  loss  to  the  army  and  the  country,  and  his  memory 
is  held  in  reverential  esteem  by  the  officers  and  men  who 
served  with  him,  and  by  a  grateful  people,  the  integrity 
of  whose  government  he  did  so  much  to  preserve  and 
for  whose  safety  and  honor  he  gave  his  life. 

Meredith' s  brigade  pressed  on  through  the  woods  and 
met  the  enemy  on  the  westerly  slope  moving  cautiously 
toward  the  summit.  Meredith's  men  opened  fire  upon 
them  at  once  and  checked  their  advance.  Swinging  his 
left  forward,  he  enveloped  the  right  flank  of  Archer's 
brigade  and  captured  nearly  fifteen  hundred  officers  and 
men,  including  Archer,  himself.  This  was  a  well  con- 


1863.]  GENERAL   DOUBLEDAY — WADSWORTH.  429 

ducted  and  most  gallant  achievement  and  inspired  our 
men  with  hope  and  confidence  along  this  part  of  the 
line.  But  farther  to  the  right,  things  were  not  working 
satisfactorily. 

The  death  of  General  Reynolds  had  wrought  a  change 
of  commanders  as  sudden  as  it  was  unfortunate.  Gen 
eral  Abner  Doubleday,  a  West-Pointer,  and  an  officer 
of  Sumter  fame,  was  the  ranking  officer  on  the  field 
after  Reynolds  fell,  and  was  entirely  competent  to  com 
mand.  He  is  a  man  of  unquestioned  bravery,  cool  and 
clear-sighted  on  the  battle-field,  and  handles  his  troops 
under  fire  with  the  same  composure  he  would  exhibit  at 
a  review  or  parade.  He  had  ridden  on  in  advance  of 
the  second  and  third  divisions  of  the  First  corps,  and 
reached  the  battle-field  just  before  Reynolds  fell.  He 
immediately  assumed  command  of  the  field  on  that  event 
happening  and  personally  supervised  the  further  move 
ments  of  Meredith' s  brigade,  above  described.  The  direc 
tion  of  affairs  could  not  have  fallen  into  better  hands.  His 
dispositions  were  the  best  possible,  and  he  enjoyed  the 
confidence  and  respect  of  the  troops  to  the  fullest  ex 
tent.  General  Wadsworth  succeeded  to  the  immediate 
command  of  the  First  Corps,  and  in  this  instance  noth 
ing  could  have  been  better  or  more  satisfactory.  Brave, 
cool,  zealous  in  the  cause,  and  believing  that  the  busi 
ness  of  war  is  tofigTit,  and  beat  your  enemy  as  badly  as 
possible  ;  yet  his  zeal  was  tempered  with  discretion,  and 
he  was  careful  of  the  lives  of  his  men  ;  he  never  ordered 
them  where  he  was  not  willing  to  lead  them.*  These 
changes  resulted  in  advancing  the  commander  of  the 
First  Brigade  of  General  Doubleday' s  own  division  to 
the  command  of  the  division  itself.  While  this  change 
was  certainly  not  to  the  disadvantage  of  the  First  Bri 
gade,  which  thereby  fell  under  the  command  of  Colonel 

*  At  the  crossing  of  the  Rappahannock  by  his  skirmishers  in  pontoon  boats,  before 
the  bridge  was  laid,  prior  to  the  battle  of  Fredericksburg,  he  mounted  and  swam  his 
horse  over  alongside  the  foremost  boat,  under  the  fire  of  the  Rebel  sharpshooters. 


430  GETTYSBURG   CAMPAIGN — FIRST   DAY.  [1863. 

Chapman  Biddle,  of  the  One  Hundred  and  Thirty-first 
Pennsylvania,  and  who  proved  himself  a  most  gallant 
and  capable  officer  ;  it  was  detrimental  to  the  efficiency 
of  the  division,  and  left  the  brigades  to  act  very  much 
upon  their  own  discretion. 

The  impetus  or  elan  with  which  Meredith's  brigade 
had  swept  Archer  into  its  net,  carried  them  across  Wil- 
loughby  Run  and  up  the  bank  to  the  top  of  the  ridge 
on  the  west  side.  But  this  position  threw  them  so  much 
out  of  line  with  the  troops  on  their  right,  that  General 
Doubleday  ordered  them  back  to  the  ridge  and  grove 
from  which  they  had  made  their  gallant  and  successful 
advance. 

Meantime,  as  has  been  intimated,  trouble  had  taken 
place  on  the  east  side  of  the  railroad  cut,  on  the  extreme 
right  of  the  infantry  line.  Davis'  Confederate  brigade 
advanced  against  the  three  right  regiments  of  Cutler, 
and  finding  the  interval  between  him  and  Devens'  cav 
alry,  heretofore  mentioned,  swung  a  regiment  through 
it,  and  while  he  pressed  Cutler' s  front,  also  assailed  him 
in  flank  and  rear.  Cutler  was  forced  back  upon  Semi 
nary  Ridge,  with  heavy  loss.  This  left  Hall's  battery 
on  the  Pike  with  its  right  wholly  uncovered.  The 
enemy  seeing  the  exposed  condition  of  this  battery, 
dispatched  the  Second  and  Forty-second  Mississippi 
regiments  to  capture  it.  The  two  regiments,  with  full 
numbers,  charged  up  the  railroad  bed  upon  the  right  of 
the  battery,  firing  as  they  came  and  killing  many  of  the 
horses  and  doing  serious  damage  among  the  men.  Gen 
eral  Wadsworth  now  sent  an  order  to  Hall  to  withdraw 
his  guns  to  the  cover  of  Seminary  Ridge,  and  to  go  into 
position  there.  He  succeeded  in  getting  all  but  one  of 
his  pieces  away,  and  that  having  no  horses  to  draw  it 
he  was  compelled  to  leave.  But  mean  time  he  had  done 
fearful  execution  on  the  advancing  foe,  and  their  route 
of  march  was  covered  with  their  dead  and  wounded. 

The  Fourteenth  Brooklyn  and  Ninety-fifth  N.    Y. 


1863.]        FOURTEENTH  BROOKLYN — 95TH  N.  Y. — 6TH  WIS.         431 

still  held  their  position  at  the  apex  of  the  ridge  along 
Willoughby  Run,  and  were  now  in  advance  of  the  regi 
ments  which  had  driven  in  Hall's  battery.  General 
Doubleday,  who  had  posted  the  Sixth  Wisconsin  in 
reserve  on  Seminary  Ridge,  seeing  the  disaster  to 
Cutler's  right  and  Hall's  battery,  now  ordered  it  for 
ward,  and  uniting  it  with  the  Fourteenth  Brooklyn 
and  Ninety-fifth  New  York,  changed  front  to  the 
east,  arid  prdered  them  to  charge  the  Mississippians, 
who  were  holding  the  railroad  bed  east  of  the  Pike. 
At  them  they  dashed,  pouring  a  heavy  fire  into  their 
ranks  as  they  advanced.  Protected  somewhat  by  their 
position,  the  rebels  made  a  desperate  defence,  and  the 
fighting  for  a  few  minutes  was  very  severe  and  deadly. 
Colonel  Dawes,  of  the  Sixth  Wisconsin,  who  was  on 
the  right  of  our  line,  now  threw  his  right  platoon  on  to 
and  across  the  railroad  bed,  from  whence  they  poured 
an  enfilading  and  decimating  fire  into  the  left  of  the 
Mississippians.  The  pressure  was  too  much  for  them, 
and  as  their  retreat  had  now  become  impracticable  un 
der  the  near  and  heavy  fire,  they  surrendered  to  our 
boys,  who  sent  them  and  their  colors  to  the  rear.  They 
also  recovered  the  gun  which  Hall  had  been  forced  to 
abandon. 

These  events  had  not  occupied  more  than  an  hour 
from  the  time  Wadsworth's  division  fired  its  first  gun, 
and  the  advantage  was  with  the  Federals.  The  killed 
and  wounded  were  about  equal  on  each  side,  but  the 
enemy  had  lost  heavily  in  prisoners.  He  now  mani 
fested  a  desire  to  find  out  just  what  he  had  before  him 
before  exposing  any  more  of  his  men  to  capture,  and 
the  firing  dwindled  down  to  a  picket  skirmish.  This 
continued  until  about  a  quarter  after  eleven,  when  the 
Second  and  Third  divisions  of  the  First  corps  arrived 
on  the  field.  The  second  division,  General  John  C. 
Robinson's,  was  placed  in  reserve  behind  the  Seminary, 
while  the  third,  (Doubleday' s  own)  now  commanded  by 


432  GETTYSBURG   CAMPAIGN — FIRST    DAY.  [1863. 

General  Rowley,  was  divided — the  left  brigade  (Row 
ley's,  now  commanded  by  Colonel  Chapman  Biddle) 
was  detached  for  duty  on  the  extreme  left  of  the  Union 
line,  while  the  residue  of  the  division  was  posted  on  the 
ridge  on  Meredith's  right. 

The  enemy  had  not  yet  developed  any  strength  be 
yond  Meredith's  left,  but  the  country  was  very  favor 
able  to  cover  the  concentration  of  a  large  force  in  that 
direction.  The  road  over  which  the  third  division 
marched,  is  called  indifferently  Hagerstown  road,  (Pro 
fessor  Jacobs  and  Government  map) ;  Millerstown  road, 
(Mr.  Greeley  and  Mr.  S  win  ton)  ;  and  Fairfield  road, 
(Mr.  Bates).  Its  course  is  northeast  and  southwest,  and 
it  crosses  Willoughby  Run  and  unites  with  the  Cham- 
bersburg  Pike  at  the  edge  of  the  village.  The  two  roads 
represent  two  contiguous  spokes  of  a  wagon  wheel- 
united  at  the  hub  and  diverging  in  straight  lines  as  they 
extend  from  it — the  Chambersburg  road  northwest,  and 
the  Hagerstown  road  southwest.  When  Rowley's  bri 
gade  reached  the  ridge  on  the  west  side  of  Willoughby 
Run,  and  in  a  piece  of  woods,  it  was  halted  and  line  of 
battle  formed  in  the  Hagerstown  road,  right  towards 
Willoughby  Run,  the  "Ulster  Guard"  on  the  left. 
The  brigade  then  advanced  some  two  or  three  hundred 
feet  through  the  woods  on  the  north  side  of  the  road, 
when  it  was  faced  by  the  right  flank  and  moved  through 
the  fields  towards  Gettysburg,  crossing  Willoughby 
Run  between  the  road  and  the  house  of  D.  Finneprock, 
around  which  Buford's  dismounted  cavalry  were  skir 
mishing.  When  the  brigade  reached  the  foot  of  the 
ridge  east  of  Willoughby  Run,  it  filed  to  the  left  and 
took  position  in  line  of  battle  on  the  slope  of  the  ridge 
and  nearly  opposite  the  Seminary,  facing  west.  Ten 
minutes  later,  the  brigade  was  ordered  to  advance  over 
the  ridge,  and  down  into  the  ravine  through  which  Wil 
loughby  Run  flows — the  right  of  the  brigade  passing 
near  the  grove  where  General  Reynolds  fell.  Along  the 


1863.]  CAPTAINS   BALDWIN   AND   CUNNINGHAM.  433 

top  of  the  ridge  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  Run  was  a 
fence,  and  the  field  beyond  it  was  covered  with  grain, 
affording  excellent  shelter  for  the  enemy's  sharp 
shooters,  and  the  field  was  alive  with  them.  In  this 
ravine  the  brigade  found  itself  under  a  hot  infantry  fire, 
and  was  unable  to  see  the  enemy  from  whom  the  fire 
came,  and  did  not  attempt  to  reply  to  it.  It  is  not 
probable  that  any  one  knew  just  why  the  brigade  was 
sent  down  into  that  valley,  and  it  was  soon  ordered  back 
over  the  ridge  to  the  position  from  which  it  last  marched. 
The  "Ulster  Guard'-  was  then  directed  to  take  posi 
tion  on  the  top  of  the  ridge,  whither  it  marched  and 
halted,  remaining  there  in  line  of  battle  and  receiving 
an  occasional  shot  from  the  grain-field  beyond  Wil- 
loughby  Run.  Ten  minutes  later,  General  Wadsworth 
rode  up  to  Colonel  Gates,  and  directed  him  to  throw  a 
company  of  his  regiment  into  the  house  and  out-build 
ings  of  E.  Harman,  in  a  field  on  the  farther  side  of  and 
some  thirty  rods  beyond  the  Run.  Colonel  Gates 
detached  Captain  Ambrose  N.  Baldwin,  K  Company, 
a  most  capable  and  courageous  officer,  and  who  was 
killed  two  days  later,  to  perform  this  duty.  Captain 
Baldwin  deployed  his  company  as  skirmishers  and 
after  a  spirited  contest  drove  the  enemy  from  the 
buildings  and  took  possession  of  them.  Some  time  sub 
sequently  Captain  Baldwin  sent  word  that  he  was  se 
verely  pressed  and  that  the  enemy  were  multiplying 
around  him  and  asked  for  re-enforcements.  Thereupon 
Colonel  Gates  sent  Captain  William  H.  Cunningham, 
G  Company,  to  his  assistance.  Captain  Cunningham 
fought  his  way  to  the  buildings  and  joined  Captain 
Baldwin.  These  two  companies  held  these  buildings, 
which  served  to  cover  our  left  flank  and  keep  the 
enemy's  right  in  check,  for  over  two  hours.  The  enemy 
had  then  surrounded  the  buildings  on  three  sides  and 
succeeded  in  setting  some  of  the  out-houses  on  fire, 
when  to  avoid  being  captured,  the  men  were  withdrawn, 

28 


434  GETTYSBURG   CAMPAIGN — FIRST   DAY.  [1863. 

and  moving  through  a  ravine  southerly  and  covered  in 
a  measure  by  a  small  party  of  cavalry,  they  made 
good  their  escape  and  rejoined  the  regiment  that  even 
ing  on  Cemetery  Hill.* 

Colonel  Stone's  brigade  of  Rowley's  division  was 
posted  on  the  right  of  Meredith,  as  has  been  stated, 
with  his  right  reaching  across  the  Chambersburg  Pike, 
nearly  where  Hall's  battery  stood,  earlier  in  the  day. 
He  had  had  to  fight  his  way  to  this  position,  and  he 
subsequently  maintained  it  against  great  odds,  until 
new  developments  on  the  right  necessitated  a  change. 
The  brigade  was  composed  of  Pennsylvania  troops,  and 


*  "Biddle  (?)  made  a  skillful  disposition  of  his  troops,  sending  two  companies  of 
•skirmishers  forward  to  occupy  a  brick  house  and  stone  barn  considerably  to  the  front 
of  his  line,  who  did  fearful  execution  upon  the  advancing  enemy,  without  being  them 
selves  exposed.  Later  in  the  day  they  were  obliged  to  abandon  this  coign  of  vantage 
to  escape  capture,  as  the  enemy  in  overwhelming  numbers  advanced,  and  the  build 
ings  were  finally  burned."  ["The  Battle  of  Gettysburg,"  by  Samuel  P.  Bates, 
page  66.] 

Mr.  Bates  is  a  Pennsylvanian,  and  he  feels  a  just  pride  in  the  exploits  of  the  sol 
diers  of  the  Keystone  State.  It  sent  366,107  soldiers  into  the  field,  and  their  bravery 
was  conspicuous  and  their  blood  flowed  like  water  in  every  great  battle  of  the  war. 
The  reputation  of  the  State  for  patriotism  and  for  its  contributions  of  men  and 
money  to  sustain  the  Government  is  second  to  none,  and  whoever  writes  the  history  of 
Pennsylvania's  soldiers  in  the  War  of  the  Rebellion  can  well  afford  to  give  all  due 
credit  to  their  brethren  of  other  States,  and  yet  leave  room  for  ample  praise  to  them 
selves.  When  General  Reynolds  crossed  the  Potomac  to  Edwards'  Ferry,  the  "Ulster 
Guard"  was  occupying  the  left  bank  of  the  river  opposite  the  Ferry.  Gteneral  Rey 
nolds  ro  le  to  the  Colonel's  tent  and  lunched  with  him,  and,  before  leaving,  wrote  an 
order  directing  him  to  join  the  First  corps  with  his  Regiment,  as  soon  as  he 
should  be  relieved.  This  was  on  the  26th  of  June.  When  relieved,  the  First  corps  had 
twenty-four  hours  the  start  of  the  Guard,  but  it  overtook  it  on  the  afternoon  of  the 
3  >th  by  marching  e  irly  and  late,  and  was  put  into  a  brigade  of  Pennsylvanians,  who 
were  strangers  to  it  and  it  to  them.  The  next  morning  they  went  into  battle  together. 
The  next  afternoon  the  brigade  was  separated,  and  thereafter,  until  the  fighting  was 
over,  the  151st  Penn.  and  the  "Ulster  Guard"  were  separated  from  the  rest  of  the 
brigade  and  acting  as  a  demi-brigade  under  command  of  Colonel  Gates.  A  few  days 
afterwards  the  "  Ulster  Guard  "  was  transferred  from  the  brigade  and  never  served 
with  it  again.  It  was  one  of  the  cases  referred  to  by  General  Patrick  (see  page  194), 
and  while  the  services  are  appreciated  the  identity  of  the  Regiment  is  ignored.  Mr. 
Bates  says,  "Colonel  Chapman  Biddle,  of  the  121st,  was  sent  to  the  left  to  cover  the 
Miderstown  road  and  the  left  flank  of  the  Iron  Brigade."  Then  follows  the  state 
ment  first  quoted.  With  the  care  that  Mr.  Bates  has  evidently  taken  in  gathering 
the  information  upon  which  his  book  is  written,  he  must  have  known  that  there  was 
a  New  York  regiment  in  Colonel  Biddle's  brigade  and  that  the  two  companies  whose 
work  he  commends  were  from  that  regiment.  He  must  also  have  known,  although 
the  fact  is  of  no  consequence,  that  from  the  afternoon  of  the  second  day  until  the 
evening  of  the  third,  the  brigade  was  divided  and  the  two  left  Regiments  were  opera 
ting  as  a  demi-brigade,  under  the  Colonel  of  the  New  York  Regiment. 


1863. J  EWELL'S  CORPS  ARRIVES.  435 

was  known  as  the  "  Buck- tail  Brigade."  Its  loss  was 
heavy. 

Fender's  Confederate  division  of  Hill's  corps  had 
arrived  upon  the  ground  meantime,  and  the  pressure 
upon  the  Union  lines  was  momentarily  growing  heavier. 
The  rattle  of  musketry  and  roar  of  artillery  was  contin  • 
uous  and  deafening  ;  and  on  the  rebel  side  the  volume 
was  swelling  louder  and  louder,  as  their  fresh  troops 
and  hurrying  batteries  came  into  action.  It  was  now 
one  o'clock,  and  two  small  divisions  of  the  First'!corps, 
and  a  portion  of  Buford's  cavalry,  numbering  together 
less  than  nine  thousand  men,  had  held  in  check,  at  first 
ten,  and  latterly,  not  less  than  eighteen  thousand 
Rebels,  since  ten  o'clock. 

The  van  of  EwelPs  corps,  consisting  of  the  division 
of  Rodes,  now  appeared  upon  the  field,  marching  in 
from  the  direction  of  Heidi  ersburg,  and  taking  post  on 
the  high  ground  on  the  right  of  the  Union  line,  a  pro 
longation  of  Seminary  Ridge,  called  Oak  Hill,  and  over 
looking  the  Ridges  to  the  southward,  and  the  vales  be 
tween  them.  He  at  once  planted  his  batteries  in  com 
manding  positions  on  these  heights,  and  opened  an  en 
filading  fire  on  the  Federals.  His  shot  and  shell  swept 
the  line  from  the  right  to  the  extreme  left,  and  the 
position  had  become  untenable,  unless  those  murderous 
guns  could  be  silenced.  His  skirmishers  at  the  same 
time  came  "  booming,  three  deep,"  and  a  mile  long, 
against  Devens'  cavalry,  who  still  held  their  ground  on 
the  right;  and  he  found  he  had  to  "fight  like  the 
devil,"  as  Buford  had  predicted.  Gradually,  the  cav 
alry  were  pressed  back  toward  the  left  and  rear,  al 
though  they  fought  desperately  and  made  the  enemy 
pay  dearly  for  every  foot  of  ground  he  wrested  from 
them.  Calefs  battery  of  light  guns,  attached  to  De 
vens'  brigade,  did  excellent  service  on  this  part  of  the 
line. 

The  Eleventh  corps  had  now  reached  Gettysburg, 


4:36  GETTYSBURG   CAMPAIGN — FIRST    DAY.  [1863. 

after  a  long  and  hurried  march,  and  General  Howard 
sent  his  artillery  forward  on  a  trot,  while  the  divisions 
of  Schurz  and  Barlow  followed,  coming  upon  the  field 
on  the  north  side  of  the  village,  and  going  into  position 
a  little  to  the  right  and  rear  of  Deven,  so  as  to  confront 
the  left  brigade  of  Rodes'  division,  east  of  the  Mum- 
masburg  road,  and  facing  north.  The  Federal  line  had 
thus  become  crescent  shaped,  with  the  apex  on  the 
Chambersburg  Pike,  and  extended  from  the  Hagers- 
town  road  on  the  left,  where  Colonel  Biddle  was  posted, 
to  Rock  Creek,  north  of  Gettysburg,  and  a  few  hun 
dred  yards  in  front  of  the  point  where  the  Harrisburg 
road  crosses  the  stream.  Yon  Gilsa's  brigade  of  Bar 
low's  division  held  the  extreme  right.  On  Barlow's 
left  was  Schurz'  division  ;  to  his  left  was  Wadsworth's 
division;  and  beyond  him,  Rowley's.  When  the  divi 
sions  of  the  Eleventh  corps  got  into  position,  the  cav 
alry  was  withdrawn  from  the  front.  Along  this  curved 
line  were  posted  the  following  batteries,  from  right  to 
left:  Wilkenson's  4th,  U.  S.;  Wheeler's  12th,  N.  Y. 
Independent;  Dilger's  Ohio  battery;  Hall's  Maine; 
Reynolds'  N.  Y.,  and  Cooper's  Pa.  batteries — all  four- 
gun  batteries  except  Hall's  and  Reynolds',  which  were 
six  guns  each.  The  two  divisions  of  the  Eleventh 
corps,  which  had  come  upon  the  field,  numbered  about 
7,500  men.  The  remaining  division  of  this  corps,  Stein- 
we.hr' s,  General  Howard  had  posted  on  Cemetery  Hill, 
to  hold  that  position,  and  as  a  nucleus  around  which  to 
rally  in  case  of  defeat,  on  the  farther  side  of  the  town. 
As  General  Howard  ranked  General  Doubleday,  he 
took  command  of  the  field,  and  the  latter  resumed  com 
mand  of  the  First  corps. 

The  heavy  enfilading  fire  from  Oak  Hill  was  replied 
to  by  as  many  of  the  Union  batteries  as  could  be  brought 
to  bear,  but  the  rebel  guns  could  not  be  driven  off  or 
silenced.  It  therefore  became  necessary  to  change  the 
formation  of  the  First  corps  line  to  meet  this  new 


1863.]  HEAVY   FIGHTING   ON   RIGHT   AND   CENTRE.  437 

menace  on  its  right  flank.  Wadsworth's  division  was 
drawn  back  under  cover  of  a  strip  of  woods  on  Seminary 
Ridge,  and  on  the  north  side  of  the  railroad  bed — Rey 
nolds'  battery  accompanying.  Stone  swung  his  right 
regiments  to  the  rear  and  almost  perpendicular  to  their 
former  position  and  into  the  Chambersburg  Pike  ;  his 
left  regiment  remained  faced  to  the  west.  Biddle's  bri 
gade  changed  front  to  the  right  and  was  posted  in  sup- 
port  of  Cooper's  battery,  which  replied  to  the  enemy's 
guns  on  Oak  Hill. 

Twenty  minutes  after  the  two  divisions  of  the 
Eleventh  corps  had  taken  position,  the  Confederate 
division  of  Early  (E well's,  formerly  Stonewall  Jackson's 
corps),  with  three  batteries,  came  upon  the  field  over  the 
Harrisburg  road,  striking  the  right  of  Barlow's  division. 
This  was  the  signal  for  a  general  advance  of  the  enemy's 
infantry  along  the  whole  line.  There  could  not  have 
been  less  than  35,000  Confederates  confronting  the 
small  body  of  Federals  drawn  up  around  the  north  and 
west  side  of  Gettysburg.  It  was  near  two  o'clock  when 
the  long,  deep  and  closely-formed  lines  of  rebel  in 
fantry  began  their  advance  ;  behind  these  came  heavy 
reserves.  The  formation  of  the  Union  line  was  such 
that  the  first  shock  of  the  enemy's  blow  fell  upon  the 
right  brigades  of  the  First  corps  who  occupied  the  apex 
of  the  crescent.  At  this  critical  moment  General 
Doubleday  discovered  that  there  was  an  interval  be 
tween  his  right  and  the  left  of  the  Eleventh  corps  (from 
whence  the  cavalry  had  been  withdrawn),  and  he  or 
dered  General  Baxter,  of  General  Robinson's  division 
(in  reserve),  to  move  up  and  fill  it.  Baxter  rushed  into 
the  dangerous  gap  in  time  to  meet  the  enemy's  onset. 
His  brigade  drove  back  the  assailants  at  this  point  and 
captured  three  battle  flags  and  a  number  of  prisoners. 
But  the  interval  was  too  long  for  Baxter  to  close  and 
the  rebels  began  to  press  in  between  his  right  and  the 
Eleventh  corps.  General  Doubleday  then  dispatched 


438  GETTYSBURG  CAMPAIGN — FIRST  DAY.  [1863. 

General  Robinson,  himself,  with  the  remaining  brigade 
of  his  division,  General  Paul's.*  General  Robinson 
put  Paul's  brigade  in  on  the  right  of  Baxter,  before  the 
enemy  had  succeeded  in  working  through.  But  the  gap 
was  not  yet  filled  and  the  right  regiments  of  Paul's  bri 
gade  were  ''refused"  so  as  to  cover  his  flank  and  at  the 
same  time  extend  across  the  Mummasburg  road,  while 
Stuart's  battery,  4th  U.  S.  artillery,  was  sent  to  his 
support.  Cutler's  brigade  and  then  Meredith's  received 
the  onset  in  succession,  as  the  rebel  line  swung  around 
the  crescent,  and  each  brigade  maintained  its  reputation 
for  bravery  and  cool  and  effective  fighting.  They  were 
losing  men  fast  but  they  were  taking  a  fearful  revenge 
on  their  swarming  assailants.  Time  and  again  the 
enemy  dashed  his  strong  lines  against  the  thin  ones  of 
Paul,  Baxter,  Cutler,  Stone  and  Meredith,  and  time  and 
again  was  repulsed  with  the  loss  of  large  numbers  of 
killed  and  wounded  and  many  prisoners. 

While  the  battle  was  thus  raging  along  the  First 
corps  front,  the  Eleventh  was  furiously  assailed  by 
Rodes  and  Early,  whose  lines  now  united  with  the 
troops  of  Hill.  Yon  Gilsa's  Brigade  was  forced  back 
to  the  Alms  House,  and  the  exultant  enemy  crowded 
such  masses  upon  the  whole  division,  that  it  was  forced 
to  give  ground.  General  Barlow,  its  gallant  command 
er,  was  wounded  several  times,  and  left  on  the  field  for 
dead.  Schurz'  division  withstood  the  onset  for  some 
time,  but  overpowered  by  numbers,  fell  back  in  the 


*  General  Paul  was  a  graduate  of  West  Point  and  a  brave  and  capable  officer. 
When  General  Patrick  was  appointed  Provost-Marshal-General  of  the  Army  of  the 
Potomac,  soon  after  the  battle  of  Antietam,  General  Paul  was  assigned  to  the  com 
mand  of  Patrick's  brigade.  He  continued  in  the  command  until  he  was  wounded  on 
the  first  day  of  July  at  Gettysburg,  and  left  upon  the  field  for  dead.  He,  however, 
was  only  seriously  wounded  and  lost  the  sight  of  both  eyes.  The  writer  had  the 
pleasure  of  meeting  General  Paul  at  West  Point  some  years  ago,  and  found  him  in 
good  health  and  spirits  but  totally  blind.  General  John  C.  Robinson,  who  commanded 
the  division,  was  a  splendid  and  courageous  officer,  who,  having  passed  through  the 
fire  of  a  dozen  battles  unharmed,  lost  a  leg  at  Spottsylvania  Court  House.  He  has 
since  been  Lieutenant-Governor  of  New  York,  and  is  now  the  honored  head  of  the 
"  Grand  Army  of  the  Republic"  of  that  State. 


1863.]  ELEVENTH  CORPS  OVERCOME.  439 

direction  of  the  town.  The  retreat  had  now  fairly  set 
in,  and  the  troops  on  the  right  were  thrown  into  dis 
order.  Portions  of  them  made  stands  here  and  there, 
and  resisted  the  enemy's  advance,  but  could  accomplish 
no  permanent  results.  As  the  streets  of  the  village 
were  reached,  the  crowding  and  confusion  increased, 
while  the  Rebel  batteries  played  upon  the  dense  masses 
packed  in  the  narrow  ways,  and  their  infantry  following 
closely,  kept  up  a  rapid  fire,  and  gathered  in  many 
prisoners. 

Thus  the  right  of  the  Federal  line,  consisting  of  two 
divisions  of  the  Eleventh  corps,  and  nearly  or  quite 
half  of  the  entire  Union  force  on  the  field,  had  been 
swept  away,  and  the  First  corps  was  left  to  fight  it  out 
alone. 


CHAPTER    XXXII. 

FIRST  DAY  AT  GETTYSBURG  CONTINUED  —  ULSTER  GUARD  IN  BIDDLE'S 
BRIGADE  ON  EXTREME  LEFT  —  FIGHTING  ON  THAT  PART  OF  FIELD  — 
WHAT  MR.  BATES  SAYS  ABOUT  IT  —  RIGHT  OF  FIRST  CORPS  GIVES  WAY  — 
SITUATION  ON  THE  LEFT  —  EVIDENCES  OF  COOLNESS  —  LEFT  FALL  BACK 
TO  SEMINARY  —  COLONEL  BIDDLE  WOUNDED  —  NO  DISORDER  OR  CONFU 
SION  ON  THE  LEFT  —  LEFT  BRIGADE  RETIRES  —  ULSTER  GUARD  COVERS 
MOVEMENT  —  TIME  EMBRACED  BY  THESE  OPERATIONS  —  WHAT  MESSRS. 

SWINTON,  LOSSING  AND  JACOBS  SAY  —  A  LETTER  FROM  GENERAL 
DOUBLEDAY  —  ENEMY'S  DEMONSTRATIONS  IN  EVENING  —  THE  VAN-GUARD 
OF  THE  FEDERAL  ARMY  HAD  ACCOMPLISHED  ITS  MISSION  —  PROFESSOR 
BATES'  COMMENTS  ON  THE  FIRST  DAY'S  FIGHT  —  "WHERE  WAS  THE 
REST  OF  THE  ARMY  ?"  —  LOSSES  IN  FIRST  AND  ELEVENTH  CORPS  —  THE 
HILLS  AND  ROUND  TOPS  WERE  OURS  —  "  ON  THE  LEFT  AT  GETTYSBURG." 


before  the  Eleventh  corps  gave  way,  the  right 
of  the  enemy's  lines  of  assault  had  swung  around  the 
curve  of  the  Union  line,  and  struck  the  Federal  left 
near  the  Hagerstown  road,  and  the  roar  of  battle  then 
swept  along  the  whole  line  with  great  fury.  Biddle's 
Brigade  was  still  holding  the  left.  Cooper's  battery  of 
four  pieces  was  posted  in  the  brigade  line,  between  the 
"Ulster  Guard"  and  the  142d  Pa.,  the  brigade  being 
now  posted  on  the  ridge,  in  Front  of  Willoughby  Run, 
and  in  nearly  the  identical  position  it  occupied  just  be 
fore  advancing  into  the  ravine,  some  hours  before.  In 
the  separation  of  the  brigade  to  make  an  interval  for 
Cooper's  battery,  the  right  and  left  regiments  were 
thrown  so  far  apart,  that  Colonel  Biddle  directed 
Colonel  Gates  to  take  charge  of  the  two  regiments  on 
the  left  (121st  Pa.  and  "Ulster  Guard"),  while  he 
looked  after  the  two  regiments  on  the  right.  The 
brigade  was  not  reunited  again  until  it  formed  behind 
the  barricade  in  front  of  the  Seminary,  at  about  four 
o'clock  in  the  afternoon. 

Mr.  Bates,  after  describing  the   operations    on   the 
440 


1863.]  FIGHTING   ON   THE   LEFT.  441 

right,  thus  speaks  of  the  events  on  the  left :  "  But 
the  wave  of  battle,  as  it  rolled  southward,  reached 
every  part  in  turn,  and  the  extreme  Union  left, 
where  Biddle's  brigade  was  posted,  at  length  felt  its 
power.  A  body  of  troops,  apparently  an  entire  divi 
sion,  drawn  out  in  heavy  lines,  came  down  from  the 
west  and  south,  and  overlapping  both  of  Biddle's  flanks, 
moved  defiantly  on.  Only  three  small  regiments  were 
in  position  to  receive  them  ;  but  ordering  up  the  One 
Hundred  and  Fifty-first  Pennsylvania,  which  had  been 
detached  for  special  duty,  and  throwing  it  into  the  gap 
between  Meredith's  and  his  own,  and  wheeling  the  bat 
tery  into  position,  Biddle  awaited  the  approach.  As 
the  enemy  appeared  beyond  the  wood,  under  cover  of 
which  they  had  formed,  a  torrent  of  death-dealing  mis 
siles  leaped  from  the  guns.  Terrible  rents  were  made  ; 
but  closing  up,  they  came  on  undaunted.  Never  were 
guns  better  served  ;  and  though  the  ground  was  strewn 
with  the  slain,  their  line  seemed  instantly  to  grow  to 
gether.  The  infantry  fire  was  terrific  on  both  sides ; 
but  the  enemy,  outflanking  Biddle,  sent  a  direct  and  a 
doubly  destructive  oblique  fire,  before  which  it  seemed 
impossible  to  stand.  But  though  the  dead  fell  until  the 
living  could  fight  from  behind  them  as  from  a  bulwark, 
they  stood  fast  as  if  rooted  to  the  ground."  [pp.  72-3.] 
The  right  of  the  first  corps  had  now  been  forced  to 
give  way,  as  the  enemy  were  pouring  their  thousands 
upon  its  exposed  flank,  and  brigade  after  brigade  was 
swept  from  the  field  until  Biddle's  brigade  stood  alotie 
upon  the  line,  holding  in  check  a  whole  division  of  Con 
federates.  Cooper's  battery,  which  had  most  gallantly 
breasted  the  storm  and  poured  grape  and  canister  into 
the  foe  with  destructive  effect,  was  now  sent  to  the  rear 
to  save  it  from  capture,  and  the  brigade  prepared  to  re 
tire.  The  enemy  were  moving  down  the  Hagerstown 
road,  and  would  soon  have  turned  our  flank  and  taken 
the  brigade  in  reverse.  It  was  almost  as  dangerous  to 


442  GETTYSBURG    CAMPAIGN — FIRST  DAY.  [1863. 

retreat  as  to  remain,  for  we  were  now  receiving  a  fire  on 
both  flanks  as  well  as  in  front.  But  to  remain  was  to  be 
captured,  and  pouring  a  volley  into  the  enemy  as 
they  came  rushing  up  the  slope  in  front,  and  at  short 
range,  the  order  to  retreat  was  given.  Anticipating 
that  the  rebels  would  dash  forward  when  our  retreat 
began,  and  possibly  throw  the  troops  into  confusion, 
the  Colonel  of  the  "Ulster  Guard,"  who  was  the  only 
officer  of  the  brigade  mounted,  took  from  his  color- 
bearer  the  regimental  colors,  which  had  been  presented 
to  the  regiment  by  the  ladies  of  Saugerties,  and  hoisting 
them  over  his  shoulder,  called  upon  his  men  to  stand 
by  them.  As  he  was  mounted  the  colors  became  very 
conspicuous.  The  two  regiments  under  Colonel  Biddle 
preceded  the  left  regiments.  These  regiments  marched 
slowly  and  in  perfect  order,  halting  as  often  as  they 
could  load,  and  facing  about  and  delivering  their  fire 
with  so  much  coolness  and  effect  that  the  pursuit  was 
very  tardy.  Seeing  this,  Colonel  Gates  returned  the 
color  to  its  proper  custodian.  The  parting  volley  on 
the  ridge  was  very  destructive,  and  while  it  checked  the 
advance  for  a  few  minutes  it  taught  the  enemy  caution. 
We  lost  no  prisoners,  except  our  wounded,  whom  we 
were  compelled  to  leave  on  the  field,  and  we  damaged 
the  enemy  quite  as  much  in  our  retreat  as  he  did  us. 

In  front  of  the  seminary  (on  the  side  toward  Wil- 
loughby  Run),  and  but  a  few  feet  from  it,  was  a  narrow 
strip  of  woods.  Along  the  edge  of  this,  next  the  sem 
inary,  was  a  rail  and  stone  fence.  Here  Colonel  Wain- 
wright,  Chief  of  Artillery  of  the  First  corps,  had  posted 
the  batteries  of  Cooper,  Breck,  Stevens  and  Wilbur, 
and  at  the  railroad  cut  to  the  right  were  the  guns  of 
Stuart.  Colonel  Biddle  had  posted  his  two  regiments 
behind  this  fence,  and  when  the  other  two  arrived  they 
were  formed  on  his  left.  This  line  was  prolonged  to 
the  right  beyond  the  railroad  bed  by  Meredith's  brigade, 
which  had  already  arrived  there,  and  this  position  was 


1863,]  EVIDENCES  OF  COOLNESS.  443 

held  for  nearly  or  quite  half  an  hour,  against  four  times 
the  number  of  defenders.  But  to  do  more  than  to  give 
the  fleeing  troops  farther  to  the  right  the  opportunity 
to  escape  through  the  town  and  form  on  the  heights 
beyond  was  not  expected.  The  repulse  of  the  enemy's 
first  attack  on  this  new  line  was  so  complete  and  disas 
trous  that  they  retired  beyond  the  ridge  and  into  the 
valley  of  Willoughby  Run.  Colonel  Gates  rode  through 
the  strip  of  woods  at  this  time,  and  sat  on  his  horse 
several  minutes  watching  the  right  and  left  of  the  rebel 
line,  while  immediately  in  front  there  was  not  a  Con 
federate  to  be  seen  except  dead  and  wounded.  Colonel 
Biddle,  while  conversing  with  Colonel  Gates  in  rear  of 
the  line,  during  the  second  assault,  received  a  musket 
ball  wound  in  the  scalp ;  the  sound  of  the  blow  was 
distinctly  heard,  and  both  gentlemen  thought  the  injury 
of  a  serious  character.  Colonel  Biddle  turned  over  the 
command  of  the  brigade  to  Colonel  Gates,  as  the  wound 
was  very  painful,  and  withdrew.  He  returned,  how 
ever,  while  the  brigade  was  still  in  the  same  position, 
with  his  head  bandaged,  and  remarking  to  Colonel 
Gates  that  the  wound  was  not  as  bad  as  he  had  feared, 
resumed  command  of  the  brigade.  Colonel  Gates'  horse 
received  five  bullet  wounds  while  at  this  position.  These 
somewhat  personal  matters  are  narrated  with  a  view  to 
give  to  the  reader  an  idea  of  the  nature  of  the  defence 
which  this  brigade  made,  the  length  of  time  it  .held  the 
enemy  in  check,  and  of  the  entire  coolness  and  com 
posure  of  its  conduct.  The  retreat  of  the  Union  troops 
from  the  field  of  the  first  day's  fight  has  generally  been 
characterized  as  "  disorderly,"  and  while  this  is  true  as 
to  a  portion  of  them,  it  is  unjust  as  to  nearly  the  entire 
First  corps.  Even  so  close  an  observer  and  accurate 
writer  as  General  Hancock  has  fallen  into  this  error.  In 
his  controversy  with  General  Howard  as  to  which  was 
entitled  to  most  credit  for  posting  the  army  on  Cem 
etery  Hill,  and  as  to  what  time  he  himself  arrived  there, 


444  GETTYSBURG   CAMPAIGN — FIRST  DAY.  [1863. 

General  Hancock  says  :  "I  hurried  to  the  front  (Cem 
etery  Heights),  and  saw  our  troops  retreating  in  dis 
order  and  confusion  from  the  town,  closely  followed  by 
the  enemy."  — " Galaxy,"  December,  1876,  page  822. 
General  Hancock  says  this  was  "about  3:30  P.  M."  At 
that  hour  the  left  of  the  First  Corps  certainly  was 
fighting  on  the  Willoughby  Run  line,  and  had  not 
yielded  a  foot  of  ground.  It  was  at  least  half  an  hour 
later  when  it  fell  back  to  the  seminary,  and  that  posi 
tion  was  retained  for  more  than  half  an  hour.  The  re 
treat  from  there  was  deliberate  and  orderly  ;  and  my 
diary  gives  the  time  as  5:30  when  we  reached  Cemetery 
Hill. 

The  enemy  had  been  repulsed  in  three  several  at 
tacks  on  our  position,  but  he  had  now  thrown  M'Gow- 
an's  brigade  upon  our  left  flank,  and  his  troops  were 
pushing  forward  on  our  right,  threatening  to  cut  off  our 
retreat.  Colonel  Biddle  conferred  with  Colonel  Gates 
upon  the  subject  of  withdrawing  the  brigade,  and  it  was 
agreed  that  it  was  impracticable  to  remain  longer.  The 
batteries  were  safely  removed,  with  the  exception  of 
one  gun  and  three  caissons,  the  horses  of  which  being 
killed,  had  to  be  abandoned.  The  "Ulster  Guard" 
marched  in  rear  of  the  brigade,  covering  the  retreat. 
The  enemy  were  then  closing  in  on  both  flanks,  and 
pushing  forward  in  rear,  and  there  was  not  so  much  as 
a  company  of  Federal  troops,  except  killed  and 
wounded,  upon  the  battle-field  when  we  left  it.  Reach 
ing  Cemetery  Hill,  we  were  posted  along  a  stone  wall, 
overlooking  the  Taneytown  road,  and  there  remained 
during  the  night,  and  until  11  o'clock,  A.  M.,  next  day. 

Mr.  Swinton  says,  at  page  334  of  his  "  Campaigns  of 
the  Army  of  the  Potomac  "  :  "  The  left  of  the  First  alone 
drew  back  in  some  order,  making  a  stand  on  Seminary 
Ridge  until  the  artillery  and  ambulances  had  been  with 
drawn,  and  then  fell  back  behind  the  town."  After 
describing  the  repulse  of  our  right,  Mr.  Lossing  says  : 


1863.]  A  LETTER  FROM  GENERAL  DOUBLEDAY.  445 

"  The  First  Corps,  whose  left  had  been  held  firmly  by 
Doubleday,  now  fell  back.  It  brought  away  the  artil 
lery  and  ambulances  from  Seminary  Ridge."  This  does 
not  indicate  much  " disorder  and  confusion"  on  that 
part  of  the  line.  Professor  Jacobs  says  :  "  But  though 
the  enemy  attacked  us  with  two  men  to  our  one,  our 
left  was  able,  during  the  forenoon,  and  until  three  P.  M., 
not  only  to  hold  its  own,  but  to  drive  back  the  enemy 
in  their  fearful  charges." 

At  the  risk  of  being  charged  with  egotism,  I  take  the 
liberty  to  make  some  extracts  from  a  letter  of  General 
Doubleday' s,  dated  September  10th,  1863.  If  it  reliect 
any  credit  upon  the  author  of  this  work,  it  reflects  still 
greater  credit  upon  the  officers  and  men  he  commanded, 
and  this  is  my  justification  for  its  insertion  in  these 
pages.  Without  the  cordial  and  hearty  co-operation  of 
my  command,  I  could  not  have  won  the  commendation 
General  Doubleday  bestows  upon  me,  and  whatever  of 
compliment  is  expressed  or  implied  in  his  letter,  the 
officers  and  men  under  my  command  are  entitled  to  the 
credit  of.  General  Doubleday  says  :  "  Colonel  Theodore 
B.  Gates,  of  the  Twentieth  New  York,  served  under  me 
in  the  recent  battle  of  Gettysburg,  as  well  as  on  several 
other  occasions.  The  many  battles  in  which  this  officer 
has  been  engaged,  his  great  bravery  and  sound  military 
judgment  led  me  to  place  great  dependence  upon  him. 
On  the  first  day  at  Gettysburg  he  was  assigned  to  the 
important  duty  of  protecting  the  left  flank  of  the  First 
corps  against  the  heavy  forces  which  threatened  it. 
His  manoeuvres  were  all  excellent,  and  he  held  his  posi 
tion  for  several  hours,  until  the  right  of  the  line  gave 
way  and  forced  him  to  retire,  which  he  did  in  good 
order.  Although  out-flanked  by  a  whole  brigade,  he 
continued,  as  I  have  said,  to  hold  them  in  check,  and 
to  fall  back  without  disorder,  to  a  second  position  on 
Seminary  Ridge.  'There  he  formed  his  line  again,  and 
most  gallantly  checked  the  enemy's  advance,  until  the 


446  GETTYSBURG  CAMPAIGN — FIRST  DAY.  [1863. 

corps  had  nearly  all  withdrawn.  His  position  was  that 
of  a  forlorn  hope,  covering  the  retreat  of  the  corps  and 
saving  it  from  a  great  disaster. 

"Exhausted  as  his  command  must  have  been,  from 
the  desperate  and  prolonged  fighting  on  the  first  day, 
he,  nevertheless,  had  an  equally  desperate  combat  on 
the  third  day,  after  the  terrific  artillery  assault  which 
preceded  the  final  attack  of  the  rebels  on  our  left  centre. 
The  rebels  had  already  penetrated  Hancock's  line  of 
battle,  when  the  two  regiments,  under  command  of 
Colonel  Gates,  attacked  them  furiously  in  front,  at  short 
pistol  range,  charged  and  drove  them  from  the  protec 
tion  of  the  felled  timber  in  which  they  were  sheltered, 
and  took  a  large  number  of  prisoners.  On  the  oc 
casions  alluded  to,  Colonel  Gates  commanded  the  20th 
New  York  (his  own  regiment),  and  the  151st  Pennsyl 
vania  Volunteers. 

"  I  do  not  mean  by  these  remarks  to  detract  in  any 
way  from  the  great  merit  of  the  other  troops  who  co 
operated  with  Colonel  Gates.  The  desperate  nature  of 
the  fight  is  indicated  by  the  fact  that  the  official  returns 
show  that  Colonel  Gates  lost  considerably  more  than 
half  his  force." 

The  enemy  made  some  desultory  attempts  to  carry 
the  Federal  lines  of  Cemetery  Hill  in  the  evening,  and 
at  one  or  two  points  sharp  but  brief  fighting  ensued  ; 
but  in  every  instance  the  Confederates  were  repulsed, 
and  retired  to  the  shelter  of  the  town,  or  rejoined  their 
comrades  at  its  suburbs.  If  General  Lee  had  pushed 
forward  the  forces  he  had  in  the  immediate  neighbor 
hood  of  Gettysburg,  at  six  o'clock  in  the  afternoon  of 
July  1st,  and  had  made  a  vigorous  and  determined  as 
sault  upon  Cemetery  Hill,  it  is  very  doubtful  if  the 
small  body  of  Union  troops  then  on  the  ground  could 
have  prevented  the  Confederates  from  obtaining  pos 
session  of  the  strong  position  along  Rock  Creek,  east 
of  the  cemetery,  and  which  would  have  compelled  the 


1863-]  THE   VAN   HAD   ACCOMPLISHED   ITS   MISSION.  447 

Federals  to  abandon  the  ground  on  which  they  subse 
quently  fought,  and  would  possibly  have  reversed  the 
positions  of  the  armies  in  the  great  struggles  of  the 
next  two  days.  But  Lee  had  been  confounded  by  the 
unexpected  presence  of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac,  and 
with  the  imperfect  knowledge  he  then  had  as  to  the 
strength  of  the  position  and  the  numbers  present  to 
defend  it,  he  deferred  his  attack. 

Thus  the  van-guard  of  the  Federal  Army  had  accom 
plished  its  mission.  It  had  met  the  wishes  of  its  dead 
chieftain,  Reynolds,  and  of  Howard  and  Doubleday, 
Pleasonton  and  Buford,  By  an  almost  unexampled 
persistency,  by  steady  and  continuous  fighting  on  an 
exposed  field  and  against  double  its  numbers  for  eight 
hoars,  it  had  saved  the  natural  bulwarks  in  rear  of  Get 
tysburg  for  the  occupation  of  the  Union  army,  and  from 
these  bulwarks  it  delivered  battle  on  the  next  and  the 
succeeding  day,  and  upon  these  bulwarks  and  the  brave 
men  who  defended  them,  the  Confederate  army  was 
dashed  in  vain,  until  decimated  and  demoralized,  its 
worn  and  hopeless  remnant,  like  the  shadow  of  the 
grand  and  confident  array  which  so  lately  marched 
across  the  border,  sought  safety  and  seclusion  in  a 
midnight  flight. 

Of  the  battle  of  the  first  day,  Mr.  Bates  says  : 
"What  the  result  would  have  been  had  Reynolds 
lived,  it  is  impossible  to  divine.  He  had  scarcely  mar 
shalled  his  first  battalions  before  he  was  slain.  The 
chief  command  upon  the  field  then  devolved  upon  Gen 
eral  Doubleday,  which,  for  upwards  of  two  hours,  he 
continued  to  exercise.  It  was  during  this  time,  and 
under  his  immediate  direction,  that  the  chief  successes 
of  the  day  were  achieved,  a  large  number  of  prisoners 
and  standards  having  been  captured  in  successive 
periods  of  the  fight,  and  at  widely  separated  parts  of 
the  field.  To  any  one  who  will  traverse  the  ground 
held  by  the  First  Corps  from  ten  in  the  morning  until 


448  GETTYSBURG   CAMPAIGN— FIRST   DAY.  [1863, 

after  four  in  the  afternoon  will  note  the  insignificance 
in  the  number  of  its  guns  and  of  its  muskets,  as  com 
pared  with  those  of  the  two  divisions  of  Hill  and  one  of 
Ewell  which  opposed  it,  and  will  consider  the  triumphs 
won,  and  how  every  daring  attempt  of  the  enemy  to 
gain  the  field  was  foiled,  it  must  be  evident  that  the 
manoeuvring  of  Doubleday  was  admirable,  and  that  it 
stamps  him  as  a  corps  leader  of  consummate  excellence. 
For  mark  how  little  equality  of  position  he  enjoyed  ! 
the  opposing  ridge  and  Oak  Hill  affording  great  advan 
tage  for  the  enemy's  artillery  ;  and  how  his  infantry 
stood  upon  open  ground,  with  no  natural  or  artificial 
protection  except  in  a  short  distance  upon  his  extreme 
right,  where  was  a  low  stone  wall.  Where,  in  the  his 
tory  of  the  late  war,  is  this  skill  and  coolness  of  the 
commander,  or  this  stubborn  bravery  of  the  troops 

matched  ? 

#•&•*•&#•*## 

"But  where,  during  all  this  long  day  of  carnage, 
was  the  rest  of  the  army  ?  Why  were  these  two  feeble 
corps  left  from  early  morn  until  the  evening  shadows 
began  to  set,  to  be  jostled  and  torn  without  succor  I 
Were  there  no  troops  within  call  ?  Was  not  the  very 
air  laden  with  the  terrible  sounds  of  the  fray  ?  Was 
not  the  clangor  of  the  enemy's  guns  more  persuasive 
than  the  summons  of  staff  officers  ? 

"The  order  of  General  Meade  for  the  march  of  the 
several  corps  of  the  army  on  the  first  would  carry  the 
Third  corps  to  Emmettsburg.  But  General  Sickles  says 
in  his  testimony,  that  he  had  reached  Emmettsburg  on 
the  night  of  the  30th.  This  place  is  ten  miles  from  Get 
tysburg.  The  Third  corps  had  been  placed  under  the 
command  of  Reynolds  as  the  leader  of  the  right  wing  of 
the  army,  and  he  had  sent  a  staff  officer  on  the  morning 
of  the  first  to  summon  it  forward.  It  had  no  farther  to 
march  than  had  Howard's  corps,  and  following  the 
course  that  Howard  went — the  by-way  leading  to  Taney- 


1863.]  WHERE   WAS   THE   REST   OF   THE    ARMY  ?  449 

town  road — not  so  great  a  distance.  But  Sickles  had 
that  morning  received  the  circular  of  Meade,  indicating 
the  purpose  to  concentrate  on  Pipe  Creek,  though  con 
taining  no  order.  It  was  his  plain  duty,  therefore,  to 
have  responded,  had  the  message  reached  him,  to  the 
call  of  Reynolds.  But  to  this  he  seems  to  have  paid  no 
attention.  In  his  testimony  Sickles  says:  'I  was  giv 
ing  my  troops  a  little  repose  during  that  morning  .... 
Between  two  and  three  o'clock  in  the  afternoon,  I  got 
a  dispatch  from  General  Howard,  at  Gettysburg,  inform 
ing  me  that  the  First  and  Eleventh  corps  had  been 
engaged  during  the  day  with  a  superior  force  of  the 
enemy,  and  that  General  Reynolds  had  fallen  ;  that  he 
(Howard)  was  in  command,  and  was  very  hard  pressed, 
and  urging  me,  in  the  most  earnest  terms  to  come  to  his 
relief  with  what  force  I  could.  I  of  course,  considered 
the  question  very  anxiously.  My  preliminary  orders  in 
going  to  Gettysburg  were  to  go  there  and  hold  that 
position  with  my  corps,  as  it  was  regarded  as  a  very 
important  flanking  position,  to  cover  our  rear  and  line 
of  communication.'  In  this  testimony  Sickles  ignores 
the  early  summons  of  Reynolds,  which  a  staff  officer, 
Captain  Rosen garten,  asserts  was  sent  by  an  aide  with 
great  dispatch,  and  immediately  after  Reynolds  had 
reached  the  front ;  but  Sickles  says,  *  My  preliminary 
orders  in  going  to  Gettysburg.'  Is  this  a  misprint  in 
the  testimony,  and  should  it  read  Emmettsburg?  If 
Gettysburg,  then  to  what  order  does  he  refer  ?  General 
Meade  had  given  no  such  order.  If  Gettysburg,  he 
must  refer  to  an  order  which  he  had  received  from  Rey 
nolds,  which  he  disobeyed;  probably  allowing  the  circu 
lar  of  Meade,  which  had  no  binding  effect,  and  which 
bore  that  declaration  in  so  many  words  on  its  face,  to 
override  it.  But,  when,  between  two  and  three  o'clock, 
he  received  the  summons  of  Howard,  he  concluded  to 
respond  to  it.  Moreover,  it  would  seem  that  besides  the 
order  of  Reynolds  and  the  appeal  of  Howard,  other 

29 


450  GETTYSBURG  CAMPAIGN— FIRST     DAY.  [1863. 

messages  had  reached  Sickles  before  he  decided  to  go  to 
Gettysburg.  An  article  published  in  the  'Rebellion 
Record,'  Vol.  VIII. ,  page  346,  contains  this  statement : 
'  besides  numerous  reports,  the  following  brief  commu 
nication  reached  him  (Sickles)  which  accidentally  fell 
into  my  hands  :  '  July  1,  Gettysburg,  General  Sickles  : 
General  Doubleday  (First  corps)  says,  for  God's  sake, 
come  up  with  all  speed,  they  are  pressing  us  hard.  H. 
T.  Lee,  lieutenant,  A.  D.  C.' 

4 'The  Twelfth  corps,  according  to  Meade's  pro 
gramme,  was  to  march  from  Littlestown,  ten  miles  from 
Gettysburg,  to  Two  Taverns,  which  would  bring  it 
within  live  miles  of  the  battle-field,  four  and  a  quarter 
from  Cemetery  Hill.  The  march  was  commenced  at  six 
in  the  morning,  and,  after  passing  Two  Taverns,  a  line 
of  battle  was  formed.  The  following  is  from  the  diary 
of  an  officer  who  commanded  a  regiment  in  Kane's  Bri 
gade  :  'July  1st,  Marched  at  six  A.M.  a  short  distance  : 
passing  Two  Taverns  ;  formed  line  of  battle ;  heavy 
firing  in  front.  A  report  that  the  First  and  Eleventh 
corps  are  engaged  with  the  enemy.'  The  enemy's  Whit- 
worth  gun  could  have  sent  a  bolt  nearly  this  distance. 
The  smoke  from  the  field  must  have  been  plainly  visible. 
The  roar  of  the  battle  was  constantly  resounding.  But 
here  the  corps  remained  idle  during  the  whole  day." 

The  First  corps  was  nearly  annihilated.  It  went  into 
battle  with  8,200  men  and  came  out  with  but  2,450 — 
5,750  killed,  wounded  and  captured.  The  two  divisions 
of  the  Eleventh  corps  which  came  upon  the  field  lost 
little  more  than  half  their  number.  There  were  but  few 
prisoners  taken  from  the  First  corps,  but  a  large  number 
from  the  Eleventh.  Over  2,500  Confederate  prisoners 
had  been  taken  and  the  field  was  covered  with  dead  and 
wounded  Rebels — and  Cemetery  Hill,  Wolf  and  Culp 
Hills  and  the  Round  Tops  were  ours. 


1863.]  ON  THE  LEFT  AT  GETTYSBURG.  45  ^ 

ON  THE  LEFT  AT  GETTYSBURG, 


Respectfully  dedicated  to  tJie  Twentieth  Regiment,  N.  Y.  8.  M. 


BY  H.  L.  ABBEY. 


Soldier  of  the  picket  guard, 
Keeping  midnight  watch  and  ward, 
While  a  mighty  nation  sleeps  ; 
On  yon  dark,  beleaguered  steeps — 
On  the  heights  at  Fredericksburg — 
Tell  us  how  at  Gettysburg, 
On  the  left  at  Gettysburg, 

Valor  stayed  disaster  ; 
When  the  raiding1  Rebel  crew, 
Hurled  upon  our  weary  few 

Columns  dense,  and  vaster , 
Ten  to  one,  than  they  who  stood, 
For  a  grateful  nation's  good, 

On  the  left,  at  Gettysburg, 
Beating  back  disaster. 

*  *  *  * 

Though,  before  their  fierce  attack, 
Right  and  centre  both  fell  back, 
Scarce  three  hundred  Ulster  men, 
Linked  with  brawny  sons  of  Penn, 
All  that  day  at  Gettysburg— 
On  the  left  at  Gettysburg- 
Held  at  bay  the  traitor. 

*  *  *  * 

Ho  !  watcher  of  our  destiny 
Tell  us  yet  if  liberty, 

On  the  Nation's  forehead 
Sets  her  crown,  no  longer  scoffed 
By  the  blazoned  curse,  that  oft 

Made  her  name  abhorred. 
If  the  stain  be  cleansed  away, 
Not  in  vain  upon  that  day, 
On  the  left  at  Gettysburg, 

Fought  our  sons  and  brothers. 
If  the  curse  must  still  remain, 
Vain  their  fight,  our  longing  vain  ; 

And  the  tears  of  mothers 
Will  not  find  a  balm  to  soothe — 
Marah  never  will  be  smooth — 


452  GETTYSBURG  CAMPAIGN — FIRST    DAY.  [1863. 

Torn  with  waves  of  sorrow. 
But  the  right  shall  rule,  we  know, 
Lo  !  the  morning  splendors  glow 

Of  the  golden  morrow. 
Mothers'  tears  are  pearls,  that  buy 
Many  a  nation's  liberty, 

Making  freedom  vaster. 
Pray  for  those  who  vainly  weep 
For  their  darling  sons,  who  sleep 
Where  they  fell  at  Gettysburg, 
On  the  left  at  Gettysburg, 

Beating  back  disaster. 


CHAPTER    XXXIII. 

AN    ANXIOUS  NIGHT — IN-POURING    OF    THE    UNION    ARMY — REBEL   TALK  IN 
GETTYSBURG — ARRIVAL    OF     GENERAL    MEADE — POSTING    THE   ARMY — 

NEWTON  ASSIGNED  TO  FIRST  CORPS — ROADS  AND  TOPOGRAPHY — THIRD 
CORPS  SWINGS  OUT  OF  LINE — BRINGS  ON  A  BATTLE — BREAK  THROUGH 
SICKLES'  LEFT — PUSH  FOR  ROUND  TOP — WHAT  WARREN  DID — TERRIBLE 
FIGHTING — REBELS  DRIVEN  FROM  ROUND  TOP — FEDERALS  FORCED 
BACK  ALONG  THE  LOW  GROUND — ATTACK  ON  SLOCUM'S  LINE — REBELS 

MAKE  A  LODGMENT — ULSTER  GUARD  IN  FRONT  LINE — NIGHT  AND 
QUIETNESS — A  WALK  OVER  THE  BATTLE-FIELD — LIEUTENANT  W.  J. 
COCKBURN — COLONEL  C.  R.  WESTBROOK — PREPARATIONS  FOR  THE 
MORROW. 

To  most  of  the  officers  and  men  of  the  Federal  Army 
the  night  of  the  first  of  July  was  an  anxious,  sleepless 
and  tiresome  one.  The  worn-out  troops  of  the  First  and 
Eleventh  corps  lay  upon  their  arms  around  the  bend  of 
the  fish-hook,  guarding  the  approaches  from  the  direc 
tion  of  Gettysburg.  The  residue  of  the  army  was  in 
march  to  join  them.  Would  they  arrive  in  time  for  the 
anticipated  assault  in  the  early  morning  ?  The  positions 
of  the  Third  and  Twelfth  corps  were  shown  in  the  con 
cluding  paragraphs  of  the  preceding  chapter.  The 
Second  corps  was  still  at  Taneytown,  fourteen  miles 
away.  The  Fifth  corps  was  near  Uniontown,  still 
farther  away,  and  the  Sixth,  the  largest  corps  in  the 
army,  was  at  Manchester,  thirty-four  miles  from  the 
battle-field.  But  by  and  by  the  sound  of  thousands  of 
hurrying  feet  and  the  rumble  of  batteries  and  caissons, 
told  to  the  anxious  listeners  the  glad  story  of  the  in- 
pouring  of  the  Union  Army.  The  fight  to-morrow  would 
be  a  more  equal  combat ;  the  repulse  of  to-day  would 
surely  be  avenged.  These  boasting  rebels,  who  filled 
the  streets  of  Gettysburg  and  recounted  to  its  terror- 
stricken  citizens  their  exploits  of  the  day,  should  have 

453 


454  GETTYSBURG     CAMPAIGN.  [1863. 

a  far  different  tale  to  rehearse  on  the  coming  night. 
Professor  Jacobs,  a  citizen  of  Gettysburg  and  a  spectator 
of  and  a  listener  to  the  things  and  conversations  he 
speaks  of,  says :  "  The  portion  of  Rodes'  division 
which  lay  down  before  our  dwelling  for  the  night  was 
greatly  elated  with  the  results  of  the  first  day's  battle, 
and  the  same  may  be  said  of  the  whole  rebel  army. 
They  were  anxious  to  engage  in  conversation,  to  com 
municate  their  views  and  feelings,  and  to  elicit  ours. 
They  were  boastful  of  themselves,  of  their  cause,  and  of 
the  skill  of  their  officers  ;  and  were  anxious  to  tell  us  of 
the  unskillful  manner  in  which  some  of  our  officers  had 
conducted  the  fight  which  had  just  closed.  When  in 
formed  that  General  Archer  and  1500  of  his  men  had 
been  captured,  they  said  :  '  To-morrow  we  will  take  all 
these  back  again  ;  and  having  already  taken  5000  (!) 
prisoners  of  you  to-day,  we  will  take  the  balance  of 
your  men  to-morrow.'  Having  been  well  fed,  provis 
ioned  and  rested,  and  successful  on  this  day,  their  con 
fidence  knew  no  bounds.  They  felt  assured  they  should 
be  able,  with  perfect  ease,  to  cut  up  our  army  in  detail, 
fatigued  as  it  was  by  long  marches  and  yet  scattered, 
for  only  two  corps  had  as  yet  arrived.  Resting  under 
this  impression,  they  laid  down  joyfully  on  the  night  of 
the  first  day." 

General  Meade  arrived  at  Cemetery  Hill  about  one 
o'clock  on  the  morning  of  the  second  of  July,  and  as 
soon  as  day  began  to  break  he  was  in  the  saddle,  riding 
over  the  ground  and  giving  orders  for  the  positioning  of 
his  army.  The  Eleventh  corps  retained  the  position  it 
assumed  on  the  evening  of  the  first ;  next  on  its  right 
was  Wadsworth's  division  of  the  First  corps,  extending 
into  the  fastness  of  Gulp's  Hill;  next  to  Wadsworth 
was  posted  Slocum's  Twelfth  corps  (excepting  Geary's 
division,  which  was  stationed  in  the  neighborhood  of 
Round  Top,  on  the  left)  with  its  right  resting  on  McAl 
lister's  Hill.  On  the  left  of  Howard,  and  extending 


1863.]  POSTING  THE    UNION    ARMY.  455 

along  the  shank  of  the  fish-hook,  was  Hancock's  Second 
corps,  with  its  right  in  Zeigler's  Grove  and  its  left 
thrown  out  towards  Round  Top.  The  Third  corps, 
Sickles,  had  arrived  in  the  evening  of  the  first  and  was 
massed  in  rear  of  the  left  of  the  Eleventh  corps.  The 
Fifth  corps  was  placed  in  reserve  in  rear  of  Cemetery 
Hill,  on  its  arrival,  but  on  the  afternoon  of  the  second 
was  moved  over  to  the  Round  Tops,  under  circum 
stances  hereafter  narrated.  The  Sixth  corps,  Sedgwick, 
which  left  Hanover  on  the  evening  of  the  first  and  made 
a  forced  march  of  thirty-four  miles,  arrived  on  the 
field  at  two  o'clock  on  the  2d,  and  was  posted  in  reserve 
in  rear  of  the  left  fiank.  The  divisions  of  Doubleday, 
(General  Meade  had  assigned  General  Newton  to  the 
command  of  the  First  corps)  and  Robinson  were  in 
reserve. 

The  road  from  Gettysburg  to  Baltimore,  after  pass 
ing  through  the  Federal  line  at  Cemetery  Hill,  con 
tinued  southeasterly,  along  the  rear  of  the  right  wing 
of  the  army.  The  Taneytown  road  ran  through  the 
left  centre  of  our  line,  and  thence  along  the  rear  of  the 
left  wing  ;  each  road  passing  out  between  the  Round 
Tops  and  McAllisters  Hill.  The  Emmettsburg  road 
ran  close  to  the  front  of  the  left,  until  it  passed  Han 
cock's  corps  and  then  diverged  to  the  west,  and  disap 
peared  over  a  wooded  ridge  a  mile  and  a  half  west  of 
Round  Top.  The  ground  in  front  of  the  left  of  the 
Federal  line  sloped  gently  for  an  eighth  of  a  mile,  and 
then,  by  a  gradual  ascent,  reached  the  ridge  over 
which  the  Emmettsburg  road  passed,  and  which  is  a 
prolongation  of  Seminary  Ridge.  The  country  between 
the  Union  line  and  this  ridge  is  open,  cultivated  land, 
excepting  two  small  groves  on  the  left,  and  Sherfy's 
peach  orchard,  near  the  Emmettsburg  road,  nearly  op 
posite  Little  Round  Top.  The  opposite  ridge  is  wooded, 
and  afforded  a  complete  mask  to  the  enemy's  move 
ments  ;  while  the  position  of  the  Federal  troops,  at  the 


456  GETTYSBURG     CAMPAIGN.  [1863. 

centre  and  left  of  their  line,  could  be  distinctly  seen 
from  the  ridge  across  the  Emmettsburg  road. 

From  early  morning,  until  about  four  o'clock  in  the 
afternoon,  no  hostile  demonstration  was  made.  While 
the  Federal  commander  was  stationing  his  troops,  the 
Rebel  Chieftain  was  engaged  in  a  like  occupation,  and 
studying  the  ground  and  waiting  for  his  entire  force  to 
assemble.  At  about  that  hour,  General  Webb,  Colonel 
Sherrill,  Colonel  Hardenburg  and  myself,  were  sitting 
on  our  horses  near  Dilger's  battery,  overlooking  the 
field  towards  the  Seminary  Ridge,  when  we  were  sur 
prised  to  see  a  heavy  column  of  Federal  troops  debouch 
from  the  extreme  lef-t  of  our  line  and  take  its  way  across 
the  open  fields  above  described,  towards  the  Emmetts 
burg  road.  Although  no  enemy  could  be  seen  in  the 
woods  beyond,  no  one  doubted  that  they  were  swarm 
ing  with  Rebel  troops,  and  planted  thick  with  Confed 
erate  cannon.  It  was  supposed  we  had  taken  position 
to  fight  a  defensive  battle  ;  and  the  initiation  of  an 
offensive,  by  a  single  corps,  and  that  corps  advancing 
in  column  in  mass,  almost  under  the  guns  of  the  enemy, 
without  skirmishers  or  any  apparent  preparation  for 
immediate  battle,  was  what  spectators  could  not  com 
prehend. 

For  ten  minutes  the  column  moved  steadily  for 
ward  ;  the  spectators  of  this  strange  proceeding  held 
their  breath  in  suspense  ;  all  was  quiet  as  death,  save 
the  murmuring  sound  of  the  tramp  of  those  misguided 
men,  and  an  occasional  exclamation  in  our  lines  of  as 
tonishment  and  dismay.  Colonel  Sherrill,  formerly  an 
Ulster  County  man,  suddenly  exclaimed:  "There  it 
comes  ;  "  and  a  moment  later  the  woods  along  the  ridge 
were  wreathed  in  smoke,  while  a  hundred  cannon  thun 
dered  on  the  air.  The  Union  guns  answered  this  Rebel 
outburst,  and  for  some  time  the  artillery  maintained  a 
furious  combat.  General  Meade  now  appeared  on  this 
part  of  the  field,  and  finding  a  battle  thrust  upon  him 


1863.]  WHAT   GENERAL   WARREN   DID.  457 

unexpectedly,  had  no  choice  but  to  sustain  the  troops 
which  had  thus  become  engaged,  and  he  ordered  up  re- 
enforcements  to  support  Sickles.  Longstreet,  who  held 
the  right  of  Lee's  line,  and  was,  therefore,  opposite 
Sickles,  was  directed  to  move  out  and  meet  him  ;  while 
orders  were  sent  to  Ewell  to  attack  the  right  of  the 
Union  line,  and  to  Hill,  to  menace  the  centre  ;  so  that 
the  Union  commander  would  not  dare  to  withdraw 
troops  from  those  positions  to  support  the  imperilled 
left.  If  the  Third  corps  could  be  swept  away,  the  Con 
federates  could  move  upon  the  very  key  of  the  Union 
position — Round  Top  ;  and  take  the  Federal  lines 
in  reverse.  Longstreet  sent  Hood  against  Sickles, 
whose  column  was  now  deployed,  with  directions 
to  strike  it  near  Sherfy's  peach  orchard,  while  McLaws 
and  Anderson  were  to  throw  their  forces  against  Sickles' 
left,  and,  breaking  through  that  flank,  seize  the  Round 
Top.  Troops  from  the  Fifth  and  reserves  of  the  First 
Corps  were  sent  forward  to  re-enforce  Sickles,  but  the 
pressure  upon  his  left  was  irresis table,  and  after  the 
most  desperate  resistance  the  enemy  forced  his  way 
through,  and  Hood's  Texans  were  climbing  the  ragged 
side  of  Round  Top,  on  which  as  yet  the  Federals  had  only 
a,  signal  station,  when  fortunately  General  Warren,  the 
Chief  Engineer  of  the  Army,  and  a  soldier  of  quick  and 
correct  apprehension,  chanced  to  ride  to  this  point  of 
the  field,  and,  ascending  Round  Top,  found  it  bare  of 
troops,  and  even  the  signal  officers  were  rolling  up  their 
signal  colors  to  depart,  seeing  the  enemy  ascending  the 
mountain  side  Warren  ordered  them  to  unroll  and 
display  their  flags,  and  then  detaching  General  Vin 
cent's  brigade  and  Hazlett's  battery  from  Barnes'  divis 
ion  as  it  was  passing  to  the  support  of  Sickles,  succeed 
ed  in  getting  this  force  upon  the  mountain  top  while  the 
Confederates  were  ascending  the  more  difficult  face 
from  the  opposite  side.  A  fearful  combat  ensued  for 
the  possession  of  the  commanding  point.  The  bayonet 


458  GETTYSBURG   CAMPAIGN. 

and  clubbed  muskets  were  often  resorted  to,  and  for 
half  an  hour  the  struggle  was  almost  unparalled.  At 
length  a  gallant  charge  by  the  Twentieth  Maine,  Col 
onel  Chamberlain,  swept  the  Texans  from  the  hill  and 
left  the  coveted  position  in  the  hands  of  the  Federals. 
While  the  struggle  was  going  on  both  sides  had  been 
re-enforced,  and  among  the  Federals  who  had  come  to 
the  aid  of  Vincent  was  General  Weed,  commanding  the 
brigade  of  Ay  re's  division  to  which  Hazlett's  battery 
belonged,  and  among  the  dead  of  this  sanguinary  fight 
were  Generals  Weed  and  Vincent,  and  Lieutenant  Haz- 
lett. 

On  the  plain  and  in  the  valley  below,  the  combat  was 
gallantly  maintained  on  the  Union  side,  but  the  left  of 
our  line  was  driven  back  upon  the  ridge  north  of  Lit 
tle  Round  Top,  while  the  right  division,  Humphrey's, 
swung  its  left  to  the  rear,  still  clinging  with  its  right  to 
the  Emmettsburg  road.  Cald well's  division  of  the  Sec 
ond  corps,  now  moved  out  to  the  support  of  Hum 
phrey's.  The  left  of  Sickles'  line  having  been  driven  in 
the  Confederates  turned  in  overwhelming  force  upon  the 
right,  while  a  part  of  Hill's  corps,  foregoing  its  menace 
against  the  centre,  joined  in  the  attack  upon  Humphrey 
and  swept  him  back  to  the  Union  lines. 

"The  Confederates,  elated  by  their  successes,  dashed 
like  turbulent  waves  up  to  the  base  of  the  ridge  occu 
pied  by  the  Nationals,  fighting  most  desperately,  and 
throwing  themselves  recklessly  upon  supposed  weak 
points  of  their  antagonist's  line.  In  this  encounter 
Meade  led  troops  in  person,  and  everywhere  inspirited 
his  men  by  his  presence.  Finally,  just  at  sunset,  a  gen 
eral  charge  was  made,  under  the  direction  of  Hancock, 
chiefly  by  fresh  troops  under  General  Doubleday,  who 
had  hastened  to  his  assistance  from  the  rear  of  Ceme 
tery  Hill  These,  with  Humphrey's  shattered  regi 
ments,  drove  the  Confederates  back,  and  a  portion  of 
Doubleday' s  division,  pressing  up  nearly  to  the  o£>po- 


1863.]  ATTACK   ON   SLOCUM'S  LINE.  450 

site  lines,  recaptured  four  guns  which  had  been  lost. 
At  twilight,  the  battle  on  the  left  and  left  centre  had 
ended,  when  a  new  line  was  formed  by  the  divisions  of 
Robinson  and  Doubleday,  and  troops  from  the  Twelfth 
corps  brought  up  by  General  Williams  who  was  in  tem 
porary  command  of  it,  Slocum  having  charge  of  the  en 
tire  right  wing."  — Lossing,  Vol.  Ill,  page  68. 

About  the  time  the  fighting  was  concluded  on  the 
left,  Johnson's  division  of  Ewell's  corps  burst  upon  the 
Union  line,  at  a  low  point  between  Gulp's  and  McAllis 
ter's  Hills.  Some  of  the  Federal  forces  had  been  with 
drawn  from  this  locality  to  aid  their  brethren  on  the 
left,  and  the  watchful  Confederates  had  noticed  the  fact. 
Just  before  dark  the  attack  began  with  great  impetuos 
ity.  For  two  hours  the  conflict  was  carried  on  with 
heavy  loss  to  the  assailants,  but  ended  in  their  getting 
possession  of  a  portion  of  the  Union  works  near  Spang- 
ler's  Spring,  at  the  southern  extremity  of  Gulp's  Hill, 
but  the  darkness  now  prevented  the  further  prosecution 
of  their  enterprise,  or  any  attempt  to  expel  them.  So, 
holding  this  breach  in  the  Federal  line,  the  two  arm 
ies  gave  over  their  struggles  for  the  night. 

Among  the  troops  which  were  ordered  to  the  left  in 
support  of  General  Sickles  were  the  151st  Pennsylvania 
and  the  "  Ulster  Guard,"  still  acting  as  a  demi- brigade, 
and  when  the  fighting  ceased,  they  found  themselves  in 
the  front  line  and  immediately  on  the  left  of  the  Second 
corps.  At  ten  o'clock  comparative  quiet  reigned  along 
the  lines  of  the  two  armies,  and  the  weary  men  threw 
themselves  upon  the  ground  to  sleep.  I  took  this  op 
portunity  to  walk  with  some  of  my  officers  over  that 
portion  of  the  battle-field,  in  our  immediate  front,  across 
which  the  Third  corps  had  retreated.  The  enemy's  pur 
suit  was  pushed  close  up  to  our  lines,  and  the  dead  and 
wounded,  of  both  sides,  mingled  together  and  covered 
the  ground. 

Our  pickets  for  the  night — the  men  who  watch  while 


460  GETTYSBURG   CAMPAIGN.  [1863. 

the  army  sleeps — had  been  posted  along  the  little  valley 
I  have  mentioned,  some  six  hundred  yards  in  advance 
of  our  line  of  battle,  and  embraced  a  portion  of  the  field 
where  the  combat  raged  fiercest  in  the  afternoon. 

The  night  was  very  dark,  but  the  low  moans  of  the 
wounded,  as  they  broke  upon  the  chilly  air,  guided  us 
in  our  search.  We  found  among  them,  men  from  al 
most  every  State — loyal  and  disloyal — the  fierce,  half 
barbaric  Texan,  side  by  side  with  the  cool,  unimpassion- 
ed  soldier  from  Maine — the  Georgian  and  New  Yorker 
—the  Mississippian  and  Pennsylvanian — who,  a  few 
short  hours  before  thirsted  for  each  others'  lives,  now, 
softened  by  the  anguish  of  wounds,  and  still  more,  by 
the  soothing  spirit  that  pervades  the  night  while  its 
myriad  stars  are  looking  down  upon  you — all  their 
fierce  passions  hushed  and  all  their  rancor  gone — these 
wounded  men  sought  to  comfort  and  to  cheer  one 
another. 

The  stretcher-bearers,  groping  about  for  the  wound 
ed,  moved  noiselessly  over  the  field,  carrying  their  hu 
man  burdens  to  the  ambulances  within  our  lines,  and 
these  conveyed  them  to  the  hospitals. 

One,  among  those  wounded  men— an  officer  of  the 
120th  N.  Y.  Vol.— I  had  known  long  and  well.  He  had 
grown  up,  surrounded  by  every  luxury  a  refined  and 
cultivated  mind  could  demand  and  affluence  could  sup 
ply.  His  generous  impulses — his  social  qualities — his 
ready  wit — his  bright  intelligence — had  made  him  an 
universal  favorite.  He  had  but  recently  exchanged  the 
cheverons  on  his  sleeve  for  the  Lieutenant's  strap,  and 
in  the  retreat  of  the  Third  corps,  was  one  among  the 
hundreds  left  upon  the  field,  wounded  beyond  recovery. 

I  can  never  forget  his  calm  demeanor  as  he  lay  upon 
the  damp  earth,  patiently  waiting  his  turn  to  be  cared 
for.  While  his  young  life  was  ebbing  away,  he  was  as 
composed  as  he  could  have  been  sitting  by  his  mother's 
fireside.  He  was  anxious  only  to  give  us  no  trouble, 


1863.]  PREPARATIONS  FOR  THE  MORROW.  461 

and  shut  up  his  anguish  in  his  own  breast.  No  external 
exhibition  of  suffering  could  have  touched  me  as  did  his 
unmurmuring  submission  to  the  fate  that  had  befallen 
him. 

While  I  could  imagine  what  he  suffered — from  his 
wound  less  than  from  the  consciousness  that  all  his  life- 
hopes  and  promises  were  thus  cruelly  blighted— I 
could  not  but  envy  the  calm  resignation  of  Lieutenant 
Cockburn. 

Another  severely  wounded  officer  of  the  120th  was 
Lieutenant-Colonel  Cornelius  D.  Westbrook,  of  Kings 
ton,  formerly  Captain  of  Engineers  of  the  "Ulster 
Guard." 

During  the  night,  some  changes  were  made  in  the 
positions  of  our  forces,  to  meet  the  emergencies  of  the 
morrow,  and  our  defences  were  strengthened  as  much 
as  possible.  A  strong  column  of  infantry  and  several 
batteries  quietly  moved  as  near  as  practicable  to  the 
point  on  our  right,  where  the  enemy  had  broken 
through,  and  every  preparation  made  to  drive  them  out. 


CHAPTER    XXXIV. 

THIRD  DAY  AT  GETTYSBURG — EXPULSION  OF  LAST  NIGHT'S  INTRUDERS — 
POSITION  OP  ULSTER  GUARD  AND  ONE  HUNDRED  AND  FIFTY-FIRST 
PENNSYLVANIA — STANNARD'S  BRIGADE — ARTILLERY  FIRE — CESSATION 
OF  HOSTILITIES — STANNARD's  MEN  BUILD  A  BREASTWORK — LEAVE 
OPENING  ON  RIGHT  OF  ULSTER  GUARD — A  TERRIFIC  BOMBARDMENT 
— THE  INFANTRY  COME  FORWARD — OPENING  OF  MUSKETRY  FIRE — THE 
ENEMY  FACE  TO  THE  LEFT — CORRESPONDING  MOVEMENTS  BY  ULSTEB 
GUARD  AND  ONE  HUNDRED  AND  FIFTY-FIRST — THE  FIGHT  FOR  THE 
BLUFF — ENEMY  REPULSED— HEAVY  LOSS  IN  KILLED,  WOUNDED  AND 
PRISONERS — COLONEL  HODGES — FOURTEENTH  VIRGINIA — LOSSES — LET 
TER  TO  GENERAL  DOUBLEDAY — MR.  BACHELDER's  MAP  INCORRECT — 
GENERAL  DOUBLEDAY'S  REPLY — LETTER  FROM  GENERAL  HARDENBURG 
— OPERATIONS  OF  FIRST  DAY — SECOND  AND  THIRD  DAYS — THE  EAGLE 
FROM  THE  ULSTER  GUARD  COLOR  STAFF — A  RIDICULOUS  PRETENCE — 
A  PROMISE  TO  INVESTIGATE  THAT  WAS  NOT  KEPT — GENERAL  DOUBLE- 
DAY'S  ORDER. 

To  allow  the  enemy  to  retain  his  hold  upon  a  section 
of  the  line  which  he  had  carried  the  night  before  was  to 
give  him  an  entering  wedge  with  which  he  might  possi 
bly  disrupt  the  entire  right  wing.  The  first  thing 
to  be  done  then  was  to  expel  him  at  any  cost,  and  that 
too  before  he  could  take  advantage  of  his  position.  At 
early  dawn  our  artillery  opened  a  terrific  cannonade 
upon  Johnson's  men,  which  was  kept  up  until  half- past 
five,  when  the  divisions  of  Williams  and  Geary,  and  the 
brigade  of  Shaler,  advanced  to  the  attack.  The  enemy 
had  been  greatly  strengthened  at  this  point  during  the 
night  and  when  our  guns  opened  at  four  o'  clock  in  the 
morning,  were  themselves  preparing  to  press  on  through 
our  line  and  dash  in  between  the  wings  of  the  army. 
The  intruders  made  a  desperate  resistance,  and  for  four 
hours  the  infantry  struggle  was  fierce  and  deadly.  At 
the  end  of  that  time  Geary's  division  rushed  upon  the 

462 


1863]  ULSTER   GUARD   AND    151ST   PENN.  463 

enemy  with  the  bayonet  and  drove  them  out  of  the 
works,  and  the  Union  line  was  re-established. 

The  following  narrative  of  the  operations  of  the 
151st  Pennsylvania  and  the  "Ulster  Guard,"  is  taken 
from  the  official  report  of  their  commanding  officer : 

"  About  5  P.M.,  on  the  second  of  July,  the  brigade  was 
ordered  to  the  left  centre  to  support  the  Third  corps. 
Two  regiments  only  of  the  brigade,  (the  20th  N.  Y.  S. 
M.,  and  the  151st  Pa.  Vol.,  the  latter  under  command 
of  Captain  Owens),  reached  the  front  line,  where  they 
were  halted  on  the  last  and  lowest  of  the  ridges  running 
nearly  north  and  south  between  the  Taneytown  and 
Emmettsburg  roads.  Some  350  yards  on  our  right  was 
a  bluff,  on  which  were  standing  a  few  trees  and  a  bat 
tery.  The  trees  on  the  westerly  face  of  the  bluff  had 
been  felled  to  clear  a  range  for  the  guns.  A  rail  fence 
stood  at  the  foot  of  the  bluff  and  extended  along  the 
ridge  southerly.  A  little  in  advance  and  to  our  left,  was 
a  small  grove.  The  ground  in  front  descended  gradu 
ally  to  a  little  valley,  wet  and  marshy,  and  then  by  a 
corresponding  ascent  reached  the  Emmettsburg  road 
and  the  position  occupied  by  the  enemy.  Some  300 
yards  in  rear  of  me  was  a  ridge  running  parallel  to  the 
one  I  was  on,  but  much  higher.  On  my  right  was  one 
regiment  of  Stannard's  brigade  ;  on  my  left  two  others, 
and  one  in  rear  and  partly  to  my  left.  Receiving  no  or 
ders,  and  finding  myself  the  senior  officer  of  the  brigade 
present,  I  assumed  command  of  the  two  regiments,  and 
in  the  course  of  the  evening,  constructed  a  breast-work 
of  the  fence  heretofore  mentioned,  and  of  such  other 
material  as  could  be  found. 

"  About  5  A.M.,  on  the  third,  the  enemy  opened  with 
artillery,  and  for  some  time  kept  up  a  brisk  fire  upon  our 
position.  This  finally  ceased,  and  until  about  1  P.M., 
no  further  firing  took  place  on  this  part  of  the  line.  Du 
ring  this  interval  the  Yermont  troops  threw  up  a  breast 
work  to  my  left,  and  about  one  hundred  feet  in  advance 


464  GETTYSBURG   CAMPAIGN.  [1863. 

of  my  line,  masked  by  the  small  grove  before  mentioned. 
The  regiment  of  that  brigade  on  my  right,  took  position 
in  rear  of  this  new  work,  leaving  the  space  between  my 
right  and  the  bluff,  on  which  the  nearest  battery  was,  un 
covered.  At  one  o' clock  the  enemy  opened  from  his  right 
centre  battery,  which  was  soon  followed  by  all  his  guns 
on  his  right  and  centre,  and  the  position  occupied  by 
my  command  was  swept  by  a  tempest  of  shot  and 
shell  from  upwards  of  a  hundred  guns  for  nearly 
two  hours.  Then  the  cannonading  subsided  and 
the  enemy's  infantry  debouched  from  the  orchard 
and  woods  on  his  right  centre,  and  moved  in  two 
lines  of  battle  across  the  fields  towards  the  position 
I  have  described.  Our  skirmishers  (from  the  Vermont 
brigade)  fell  back  before  them,  and  sought  cover  behind 
the  breastworks  on  my  left.  The  enemy  came  forward 
rapidly,  and  began  firing  as  soon  as  they  were  within 
range  of  our  men.  When  they  had  approached  within 
about  two  hundred  feet  of  the  bottom  of  the  valley 
heretofore  mentioned,  the  troops  of  my  command 
opened  a  warm  fire  upon  them.  Almost  immediately, 
the  first  line  faced  by  the  left  flank,  and  moved  at  a 
double-quick  up  the  valley  and  towards  Gettysburg. 
The  second  line  followed  the  movement.  Reaching  a 
position  opposite  the  bluff,  they  faced  to  the  right,  and 
moved  forward  rapidly  in  line  of  battle.  Perceiving 
that  their  purpose  was  to  gain  the  bluff,  1  moved  my 
command  by  the  right  flank  up  to  the  foot  of  the  bluff, 
delivering  our  fire  as  we  marched,  and  keeping  between 
the  enemy  and  the  object  of  his  enterprise.  He  suc 
ceeded  in  reaching  the  fence  at  the  foot  of  the  bluff, 
but  with  ranks  broken,  and  his  men  evidently  disheart 
ened.  Some  succeeded  in  getting  over  the  fence  into 
the  slashing,  from  which  and  behind  the  fence  they 
kept  up  a  murderous  fire.  The  men  were  now  within 
quarter  pistol  range  ;  and  as  the  fence  and  fallen  trees 
gave  the  enemy  considerable  cover,  I  ordered  the  20th, 


1863.]  FIGHT   FOR  THE  BLUFF — HEAVY  LOSS.  465 

N.  Y.  S.  M.,  and  the  151st  Pa.  Vol.,  to  advance  to  the 
fence,  which  they  did,  cheering  and  in  gallant  style,  and 
poured  a  volley  into  the  enemy  at  very  short  range,  who 
now  completely  broke,  and  those  who  did  not  seek  to 
escape  by  flight  threw  down  their  arms.  Very  few  of 
those  who  fled  reached  their  own  lines.  Many  turned, 
after  having  run  several  rods,  and  surrendered  them 
selves.  We  took  a  large  number  of  prisoners,  and  the 
ground  in  front  of  us  was  strewn  with  their  dead  and 
wounded.  During  the  latter  part  of  this  struggle,  and 
after  it  ceased,  the  enemy's  batteries  played  upon  friend 
and  foe  alike.  The  troops  engaged  with  us  were  Pick- 
ett's  division  of  Longstreet's  corps. 

"  Among  the  killed  and  wounded  in  my  immediate 
front  was  Colonel  Hodges,  14th  Va.,  and  seven  line 
officers.  Two  colors  were  left  upon  the  ground  on  our 
front  by  the  enemy. 

"  This  terminated  the  final  and  main  attack  upon  our 
left  centre.  It  was  now  nearly  six  o'clock,  p.  M.,  and 
my  command  was  relieved  by  a  portion  of  the  Second 
corps,  and  withdrawn  to  the  Taneytown  road,  where  it 
remained  through  the  night.  It  will  thus  be  perceived 
that  the  two  regiments  I  had  the  honor  to  command 
were  either  actually  engaged  with  the  enemy,  or  occu 
pying  a  position  in  the  front  line  from  the  beginning  of 
the  battle  on  the  morning  of  July  first,  until  its  close 
on  the  evening  of  the  third,  excepting  only  about  six 
hours  on  the  second. 

"  My  loss  in  killed  and  wounded  was  two-thirds  of 
my  officers  and  half  of  my  men.  I  have  no  report  of 
the  casualties  in  the  151st  Pa.  Vol.  They  behaved  with 
the  utmost  gallantry  ;  and  their  loss  was  very  heavy." 
The  following  letter  was  addressed  to  General  Double- 
day  with  reference  to  Mr.  Bachelder's  Map  of  the 
Battle  of  Gettysburg. 

30 


GETTYSBURG   CAMPAIGN.  [1863. 

HEADQUARTERS  20th  K  Y.  S.  M. 
Brandy  Station,  Ya.,  Feb.  4,  1864. 

Major-General  ABNER  DOUBLEDAY, 
U.  S.  Volunteers. 

DEAR  GENERAL — Mr.  Bachelder  called  on  me  a  few 
evenings  since,  and  exhibited  the  draft  of  his  proposed 
map  of  the  Battle  of  Gettysburg.  I  was  sorry  to  find  it 
wholly  inaccurate  in  the  position  it  assigns  to  my  com 
mand  on  the  3d  of  July.  He  represents  my  regiment 
and  the  151st  Pa.  Yols.,  (then  under  my  command)  as 
lying  in  rear  of  General  Stannard's  Brigade.  The  truth 
is  the  exact  reverse  of  this.  A  portion  of  General  Stan- 
nard'  s  brigade  was  lying  behind  me,  and  at  no  time  was 
there  so  much  as  a  file  of  his  command  in  front  of  me, 
saving  only  his  skirmishers.  One  regiment  of  his  bri 
gade  constructed  a  breast-work  in  the  forenoon,  to  my 
left,  and  perhaps  one  hundred  feet  in  advance  of  me, 
and  in  rear  of  the  little  grove,  but  in  no  wise  covering 
my  line. 

Then  again  he  has  the  space  between  my  right  and 
the  bluff  where  the  severest  fighting  along  that  part  of 
the  line  took  place,  filled  up  with  other  troops.  When 
the  enemy  made  his  attack  there  was  not  a  man  between 
my  right  fiank  and  the  bluff — a  distance  of  three  hun 
dred  yards. 

I  therefore  moved  my  command  over  this  interval  to 
the  bluff  when  it  became  apparent  that  that  was  the 
point  of  assault,  and  did  so  because  there  were  no  other 
troops  there  to  defend  it. 

Whether  Mr.  Bachelder  will  make  the  proper  correc 
tions  I  do  not  know,  but  I  desire  to  put  you  in  posses 
sion  of  the  facts,  and  with  that  view  send  you  herewith 
a  report  covering  every  movement  of  my  command,  not 
only  on  the  third,  but  during  the  three  days  fighting, 
and  it  is  accurate  in  every  particular. 


1863.]  LETTER   TO   GENERAL   DOUBLEDAY.  467 

It  was  my  misfortune  to  be  associated  during  the 
three  days  with  strange  troops,  from  whom  I  almost  im 
mediately  separated,  and  whose  interest  and  preference 
do  not  require  them  to  bestow  much  notice  upon  my 
command. 

During  the  fighting  on  the  first  day  the  General  com 
manding  the  division  was  hardly  competent  to  judge 
correctly  the.  condition  of  things,  or  to  know  what  trans 
pired  on  the  field,  (Note  by  General  Doubleday  ;  "This 
refers  to  General  Rowley" )  and  from  the  time  I  took 
position  with  my  regiment  and  the  151st  Pa.  Vol.,  in 
the  front  line  in  the  afternoon  of  the  3d,  until  after  the 
battle  on  the  3d,  I  was  the  senior  officer  of  the  brigade 
in  that  part  of  the  field. 

I  presume  it  was  intended  that  the  left  of  the  2d 
corps  should  fill  the  interval  between  my  right  and  the 
bluff.  But  they  did  not  do  it.  They  were  on  the  ridge 
in  rear,  and  two  or  more  regiments  were  massed  behind 
the  battery  on  the  bluff  while  the  fighting  was  taking 
place  at  the  foot  of  the  bluff  in  front.  My  Lieutenant- 
Colonel  went  to  the  regiment  near  the  battery  and  en 
deavored  to  get  them  moved  down  to  my  support,  but 
did  not  succeed.  After  the  fighting  was  entirely  over 
they  came  down  and  relieved  me. 

The  trenches  in  which  hundreds  of  the  enemy's  dead 
are  now  lying,  on  the  ground  where  we  fought,  bear  wit 
ness  to  the  desperate  character  of  the  contest,  not  to 
speak  of  still  larger  numbers  wounded  and  captured, 
and  larger  still  who  surrendered  unharmed.  I  am 
sorry  to  be  driven  to  the  belief  that  the  troops  who  re 
lieved  me  subsequently  assumed  to  have  done  the 
fighting  at  that  particular  point.  Hoping  this  may  not 
be  deemed  intrusive  or  prove  annoying, 

I  have  the  honor  to  be,  General, 
Your  obedient  servant, 

THEODORE  B.  GATES, 

Colonel  Commanding, 


468  GETTYSBURG    CAMPAIGN.  [1863. 

To  this  I  received  the  following  reply  from  General 
Doubleday : 

To  COLONEL  T.  B.  GATES, 

Commanding  20th  N,  Y.  S.  M., 

3d  Division  1st  Army  Corps, 

Near  Culpepper,  Virginia. 

WILLARD'S  HOTEL, 

WASHINGTON,  D.  C., 

February  10th,  1864. 
DEAR  COLONEL  : 

I  saw  Mr.  Bachelder,  with  reference  to  your  state 
ment.  He  has  removed  on  his  picture  all  troops  from 
your  front,  but  declines  to  leave  the  space  vacant  indi 
cated  by  you  on  your  right,  as  he  considers  the  weight 
of  evidence  against  your  claim,  and  says  he  does  not 
feel  at  liberty  to  disregard  it. 

Yours  very  truly, 

A.  DOUBLEDAY, 

Major -Gen' I  Vol. 

The  following  letter  from  General  Hardenburgh  was 
written  in  answer  to  a  request  for  a  statement  of  his 
recollection  of  the  positions  and  operations  of  the 
Guard  during  the  three  days  at  Gettysburg  : 

CANAAN,  CONN., 

Oct.  9,  1878. 
GENERAL  T.  B.  GATES  : 

Dear  General : — 1  will  now  endeavor  to  answer  the 
letter  you  refer  to  in  yours  of  the  23d  ult.,  although  I 
confess  my  recollection  as  to  details  is  not  very  clear. 
My  recollection  is,  that  on  the  first  day  at  Gettysburg 
we  held  the  extreme  left,  and  Bachelder' s  map,  which 
places  a  Pennsylvania  regiment  on  our  left,  is  clearly 
wrong.  You  will  recollect  one  of  our  companies  (Cun- 


1863.]  LETTER  FROM   GENERAL  HARDENBURGH.  469 

ningham's)  was  stationed  at  a  house,  way  in  advance  of 
the  left,  which  was  afterwards  burned  by  the  enemy. 

In  regard  to  giving  way,  my  recollection  is  this  :  we 
were  on  the  extreme  left ;  the  enemy's  right  lapped  our 
left  considerably,  and  when  you  saw  them  coming 
around  our  left  into  our  rear,  you  gave  the  order  to  re 
tire  ;  we  then  fell  back  to  Seminary  ridge,  decently  and 
in  order,  but  not  until  we  were  ordered  to  do  so.  I  re 
collect  distinctly,  that  when  we  got  back  to  the  Semin 
ary,  it  struck  me  that  the  whole  thing  would  turn  into 
a  perfect  rout,  and  that  we  ought  to  try  and  make  a 
stand  and  check  the  enemy's  advance  ;  I  went  to  you 
and  spoke  to  you  about  it,  and  we  both  then  went  to 
see  Colonel  Biddle,  who  was  in  command  of  the  brigade. 
While  you  were  speaking  to  him  he  was  hit  in  the 
head  by  a  bullet,  and  he  turned  away  and  left.  You 
then  turned  back,  gave  the  order  yourself  to  the  men  to 
halt,  which  they  immediately  did,  and  we  made  a  stand 
then  for,  I  should  say.  from  15  minutes  to  half  an  hour, 
and  checked  for  a  time,  at  least,  the  advance  of  the 
Rebs.  I  have  always  thought  we  have  never  got  suffi 
cient  credit  for  that  stand.  It  is  alluded  to,  I  believe, 
by  Swinton,  in  his  history,  but  nowhere  else.  Now, 
you  know,  the  enemy  never  advanced  his  lines  much 
beyond  Seminary  Hill,  and  you  know  that  if  he  had 
pressed  on  to  Cemetery  Hill,  the  whole  thing  would 
have  ended  in  a  complete  rout,  and  there  would  have 
been  a  skedaddle  back  to  Washington.  Why  didn't 
they  press  on  ?  My  idea  is,  and  always  has  been,  that 
it  was  because  of  the  determined  stand  we  made  back 
of  the  Seminary. 

When  we  fell  back  from  the  Seminary,  you  will 
recollect  we  could  not  go  directly  back  to  Gettysburg, 
because  the  enemy  had  again  got  around  our  Jeft  flank, 
but  we  had  to  make  a  detour  around  to  the  railroad 
track  and  then  up  through  Gettysburg  to  Cemetery 
Hill.  My  recollection  is,  and  it  is  quite  distinct  on  that 


470  GETTYSBURG    CAMPAIGN.  [1863. 

point,  that  when  we  fell  back  from  the  Seminary,  the 
rear  of  the  llth  Corps  had  passed  by,  and  there  was 
nothing  behind  us  in  that  direction.  When  we  reached 
Cemetery  Hill,  Howard  and  his  corps  were  all  there. 
This  must  have  been,  I  should  think,  in  the  neighbor 
hood  of  5  o'clock.  That  evening  we  were  in  line  on 
Cemetery  Hill.  The  next  day  we  moved  down  back  of 
the  Hill,  and  remained  there  until  the  afternoon.  In 
the  afternoon  sometime  we  rode  up  on  the  ridge,  where 
we  saw  Colonel  Sherrill,  and  while  there,  the  attack  on 
the  Third  Corps  was  made.  Seeing  this,  we  hastened 
back  to  the  regiment,  and  directly  an  order  came  to 
move  up  to  the  front.  We  took  position  in  the  front 
line,  and  never  changed  it  until  the  attack  by  the 
enemy  on  the  third  day.  I  recollect  that  night  Major 
Van  Rensselear  and  I  slept  in  front  of  our  line  with  a 
stone  for  a  pillow,  and  in  the  course  of  the  evening  our 
men  brought  in  some  of  the  wounded  of  the  120th, 
among  them  James  Cockburn.  I  see  Bachelder,  on  his 
map,  places  us  in  a  position  diagonally  to  the  line,  at 
an  angle  of  about  45°.  We  never  occupied  any  such 
position  ;  it  is  simply  ridiculous.  We  remained  in  pre 
cisely  the  position  we  took  up  in  the  afternoon  of  the 
3d,  with,  1  think,  a  Pennsylvania  regiment  on  our  left. 
Some  time  before  the  attack  on  the  3d,  a  brigade  of 
troops  moved  up  to  our  rear,  and  remained  there  during 
the  cannonading.  I  understood  they  were  nine  months 
men  and  were  Vermont  troops — Stannard's  brigade.  I 
recollect  them  lying  in  our  rear  during  the  cannonad 
ing,  more  especially  from  two  circumstances  ;  1st,  one 
man  was  killed  directly  behind  me,  it  was  supposed  by 
a  cannon  ball.  He  was  thrown  over  and  never  moved  a 
muscle— was  stone  dead.  2d,  I  remarked  the  difference 
between  them  (new  men)  and  ours  (old  soldiers)  ;  ours 
during  the  cannonading  were  smoking  and  joking,  while 
the  others  lay  there  hugging  the  ground,  and  big  drops 
of  perspiration  stood  out  on  their  foreheads  and  faces. 


1863.]  LETTER   FROM   GENERAL   HARDENBURGH.  471 

I  recollect  that  about  noon  of  the  third,  you  requested 
me  to  go  and  find  General  Doubleday,  and  see  if  he 
could  not  make  some  arrangements  about  getting 
rations — our  men  had  nothing  to  eat.  I  found  him 
over  the  ridge  directly  in  our  rear,  under  a  tree  with  his 
staff.  After  telling  him  what  I  came  for,  he  told  me  to 
say  to  you  that  he  could  not  do  anything  about  rations 
then,  that  he  had  just  received  an  order  from  General 
Meade  for  a  general  attack  upon  the  enemy  at  2  o'clock 
that  afternoon — that  he  knew  it  was  hard,  but  the  sal 
vation  of  the  country  depended  upon  the  issue,  and 
he  wished  you  to  hold  your  command  in  readiness  to 
move  promptly  at  any  moment.  I  went  back  and  just 
as  I  got  on  the  brow  of  the  hill  or  ridge,  a  gun 
was  fired  from  the  rebel  lines  directly  in  front  of  me, 
and  instantly  the  batteries  on  both  sides  opened  and  con 
tinued  to  "volley  and  thunder"  for  about  two  hours. 
During  this  firing,  as  I  have  stated,  we  were  lying  in 
the  same  position  we  first  occupied  the  evening  before 
—behind,  if  I  remember,  the  remains  of  an  old  rail  fence. 
I  recollect  distinctly  that  when  we  saw  the  rebs  form 
and  advance,  our  men  rose  up  and  formed  in  line,  and 
Jersey  and  Binkey,  who  then  belonged  to  the  color 
guard,  mounted  some  stones  and  waved  the  colors  to 
wards  the  enemy,  and  shouted  to  them  to  come  on.  Some 
of  the  men,  in  the  excitement  of  the  moment,  com 
menced  firing,  but  my  impression  is  you  ordered  them 
to  reserve  their  fire  until  the  enemy  came  closer. 
While  they  were  waiting  for  them  to  approach,  they 
suddenly  and  rapidly  obliqued  to  the  left  and  made  a 
rush  for  a  hill  covered  with  some  brush  and  trees  on 
our  right.  As  soon  as  you  saw  this  movement  you 
formed  the  regiment  by  the  right  flank,  and  with  it  fol 
lowed  the  movement  of  the  enemy  until  you  reached 
this  hill  or  mound,  when  you  took  a  position  on  the 
brow  of  the  hill,  a  little  obliquely  to  the  general  line, 
some  distance  in  advance  of  the  other  troops,  and  re- 


472  GETTYSBURG   CAMPAIGN.  [1863. 

mained  in  that  position  while  the  attack  lasted.  After 
the  attack  was  over,  an  officer  came  with  some  troops, 
and  said  he  had  been  ordered  to  occupy  that  position. 
After  some  parleying  between  you,  and  some  hesitation 
on  your  part,  you  finally  retired  "  with  what  was  left  of 
them — left  of  the  six  hundred."  When  you  commenced 
to  move  to  the  right  there  were  no  troops  on  our  right 
between  us  and  the  mound.  What  had  become  of 
them  I  don't  know,  but  suppose  they  had  collected  on 
this  mound  and  around  this  grove.  There  was  a  great 
mass  of  them  there  in  perfect  confusion.  As  the  rebs 
advanced  they  kept  swaying  back,  and  I  tried  to  get 
them  to  move  up  and  hold  their  ground,  but  it  was  no 
use.  It  struck  me  as  being,  to  say  the  least,  very  ridic 
ulous.  The  20th  stood,  firing  on  the  brow  of  the  hill 
away  in  their  advance,  and  they  were  huddling  around 
this  point  like  a  flock  of  sheep. 

I  recollect  that  we  took  a  number  of  prisoners,  and 
also  about  the  Eagle.  My  recollection  about  this  is, 
that  some  of  our  men  saw  a  party  taking  the  Eagle  to 
headquarters,  and  recognized  it  as  the  Eagle  off  our 
color-lance,  which  was  missing.  They  informed  you 
of  it,  and  you  went  to  headquarters  to  see  about  it. 

Very  truly  yours, 

J.  B.  HARDENBURGH. 

The  circumstance  of  the  Eagle,  to  which  General 
Hardenburgh  refers,  was  this.  During  the  engagement 
in  the  afternoon  of  the  3d,  the  gilt  eagle  had  been  shot 
off  the  top  of  the  color-staff  of  the  "  Ulster  Guard," 
but  it  had  not  been  missed  until  the  regiment  moved 
back  from  the  line,  after  the  battle.  Then  some  men 
were  sent  to  recover  it,  but  were  unable  to  find  it.  The 
next  morning  it  was  reported  to  me  that  a  body  of  the 
troops  who  had  relieved  us  the  night  before  had  re 
cently  marched  by  our  bivouac  in  direction  of  General 


1863.]  EAGLE  FROM  COLOR-STAFF.  473 

Meade's  headquarters  with  a  rebel  color  and  our 
Eagle.  I  proceeded  at  once  to  headquarters  to  reclaim 
the  Eagle.  I  found  that  a  conference  was  being  held  be 
tween  General  Meade  and  his  corps  commanders,  and  I 
could  not  obtain  an  interview.  Col.  Sanderson  informed 
me  that  a  party  of  officers  and  men  from  the  Second  corps 
had  recently  paraded  before  headquarters  and  turned 
in  as  some  of  the  trophies  of  their  valor  and  victory 
over  the  enemy  a  rebel  color  and  our  Eagle.  As  the 
enemy  did  not  carry  Eagles  it  was  self-evident  that 
their  claim  was  fraudulent  as  to  that,  and  it  probably 
was  as  to  the  flag,  in  so  far  as  their  capture  was  con 
cerned.  They  probably  picked  it  up  from  the  ground 
in  front  of  where  we  had  fought,  as  they  did  the  Eagle, 
and  upon  the  strength  of  these  proofs,  to  support  the 
claim  of  their  presence  there  and  their  desperate  and 
successful  bravery.  Mr.  Bachelder  gives  them  the 
place  in  his  map,  and  historians  give  the  Second  corps 
the  credit  for  repulsing  Pickett's  men  at  this  particular 
point.  Colonel  Saunderson,  who  was  the  only  staff 
officer  of  General  Meade  who  was  disengaged  on  the 
occasion  of  my  visit  to  headquarters,  promised  me  the 
matter  should  be  investigated  as  soon  as  time  could  be 
found  for  it ;  but  time  was  never  found. 

The  mound  of  which  General  Hardenburgh  speaks 
was  covered  with  Union  guns,  and  was  the  highest 
point  on  our  left  between  Cemetery  Hill  and  Little 
Round  Top,  and  its  possession  by  the  enemy  would 
have  greatly  endangered  our  lines.  With  the  fullest 
measure  of  praise  to  the  gallant  Vermonters,  under  the 
brave  Stannard,  who  fought  on  our  left,  and  to  the  men 
of  the  Second  corps  who  really  stood  up  to  their  work 
on  the  line  and  fought  on  our  right,  we  claim  for  the 
151st  Pennsylvania  and  the  20th  New  York  Militia  only 
this,  that  at  the  point  in  our  front  line  which  I  have 
described  they  met  the  onset  of  Pickett's  attack— that 
they  broke  his  line  and  killed  and  wounded  a  large 


474  GETTYSBURG   CAMPAIGN.  [1863. 

number  of  his  troops  and  that  hundreds  surrendered 
to  them.  That  after  the  fighting  was  over,  other  troops 
relieved  these  two  regiments— probably  the  same  of 
which  General  Hardenburgh  speaks,  and  who  then  set 
up  a  claim  for  having  held  the  position  during  the 
battle.  Whether  they  are  the  same  troops  whom  Mr. 
Bachelder  gives  the  place  to  on  his  map,  I  do  not  know, 
but  I  would  be  glad  to  see  the  official  list  of  killed  and 
wounded  of  this  particular  command  at  that  particu 
lar  time  and  place. 

On  the  fourth  of  July  General  Doubleday  issued 
the  fo] lowing  Order  : 

HEADQUARTERS  THIRD  DIVISION,  FIRST  CORPS,  ) 

July  4,  1863.      f 
GENERAL  ORDERS. 

The  Major-General  commanding  the  division  desires 
to  return  his  thanks  to  the  Vermont  Brigade,  the  One 
Hundred  and  Fifty-first  Pennsylvania  Volunteers,  and 
the  Twentieth  New  York  State  Militia,  for  their  gallant 
conduct  in  resisting  in  the  front  line  the  main  attack  of 
the  enemy  upon  this  position,  after  sustaining  a  terrific 
fire  from  seventy-five  to  a  hundred  pieces  of  artillery. 
He  congratulates  them  upon  contributing  so  essentially 
to  the  glorious,  and  it  is  to  be  hoped,  final  victory 
yesterday. 

By  command  of 

MAJOR-GENERAL  DOUBLEDAY. 

(Signed)         EDWARD  C.  BAIRD, 

Captain  and  A.  A.  G. 


CHAPTER    XXXV. 

THE  RETREAT  FROM  GETTYSBURG — UNION  LOSSES — CONFEDERATE  LOSSES 
— ARMIES  IN  VIRGINIA — MANOEUVRES — WINTER  QUARTERS — MORALE 
OF  UNION  ARMY — LIEUTENANT-GENERAL  GRANT — A  NEW  SYSTEM  TO 
BE  INAUGURATED — GRANT  MAKES  HIS  HEADQUARTERS  WITH  ARMY  OF 

POTOMAC — DELICATE    TREATMENT    OF    GENERAL   MEADE — GENERAL 
MEADE'S  ORDER — ARMY  CUTS  LOOSE  FROM  ITS  BASE — FROM  THE  RAPI- 

DAN     TO      THE     JAMES — FIGHT      IN     THE      WILDERNESS — WADSWORTH 

KILLED — SPOTTSYLVANIA   COURT   HOUSE — SHERIDAN'S   OPERATIONS — 
BUTLER'S    ABORTION — CORKED    UP    AT    BERMUDA    HUNDRED — COLD 

HARBOR — REACH  THE  JAMES — LOSSES  ON  THE  WAY. 

IF,  as  General  Lee  says  in  his  official  report,  "It  be 
came  a  matter  of  difficulty  to  withdraw  through  the 
mountains  with  our  large  trains,"  because  he  found  the 
Army  of  the  Potomac  within  a  day  or  two  days'  march 
of  him,  it  would  seem  that  the  difficulty  ought  to  have 
been  greatly  increased  after  the  concentration  of  the 
Army  of  the  Potomac  in  his  immediate  front,  and  after 
his  own  army  had  been  weakened  and  demoralized  by  a 
terrible  defeat.  But  the  tardy  tactics  of  which  we  have 
before  spoken  as  distinguishing  both  sides,  character 
ized  General  Meade's  operations  after  the  battle  ;  and 
the  Confederate  Army,  moving  off  under  cover  of  the 
night  of  the  fourth  of  July,  reached  the  west  side  of  the 
Potomac  with  little  difficulty. 

The  losses  during  the  three  days'  fighting  were  very 
great  on  both  sides.  General  Meade  reports  his  to  have 
been  2,834  killed,  13,709  wounded,  and  6,643  missing- 
making  a  grand  total  of  23, 186.  The  loss  among  officers 
of  high  rank  was  unusually  large.  On  the  Union  side, 
Major-General  Reynolds  and  Brigadier-Generals  Vin 
cent,  Weed  and  Zook  were  killed.  Major-Generals 
Sickles  (losing  a  leg),  Hancock,  Doubleday,  Gibbon, 
Barlow,  Warren,  and  Butterfield,  and  Brigadier-Gener- 

475 


476  GETTYSBURG   CAMPAIGN.  [1863. 

als  Graham,  Paul  (losing  both  eyes),  Stone,  Barnes  and 
Brooke  were  wounded.  Field  and  line  officers  almost 
without  number  were  killed  and  wounded.  In  the 
"Ulster  Gfuard "  two  field  and  one  staff  officer  were 
wounded,  two  captains  and  one  lieutenant  killed,  five 
captains  and  eight  lieutenants  wounded.  [See  List  of 
Killed  and  Wounded  in  Chronological  Record,  end  of 
Volume.] 

As  usual,  in  the  Confederate  Army,  General  Lee 
says:  "It  is  not  in  my  power  to  give  a  correct  state 
ment  of  our  casualties,  which  were  severe,  including 
many  brave  men,  and  an  unusual  proportion  of  distin 
guished  and  valuable  officers."  Mr.  Samuel  Weaver, 
who  superintended  the  removal  of  the  Union  dead  to 
the  National  Cemetery,  says  :  "In  searching  for  the 
remains  of  our  fallen  heroes,  we  examined  more  than 
3,000  rebel  graves.  *  *  *  I  have  been  making  a  care 
ful  estimate,  from  time  to  time,  as  I  went  over  the  field, 
of  rebel  bodies  on  the  battle-field  and  at  the  hospitals, 
and  I  place  the  number  at  not  less  than  7,000  bodies." 

Mr.  A.  H.  Guernsey,  author  of  "  Harper's  Pictorial 
History  of  the  War,"  investigated  the  subject  of  the 
Rebel  loss  at  Gettysburg,  and  puts  it  at  36,000  men. 
This  includes  the  prisoners,  whose  numbers  General 
Meade  reported  at  13,621.  Mr.  Guernsey  says:  "The 
entire  loss  to  this  army  during  the  six  weeks  from  the 
middle  of  June,  when  it  set  forth  from  Culpepper  to 
invade  the  North,  co  the  close  of  July,  when  it  returned 
to  the  starting  point,  was  about  60,000."  The  Federals 
captured  three  cannon,  forty-one  battle  flags,  and  25,000 
small  arms.  Among  the  Confederates  of  high  rank, 
there  were  wounded  Major-Generals  Hood,  Trimble, 
Heth  and  Pender,  the  latter  mortally ;  Brigadier-Gen 
erals  Barksdale  and  Garnett  were  killed  ;  Semmes  mor 
tally  wounded,  and  Kemper,  Armistead,  Scales,  Ander 
son,  Hampton,  Jones  and  Jenkins  wounded  ;  Archer 


1863-4.]  WINTER  QUARTERS— GENERAL  GRANT.  477 

was  captured  on  the  first  day,  and  Pettigrew  was  mor 
tally  wounded  during  Lee's  retreat. 

The  march  of  the  two  armies  in  parallel  columns,  on 
opposite  sides  of  the  Blue  Ridge,  after  the  battle  of 
Antietam,  was  now  repeated  ;  and,  after  an  attempt,  on 
Meade's  part,  to  force  Lee  to  battle  near  Front  Royal, 
and  its  failure,  he  moved  leisurely  to  the  Rappahan- 
nock,  while  his  adversary  established  himself  on  the 
Rapidan.  A  campaign  of  manoeuvres  followed  with 
out  material  results  ;  and,  late  in  November,  General 
Meade  moved  against  the  enemy  at  Mine  Run.  Finding 
him  too  strongly  posted  to  justify  an  attack,  he  with 
drew,  without  a  battle ;  and  the  two  armies  went  into 
winter  quarters,  with  the  Rapidan  between  them. 

The  winter  of  1863-4  was  very  unlike  its  predecessor, 
in  regard  to  the  spirit  and  strength  of  the  Army  of  the 
Potomac.  Now,  instead  of  having  Confederate  cavalry 
raiding  at  their  own  sweet  will  in  rear  of  the  Federal 
Army,  the  latter' s  cavalry  were  performing  this  service 
between  Lee  and  his  capital,  destroying  his  railroads 
and  canals,  and  even  riding  into  the  outer  line  of  fortifi 
cations  around  Richmond.  Meantime  recruits  poured 
into  the  Union  camps,  and  officers  and  men  were  busy 
in  matters  of  picket,  drills,  inspection,  reviews  and  the 
divers  other  occupations  that  fill  the  hours  of  the 
soldier's  life  when  in  winter  quarters.  Over  all,  and  in 
fusing  an  air  of  animation  and  cheerfulness  into  the 
bronzed  faces  of  our  men,  was  a  feeling  of  confidence 
in  the  leader  of  the  army  and  in  its  success  in  the  com 
ing  campaign.  How  much  of  this  feeling  was  owing  to 
the  fact  that  Lieu  tenant-General  Grant  had  established 
his  headquarters  with  the  Army  of  the  Potomac,  I 
will  not  pretend  to  say,  but  the  remark  was  frequent 
after  this  event,  ' '  Boys,  the  next  campaign  means  busi 
ness  ;  Uncle  U.  S.  is  going  to  travel  with  the  Army  of 
the  Potomac." 

Major-General    Grant    was    nominated    Lieutenant- 


478  A    NEW  SYSTEM   TO   BE   INAUGURATED.  [1863, 

General  and  confirmed  by  the  Senate  on  the  second  day 
of  March,  1864,  and  eight  days  afterwards,  the  Presi 
dent  assigned  him  to  the  command  of  all  the  armies  of 
the  United  States.  This  gave  him  the  direction  of 
affairs  over  the  whole  broad  theatre  of  the  war,  and  for 
the  first  time  during  its  existence  we  were  likely  to  have 
a  general  and  co-operative  movement  of  all  our  vast 
armies,  and  thereby  put  an  end  to  that  facility  with 
which  the  rebels  had  heretofore  re-enforced  any  one  or 
more  of  their  armies,  as  occasion  required,  from  other 
of  their  armies.  General  Grant  proposed  to  give  all 
their  armies  simultaneous  and  continuous  employment 
along  the  whole  field  of  war.  Regarding,  however,  the 
contemplated  campaign  of  the  old  Army  of  the  Poto 
mac  as  the  chief  one  in  the  ensuing  season,  he  came  to 
Culpepper  early  in  the  spring,  and  established  his 
head-quarters  with  that  army,  and  sat  down  to  arrange 
the  movements  of  each  and  all  the  Federal  armies  for 
a  final  and  crushing  series  of  hard  blows  from  the  Rap- 
idan  in  Virginia  to  the  Red  River  in  Louisiana.  His 
plans  were  soon  matured  and  his  clear,  concise  orders 
issued  to  his  subordinates  commanding  armies  along 
this  vast  extent  of  country.  His  justice  and  modesty, 
his  reluctance  to  detract  from  the  merit  of  another,  are 
manifested  in  a  paragraph  of  his  official  report  of  the 
operations  of  the  armies  under  his  command.  He  saw 
that  the  fact  that  he  had  moved  with  the  Army  of  the 
Potomac  would  tend  to  confer  upon  himself  the  chief 
share  of  credit  for  the  successes  won  by  that  army,  and 
to  protect  General  Meade,  as  far  as  he  could,  from  any 
obscuration  of  his  just  fame,  he  says  this:  "I  may 
here  state  that  commanding  all  the  armies  as  I  did.  I 
tried,  as  far  as  possible,  to  leave  General  Meade  in  the 
independent  command  of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac. 
My  instructions  for  that  army  were  all  through  him, 
and  were  general  in  their  nature,  leaving  all  the  details 
and  the  execution  to  him.  The  campaigns  that  fol- 


1864.]  GENERAL   MEADE'S   ORDER.  479 

lowed  proved  him  to  be  the  right  man  in  the  right  place. 
His  commanding  always  in  the  presence  of  an  officer 
superior  to  him  in  rank,  has  drawn  from  him  much  of 
that  public  attention  that  his  zeal  and  ability  entitle 
him  to,  and  which  he  would  otherwise  have  received." 

On  the  fourth  of  May,  General  Meade  issued  the 
following  Order  to  the  army  :  "  Soldiers  !  Again  you 
are  called  upon  to  advance  on  the  enemies  of  your 
country  ;  the  time  and  the  occasion  are  deemed  oppor 
tune  by  your  Commanding  General  to  address  you  a 
few  words  of  confidence  and  caution. 

"  You  have  been  re- organized,  strengthened  and  fully 
equipped  in  every  respect  ;  you  form  a  part  of  the  seve 
ral  armies  of  your  country,  the  whole  under  the  direc 
tion  of  an  able  and  distinguished  General,  who  enjoys 
the  confidence  of  the  government,  the  people  and  the 
army.  Your  movement  being  in  co-operation  with 
others,  it  is  of  the  utmost  importance  that  no  effort 
should  be  left  unspared  to  make  it  successful. 

' '  Soldiers  !  The  eyes  of  the  whole  country  are  looking 
with  anxious  hope  to  the  blow  you  are  about  to  strike 
in  the  most  sacred  cause  that  ever  called  men  to  arms. 
"  Remember  your  homes,  your  wives  and  children, 
and  bear  in  mind  that  the  sooner  your  enemies  are  over 
come,  the  sooner  you  will  be  returned  to  enjoy  the 
benefits  and  blessings  of  peace.  Bear  with  patience 
the  hardships  and  sacrifices  you  will  be  called  upon  to 
endure.  Have  confidence  in  your  officers,  and  in  each 
other.  Keep  your  ranks  on  the  march  and  on  the  bat 
tle-field,  and  let  each  man  earnestly  implore  God's  bles 
sing,  and  endeavor  by  his  thoughts  and  actions  to  ren 
der  himself  worthy  of  the  favor  he  seeks.  With  clear 
consciences  and  strong  arms,  actuated  by  a  high  sense 
of  duty,  fighting  to  preserve  the  Government  and  the 
institutions  handed  down  to  us  by  our  forefathers — if 
true  to  ourselves,  victory,  under  God's  blessing,  must 
and  will  attend  our  efforts." 


480  FROM  THE   RAPIDAN   TO  THE  JAMES.  [1864. 

Before  this  Order  was  distributed  to  the  troops,  they 
had  set  out  on  their  last  and  finally  triumphant  cam 
paign.  As  the  sun  rose  on  the  morning  of  the  fourth 
of  May,  its  rays  fell  upon  thousands  of  Union  troops, 
marching  towards  the  fords  of  the  Rapidan,  which  they 
had  crossed  and  re- crossed  many  times  during  the  last 
three  years,  but  over  which  they  now  passed  for  the 
last  time.  The  army  had  cut  loose  from  its  base  of  sup 
plies,  and  moved  forward  with  the  enormous  train  of 
four  thousand  wagons.  On  the  5th  of  May,  General 
Warren,  now  commanding  the  Fifth  corps,  met  and  en 
gaged  the  enemy  outside  his  entrenchments,  near  Mine 
Run.  As  corps  after  corps  of  the  Union  army  came 
up,  they  were  put  into  the  fight  ;  and  all  day  long  the 
battle  raged  with  great  fury.  The  scene  of  this  en 
gagement  was  the  northerly  side  of  the  famous  "  Wil 
derness,"  through  which  Meade's  line  of  march  lay. 
Night  put  an  end  to  the  combat,  but  the  morning  of 
the  6th  brought  a  renewal ;  which  was  inaugurated  by 
the  Federals,  and  continued  until  nine  o'clock  at  night, 
with  unabated  fury.  That  noble-hearted  and  gallant 
soldier,  General  Wadsworth,  fell  in  this  day's  battle, 
while  encouraging  his  division  to  hold  their  ground 
against  a  furious  assault  of  the  enemy,  in  the  fore-front 
of  the  fight.  On  the  next  morning,  it  was  found  that 
the  enemy  had  withdrawn  to  his  entrenched  lines,  leav 
ing  a  strong  picket  force  where  his  line  of  battle  had 
been.  On  the  night  of  the  seventh  General  Grant  set 
his  army  again  in  motion,  by  the  left  flank,  to  thrust  it 
between  Lee's  right  and  Richmond.  On  the  ninth,  thf* 
armies  again  encountered  each  other  at  Spottsylvania 
Court  House;  and,  until  the  twenty-first,  battle  fol 
lowed  battle  with  fearful  slaughter  on  both  sides.  On 
the  night  of  the  twenty-first,  the  Federal  army  again 
moved  by  the  left,  to  the  North  Anna ;  but  the  ever- 
watchful  foe,  having  the  shorter  line,  was  found  in  posi 
tion  along  the  banks  of  the  stream,  ready  to  oppose  a 


1864.]  SHERIDAN'S  BRILLIANT  RAID.  481 

further  advance.  Here,  another  severe  battle  took 
place  between  General  Warren's  corps,  which  had 
crossed  the  river,  and  a  portion  of  the  Rebel  army,  in 
which  the  latter  were  repulsed  with  great  loss. 

While  these  events  were  transpiring,  General  Phil. 
Sheridan,  whom  General  Grant  had  put  in  command  of 
the  cavalry,  had  swept  around  the  flank  of  the  Confed 
erate  army  with  a  magnificent  body  of  troopers,  and 
totally  destroyed  the  enemy's  depots  at  Beaver  Dam 
and  Ashland — captured  and  destroyed  four  trains  of 
cars  loaded  with  supplies  for  Lee's  army — destroyed 
many  miles  of  railroad  track — re-captured  some  four 
hundred  of  our  men  on  their  way  to  Richmond,  as 
prisoners  of  war — met  and  defeated  the  enemy's  cav 
alry  at  Yellow  Tavern — carried  the  first  line  of  works 
around  Richmond,  and  threatened  the  second,  but 
found  it  too  strongly  guarded  ;  and  rejoined  our  army 
at  North  Anna,  without  a  circumstance  to  detract  from 
the  brilliancy  of  this  most  successful  raid. 

While  General  Grant  could  direct  what  gther  armies 
should  do,  it  was  not  possible  for  him  to  personally 
superintend  the  execution  of  his  orders  by  more  than 
one  of  them  at  a  time.  General  Butler,  commanding 
the  Army  of  the  James,  should  have  marched  into  Rich 
mond  between  the  fourth  and  twenty-fourth  of  May, 
and  if  General  Grant  could  have  infused  into  this 
doughty  commander  one-millionth  part  of  his  own  spirit, 
Butler  would  have  done  it,  and  shortened  the  war  by  six 
months.  He  was  to  move  up  the  James  River,  from 
Fort  Monroe  and  Suffolk,  at  the  same  time  the  Army  of 
the  Potomac  began  its  march  from  the  Rapidan  ;  Peters 
burg  and  Richmond,  being  his  objective  points.  On  the 
fifth  of  May  he  occupied  City  Point  and  Bermuda 
Hundred,  without  opposition,  the  enemy  apparently 
giving  all  his  attention  to  the  other  Federal  Army  ap 
proaching  from  the  North— they  had  not  yet  begun  to 
comprehend  the  new  system  upon  which  the  war  was  to 

30 


482  COLD   HARBOR — THE    JAMES.  [1864. 

be  waged,  and  they  supposed  Butler  would  remain  idle 
until  the  Army  of  the  Potomac  was  repulsed.  On  the 
sixth,  General  Butler  had  his  army  well  in  hand  at  the 
two  points  named,  and,  instead  of  advancing  any 
farther,  began  to  intrench.  On  the  ninth,  he  telegraph 
ed  to  Secretary  Stanton,  that  he  had  reached  the  points 
designated,  and  that  he  had  "got  a  position,  which, 
with  proper  supplies,  we  can  hold  out  against  the  whole 
of  Lee' s  army. ' '  General  Grant1  s  view  of  this  Falstaffian 
strategy  is  expressed  in  these  words  :  "His  army,  there 
fore,  though  in  a  position  of  great  security,  was  as  com 
pletely  shut  off  from  further  operations  directly  against 
Richmond,  as  if  it  had  been  in  a  bottle  strongly  corked. 
It  required  but  a  comparatively  small  force  of  the  enemy 
to  hold  it  there.''  Farther  on  he  says  :  u  The  army 
sent  to  operate  against  Richmond  having  hermetically 
sealed  itself  up  at  Bermuda  Hundred,  the  enemy  was 
enabled  to  bring  most,  if  not  all  the  re-enforcements 
brought  from  the  South  by  Beauregard,  against  the 
Army  of  the  Potomac."  And  Butler  and  his  army  re 
mained  corked  up  until  the  Army  of  the  Potomac 
crossed  the  James  and  uncorked  the  bottle,  the  fifteenth 
of  June. 

On  the  night  of  the  twenty- sixth  of  May  the  order 
again  passed  along  the  Union  lines,  "  By  the  left  flank 
—March  !"  During  the  twenty-ninth  and  thirtieth,  the 
army  advanced  under  heavy  skirmishing  to  Hanover 
Court  House  and  Cold  Harbor.  At  the  latter  place  the 
fighting  was  almost  continuous,  and  often  desperate, 
until  the  night  of  the  twelfth,  when  the  army  again 
moved  by  the  left,  and  crossing  the  James  River  at 
Wilcox's  Landing,  moved  up  on  the  south  side  of  the 
stream.  The  march  from  the  Rapidan  to  the  James  had 
been  attended  by  a  series  of  battles  and  skirmishes  that 
had  strewn  the  route  with  the  corpses  of  thousands  of 
men,  much  the  greater  number  of  whom  wore  the  Union 


1864.J  LOSSES  ON   THE   WAY.  4§3 

blue.  Except  in  the  battle  of  the  Wilderness,  the  Fed 
erals  were  the  assailants,  and  their  losses  on  this  long 
battle-field  amounted  to  the  frightful  number  of  54,551, 
killed,  wounded  and  missing. 


CHAPTER    XXXVI. 

IN  FRONT  OF  PETERSBURG — THE  MINE — THE  FUSE  GOES  OUT — LIEUTENANT 
DOUTY  AND  SERGEANT  REES  RE -LIGHT  IT — THE  MINE  EXPLODES — 
LEDLIE'S  DIVISION  IN  THE  CRATER — TROOPS  WITHDRAWN — HEAVY 
LOSS — WOMEN  OF  PETERSBURG — DEMORALIZATION  OF  LEE'S  ARMY — HE 
DESIGNS  TO  RETREAT — ASSAULTS  FORT  STEADMAN — CARRIES  IT  AND  IS 
DRIVEN  OUT — HEAVY  LOSS — THE  RIGHT  ON  THE  CONFEDERATE  WORKS 
CARRIED— FEDERALS  CAPTURE  GUNS  AND  PRISONERS — CONFEDERATES 
DRIVEN  TO  THEIR  INNER  LINE — THEY  RETREAT — A  PETERSBURGER'S 
ACCOUNT  OF  THE  LAST  SCENES. 

ON  the  18th  of  June  the  army  drew  up  in  front  of 
Petersburg.  Here  manoeuvres,  attack  and  counter 
attack,  consumed  the  summer,  and  thousands  perished 
in  the  fierce  conflicts  that  raged  around  the  ' '  Cockade 
City." 

The  enemy's  lines  were  very  strong,  and  were  de 
fended  with  unwavering  courage  and  indomitable  reso 
lution.  It  was  the  last  strategical  point  between  the 
Union  army  and  the  rebel  capital.  Even  now  the  roar 
of  artillery  rolled  in  ominous  murmurs  over  the  city  of 
Richmond. 

But  the  lines  could  not  be  broken  by  direct  attack. 
Colonel  Henry  Pleasants,  of  the  Forty-eighth  Pennsyl 
vania,  of  Burnside's  corps,  proposed  to  run  a  mine  under 
the  rebel  works  in  front  of  his  (Pleasants')  position,  and 
blow  them  up.  General  Burnside  approved  of  the  plan, 
and  the  work  began  on  the  2oth  of  June.  It  had  to  be 
carried  on  with  great  secresy,  and  was  of  herculean  pro 
portions.  One  of  the  difficulties  was  to  dispose  of  the 
immense  quantities  of  earth  excavated,  that  it  might  not 
lead  the  enemy  to  suspect  the  plot.  The  main  gallery 
was  511  feet  long,  and  was  carried  directly  under  a  rebel 
battery.  From  this  extended  lateral  galleries,  right 

484 


1864.]  THE   MINE.  485 

and  left,  38  feet  each  way,  and  parallel  with  the  rebel 
fort  above.  Then,  across  these  lateral  galleries  were 
four  other  short  galleries,  at  equal  distances  apart, 
designed  to  receive  the  magazines.  Each  of  these  gal 
leries  was  about  four  and  one-half  feet  wide  and  of  the 
same  height. 

Now,  all  the  earth  had  to  be  carried  out  by  hand  in 
the  night,  and  deposited  in  rear  of  our  lines  ;  and  then, 
to  prevent  the  enemy  seeing  it  from  his  observatories, 
branches  of  trees  were  cut  and  thrown  over  it. 

The  concussion  of  the  enemy's  guns  over  the  lateral 
gallery  produced  a  stunning  sensation  upon  the  men 
secretly  burrowring  beneath  them,  and  sometimes  ex 
cited  a  fear  that  they  would  cave  through. 

But  on  the  29th  of  July  the  work  was  finished, 
and  1,400  pounds  of  powder  placed  in  each  of  the 
eight  magazines — a  total  of  11,200  pounds. 

Fuses  and  electric  wires  were  connected  with  the 
magazines.  The  powder  train  of  our  army  removed  far 
to  the  rear,  so  that  it  might  not  be  blown  up  by  the 
concussion. 

The  morning  of  the  30th  was  fixed  upon  for  the 
explosion  of  the  mine,  and  it  was  to  be  followed  by  an 
assault  all  along  the  lines.  An  order  was  issued  assign 
ing  to  each  corps  its  particular  share  in  the  momentous 
crisis.  The  columns  for  assault  were  to  form  before  day 
light,  and  every  preparation  made  to  take  advantage  of 
the  breach  and  the  enemy's  expected  surprise,  the 
instant  the  report  of  the  explosion  was  heard. 

At  half -past  three  Burnside  was  to  spring  the  mine. 
His  assaulting  column  was  to  move  rapidly  forward  and 
seize  the  breach  and  the  adjoining  crest,  and  effect  a 
lodgment.  Ord  was  to  follow  on  the  right  and  Warren 
on  the  left.  All  the  artillery  in  battery  was  to  open  on 
the  enemy' s  lines  at  the  instant  of  the  explosion. 

Thus  was  matured  a  plan  which  seemed  to  possess 
all  the  essential  elements  of  success.  The  explosion  was 


486  IN   FRONT   OF   PETERSBURG.  [1864. 

expected  to  tear  an  opening  in  the  enemy' s  lines  ;  sur 
prise  and  demoralize  his  forces,  and  thus  give  us  a  tem 
porary  advantage ;  to  be  made  permanent,  if  promptly 
and  judiciously  followed  up. 

At  3.20,  ten  minutes  before  the  time  fixed  for  the 
explosion,  Gen.  Meade  telegraphed  Gen.  Burnside  : 
4 'As  it  is  still  so  dark,  you  can  postpone  firing  the 
mine,  if  you  think  it  proper."  Burnside  replied  that 
he  would  explode  it  at  3.30.  At  4.30  the  explosion  had 
not  taken  place,  and  Meade  telegraphed  to  know  the 
reason.  At  4.35  Meade  telegraphed:  "The  command 
ing  general  directs,  if  your  mine  has  failed,  that  you 
make  an  assault  at  once,  opening  your  batteries." 

The  fact  was,  the  fuse  had  been  fired  at  3.30,  and  the 
fiame  ran  into  the  gallery,  but  to  the  surprise  of  the 
operators,  no  explosion  ensued.  Whether  the  fire  had 
gone  out,  utterly,  in  that  long  dark  tunnel,  or  was 
smouldering,  and  might  at  any  moment Jgnite  the  pow 
der,  no  one  could  tell.  Whoever  should  enter  the 
gallery  would  be  instantly  killed  in  case  of  an  explo 
sion.  But  something  must  be  done,  and  Lieutenant 
Jacob  Douty  and  Sergeant  Henry  Rees,  of  the  Forty- 
eighth  Pennsylvania  Regiment,  volunteered  to  enter  the 
gallery.  They  ascertained  that  the  fuse  had  died  out 
about  100  feet  from  the  mouth.  They  re-arranged  it, 
and  nearly  at  the  instant  the  telegram  last  quoted  was 
passing  over  the  wires  from  Meade' s  headquarters  to 
Burnside' s,  heaven  and  earth  seemed  rent  in  twain,  and 
the  air  was  full  of  the  debris  of  the  rebel  fort,  and  the 
bodies  of  its  late  occupants. 

The  mine  had  exploded,  and  now  the  assaulting 
columns  rushed  for  the  breach — Leslie's  division  in  the 
advance — clearing  the  ground  between  our  own  lines 
and  the  rebel  works  before  the  enemy  recovered  from 
his  surprise.  The  head  of  the  division  found  itself  con 
fronted  by  a  large  crater  produced  by  the  explosion,  150 
feet  in  length,  60  feet  wide  and  30  feet  deep.  The  sides 


1864.]  LEDLIE'S  DIVISION  IN  THE  CRATER.  48? 

composed  of  loose,  pulverized  sand,  piled  up  precipi 
tately,  from  which  projected  huge  blocks  of  clay.  In 
the  bottom  of  this  pit  were  several  rebel  cannon  and 
dead  bodies  of  rebel  soldiers. 

The  delay  occasioned  by  this  formidable  excavation 
proved  fatal  to  the  enterprise.  While  the  troops  halted, 
the  enemy  recovered  from  his  panic  ;  comprehended 
the  situation,  and  from  right,  left  and  in  front  opened  a 
destructive  fire  of  musketry  and  artillery  upon  the 
exposed  column.  To  escape  this  fire,  the  leading  brigade 
entered  the  crater,  but  only  became  more  helpless  and 
exposed.  The  enemy  quickly  covered  several  elevated 
points  with  cannon,  and  getting  range  of  the  crater, 
poured  a  storm  of  shell  into  it,  while  his  mortars  sent 
their  fearful  explosives  into  the  dense  throng  of  men, 
in  this  terrible  slaughter-pen,  with  wonderful  accuracy. 

At  midday  the  troops  were  ordered  to  be  withdrawn, 
and  now  the  rebel  guns  swept  the  ground  over  which  they 
must  move,  by  a  tremendous  perpendicular  and  cross 
fire.  But  to  remamwas  to  surrender  or  be  slaughtered, 
So  through  this  deluge  of  iron  and  lead  the  gallant 
fellows  marched  back  again — "  marched  back  what  was 
left  of  them — while  cannon  to  right  and  cannon  to 
left  of  them  vollied  and  thundered."  Forty-four  hun 
dred  of  the  assaulting  column  were  killed  or  wounded 
and  246  captured. 

So,  while  the  red  tide  of  battle  daily  ebbs  and  liows 
along  the  line,  summer  passes,  and  another  winter 
wears  away,  and  spring  flowers  again  adorn  the  valley 
of  the  Appomattox.  Petersburg,  lying  immediately  in 
rear  of  a  portion  of  the  rebel  lines,  was  unavoidably  the 
target  of  a  hundred  cannon.  In  this  long  trial  and 
amid  the  constant  danger  that  surrounded  them,  it  is 
said  the  women  of  Petersburg  displayed  wonderful 
courage  and  endurance.  No  murmurs — no  shrieks — no 
flight,  though  shot  and  shell  fell  in  their  streets,  and 
crashed  through  their  houses — day  and  night. 


488  IN  FRONT  OF  PETERSBURG.  [1865. 

During  the  winter  of  1864-5,  the  Confederate  army 
before  Petersburg  was  in  a  condition  of  semi-starvation, 
and  but  half  clad.  The  resources  of  the  Confederacy 
were  rapidly  failing,  and  it  became  so  patent  that  the 
natural  results  were  experienced  in  General  Lee's  army. 
Desertions  were  frequent,  and  the  morale  of  the  rebel 
army  was  greatly  impaired,  while  the  hope  of  a  success 
ful  issue  was  fast  fading  away.  At  the  opening  of  the 
spring  campaign,  in  1865,  the  rolls  of  General  Lee's 
army  gave  him  less  than  50,000  men,  and  upon  this 
greatly  diminished  force  really  hung  the  last  hope  of 
the  rebellion. 

Lee  is  said  to  have  resolved  to  abandon  Petersburg 
and  Richmond,  and  falling  back  towards  Lynchburg  or 
Danville,  unite  his  forces  with  the  army  of  General  Joe 
Johnson,  who  was  moving  north  before  Sherman.  But 
the  Union  forces  had  enveloped  the  right  of  Lee's  army 
and  covered  roads  by  which  he  desired  to  move.  To 
compel  Grant  to  withdraw  his  left  and  uncover  these 
roads,  Lee  resolved  to  assume  the  offensive  and  make  a 
vigorous  attack  on  Grant's  opposite  flank  or  centre. 

At  day-break  on  the  twenty-fifth  of  March,  two  Con 
federate  divisions  under  Gordon  moved  noiselessly  out 
of  their  works,  cleared  the  narrow  interval  that  divided 
the  lines,  and  crossing  the  Union  intrenchments  sur 
prised  and  seized  Fort  Steadman,  and  captured  most  of 
the  garrison,  together  with  one  brigade  of  the  Ninth 
corps.  The  guns  of  the  captured  fort — which  occupied 
a  commanding  position  in  our  line — were  immediately 
turned  by  the  rebels  on  the  adjoining  Union  batteries, 
9,  10  and  11,  which  were  thereupon  abandoned  by  our 
troops  and  occupied  by  the  enemy. 

The  danger  was  imminent,  but  the  rebel  triumph  was 
short  lived.  Training  a  hundred  pieces  of  heavy  artil 
lery  upon  the  doomed  fort,  it  was  rent  to  tatters  by 
Union  guns,  when  Hartranft's  division  of  the  Ninth 
corps  dashed  upon  the  ruined  work,  and  captured  two 


1865.]  RIGHT    OF    CONFEDERATE    WORKS   CARRIED.  489 

thousand  of  its  rebel  occupants,  while  their  comrades 
attempted  to  regain  their  own  lines,  through  a  deadly 
cross-fire  of  artillery,  from  all  the  adjacent  works,  which 
put  2,500  of  them  Tiors  de  combat  between  the  lines. 
This  effort  was  one  of  the  expiring  throes  of  a  mighty 
giant,  who  began  to  feel  that  the  thongs  which  were  be 
ing  drawn  closer  and  closer  around  him  must  be  broken 
soon  or  never.  The  failure  of  this  bold  attempt  to  com 
pel  Grant  to  relax  his  grasp  on  the  roads  to  Lee' s  right 
was  fatal  to  his  plan  of  retreat. 

On  Saturday,  the  first  day  of  April,  Sheridan  and 
Warren  crushed  the  right  of  the  enemy's  line  at  Five 
Forks,  capturing  all  his  artillery  and  between  5,000  and 
6,000  prisoners.  That  night  the  guns  along  the  Union 
lines  kept  up  a  bombardment  until  four  o'clock  the  next 
morning,  when  General  Wright  advanced  his  corps,  and 
sweeping  through  the  rebel  lines  in  his  front,  captured 
several  thousand  prisoners  and  many  cannon.  Ord  had 
meantime  dispersed  the  enemy's  forces  on  their  extreme 
right,  at  Hatcher's  Run,  and  then  joining  Wright,  the 
two  corps  swung  to  the  right  and  closed  the  southward 
outlet  to  the  Confederate  Army.  Driven  from  his  outer 
lines  and  with  his  numbers  greatly  reduced,  the  rebel 
leader  yet  clung  tenaciously  to  his  inner  line  of  defences, 
and  his  men  fought  with  the  recklessness  of  despair. 
Gibbon  now  dashed  upon  two  strong,  enclosed  works  of 
the  enemy  south  of  Petersburg,  and  after  a  sharp  fight 
carried  them,  and  thereby  materially  shortened  the  line 
of  investment.  So  success  succeeded  success  through 
out  the  day,  and  when  the  night  arrived  the  Confeder 
ate  Army  was  confined  to  its  inner  line  of  works  and 
these  so  shortened  as  to  promise  but  a  brief  resistance 
on  the  morrow.  When  the  gray  dawn  of  the  morrow 
came  the  Union  skirmishers  advance  upon  the  works  so 
long  and  bravely  held,  but  no  shot  is  fired  from  them 
and  they  are  found  to  contain  but  abandoned  guns  and 


490  IN    FRONT   OF   PETERSBURG.  [1865. 

dead  and   wounded  men.     The  remnant  of  the  rebel 
army  had  fled. 

A  Petersburger  thus  describes  the  events  and  emo 
tions  of  that  last  day  of  battle  around  his  city : 

"With  light  came  sounds  of  conflict,  which  grew 
louder  and  more  frightful.  Did  they  not  draw  nearer  ? 
It  sounded  so.  And  soon  strange  rumors  filled  the 
streets.  The  church  bells  rang  out  their  first  call  to 
prayer,  but  no  one  heeded  the  summons.  The  clear, 
sweet  tones  fell  upon  the  agony  of  hearts  that  listened, 
as  bird  notes  sound  to  those  who  mourn  the  dead.  Men 
gathered  in  groups  around  the  corners,  and  looked, 
with  straining  eyes,  towards  the  clouds  of  battle-smoke 
that  hung  around  the  town — stood  silently,  and  listened 
to  the  dull  reports  of  heavy  ordnance,  and  the  sharp 
rattle  of  musketry,  upon  which  their  fate  hung  tremb 
ling. 

"  Men  grew  white  in  the  agony  of  suspense,  and 
women  wept. 

"  The  old  town-clock  struck  eight — the  breakfast 
hour — but  the  scanty  meal  stood  on  the  board  untasted. 
The  houses  were  deserted,  and  eager  questioners  crowded 
around  the  men,  who  now  came  in  with  haggard  faces 
and  wild  eyes. 

"  What  is  it -  ? 

"  And  one  answered,  '  They  have  taken  the  River 
Salient.' 

"And  another,  '  Pickett  and  Johnson  were  over 
whelmed  yesterday,  their  line  broken,  and  their  com 
mands  beaten  and  crushed — cut  off  from  the  army,  and 
forced  up  the  country.' 

"And  another,  'Gibbon's  Corps  struck  Wilcox's 
front  at  daylight  this  morning,  piercing  his  line  ;  the 
troops  to  the  right  were  captured,  those  to  the  left  forced 
back.  The  enemy  have  reached  the  railroad  and  the 
river,  and  our  line  is  at  the  stone  bridge.' 


1865.  J  PETERSBURGER'S  ACCOUNT.  491 

"  And  just  then  a  cry  of  *  look  !'  was  heard,  and  turn 
ing,  we  saw  from  the  warehouses,  where,  by  order  of 
the  military  authorities,  had  been  stored  all  the  tobacco 
in  the  city,  columns  of  black,  thick  smoke  go  up  above 
a  mass  of  lurid  flames.  ''Tis  so,'  was  the  speech  of 
every  white  cheek  and  streaming  eye.  Few  words  told 
how  like  a  whirlwind  of  wrath  came  to  the  thousand 
hearts  the  death  of  the  hope  of  years.  The  groups  dis 
persed  and  sought  their  homes.  Agonizing  suspense 
had  become  certainty,  and  they  could  weep  now. 

"  Any  attempt  to  tell  of  that  day,  with  its  hours  of 
dull,  dead  hopelessness,  its  moments  of  wild  hope,  its 
feelings  of  utter  wretchedness,  of  the  end  of  all  things 
to  be  desired.  God  spare  us  another  such  an  experi 
ence  ! 

"  Now  and  then  would  fly  from  house  to  house  some 
good  report.  '  We  are  pressing  them  back — Gen.  Lee 
has  re-established  his  lines,'  and  for  awhile  the  feverish 
wish  would  be  parent  to  belief.  About  11  o'clock  the 
Confederates  did  re-capture  the  lines  at  Rives',  and  a 
ray  of  real  light  came  in  upon  the  anxious  souls.  But 
the  real  danger  was  not  there.  On  the  right  the  work 
went  resistlessly  on.  Fort  Gregg  fell,  despite  the  most 
heroic  defense  of  the  war.  The  Union  line  advanced 
from  Coghill'  s  to  Turnbull'  s,  from  TurnbulP  s  to  Wood- 
worth' s,  and  there,  in  a  stone's  throw  of  the  corporation 
limits,  marshalled  their  enthusiastic  masses. 

"  At  last  Longstreet  came.  A  strengthened  line  was 
formed,  and  at  4  o'clock  the  dispatch  from  Gen.  Lee  to 
his  commanders  across  the  Appomatox  and  James  was, 
'  I  can  hold  out  until  night,  and  shall  then  withdraw.' 

"  Its  terms  were  noised  abroad,  and  there  was  no  more 
doubt  or  hope.  The  time  passed  in  silent  preparation. 
The  Federal  officers  seeing  the  inevitable  result  of  their 
successes,  wisely  and  humanely  f orebore  further  assault, 
and  the  comparative  stillness  was  oppressive. 

"Dusk   came^    and  with   it  began   the    evacuation 


492  THE   LAST   SCENE.  [1865. 

Noiselessly  from  the  lines  they  had  so  gallantly  de 
fended,  the  Confederates  withdrew  ;  and  the  long,  dark 
columns  passed  through  the  streets  unattacked,  un- 
pursued.  We  were  spared  the  horror  of  a  fight  through 
the  streets,  which  had  been  feared.  Now  began  the 
wild  farewells  and  long  embraces  with  which  mothers 
sent  forth  their  sons  to  unknown  fates,  and  perchance 
endless  partings, 

"We  draw  the  curtain  over  them.  The  darkness 
fell,  the  silent  march  continued  until  the  old  bridge  at 
Pocahontas  had  re-echoed  to  the  tread  of  the  last  Con 
federate  soldier." 


CHAPTER    XXXVII. 

JEFFERSON  DAVIS  — LEE'S  DISPATCH  TO  HIM — A  WEEPING  CONGREGATION — 
LEE'S  FLIGHT — EXPLOSION  AND  CONFLAGRATION  IN  RICHMOND — LEE 
HOPES  TO  JOIN  JOHNSON — A  TERRIBLE  DISAPPOINTMENT — A  STARVING 
ARMY — SHERIDAN  AND  THE  FIFTH  CORPS  SWING  ACROSS  LEE'S  LINE  OP 
RETREAT — PRODIGIOUS  EFFORTS  OF  LEE  TO  ESCAPE  A  REMORSELESS 
PURSUIT — DESTRUCTION  OF  REBEL  TRAINS — CAPTURE  OF  MEN  AND 
GUNS — EWELL  SURRENDERS — RUIN  STARING  LEE  IN  THE  FACE — UNION 
ISTS  DETERMINED  TO  BRING  HIM  TO  BAY — MISERABLE  CONDITION  OF 
CONFEDERATES — VIEWS  OF  LEE'S  OFFICERS — GRANT  SENDS  A  NOTE 

TO  LEE — LEE'S  REPLY — GRANT  WRITES  AGAIN — LEE'S  DIPLOMACY — 
GRANT'S  COUNTER-STROKE — FIGHTING,  FLYING,  PURSUING — REBEL 
SUPPLY  TRAINS  CAPTURED — LEE  ORDERS  GORDON  TO  CUT  HIS  WAY 
THROUGH  UNION  LINES — FAILS— SHERIDAN  PREPARES  TO  CHARGE — 
A  FLAG  OF  TRUCE— LEE  SURRENDERS  HIS  ARMY — WHAT  LEE  SAID,  AND 
HOW  HE  APPEARED— THE  TWO  ARMIES  FRATERN IZE — REBELS  EATING 
FEDERAL  RATIONS — THE  WAR  PRACTICALLY  ENDED — AN  IN  EVITABLE 
ORDEAL — WONDERFUL  VITALITY — FRUITS  OF  THE  UN  ION  VICTORY. 

JEFFERSON  DAVIS,  sitting  in  St.  Paul's  Church,  in 
Richmond,  on  that  beautiful  sabbath  morning ,  more 
attentive  to  the  thunder  of  distant  cannon,  that  rolls 
in  sullen  and  ominous  murmurs  over  the  rebel  capital, 
than  to  the  service  he  pretends  to  heed — his  expec  tant 
ear  catches  the  sound  of  a  hurried  step  and  a  clan  king 
sabre,  approaching  him,  up  the  aisle.  Every  eye  in 
that  congregation  of  anxious  worshippers  is  turned  upon 
the  chief  of  their  expiring  Confederacy.  He  reads 
General  Lee's  dispatch  announcing  the  disaster  to  his 
army,  and  his  intention  to  retreat  during  the  ensuing 
night. 

The  dispatch  is  handed  to  the  rector,  who  communi 
cates  its  contents  to  the  congregation  ;  when  g  roans  and 
lamentations  take  the  place  of  songs  and  praise  ,  while 
the  President  of  their  short-lived  government  walks  out 

493 


494  LEE'S  FLIGHT — A  TERRIBLE  DISAPPOINTMENT.  [1865. 

from  among  them  to  prepare  for  flight  from  his  doomed 
capital. 

General  Lee  held  on  to  his  contracted  lines  until 
night,  and  when  darkness  had  enveloped  the  scene  of 
Sunday's  conflict  with  an  impenetrable  veil,  he  silently 
withdrew  his  army,  now  reduced  to  25,000  men,  and 
marching  northward,  to  Chesterfield  Court  House,  mid 
way  between  Petersburg  and  Richmond,  had  placed 
sixteen  miles  between  his  and  Grant's  army  at  day 
break  on  Monday  morning,  the  3d  of  April.  Almost  at 
the  same  moment  a  shock,  as  of  an  earthquake,  rolled 
down  the  James,  and  for  one  instant  the  northwestern 
sky  was  lit  up  with  a  lurid  glare.  The  rebels  had  blown 
up  their  iron -clad  vessels  and  the  bridges  across  the 
river,  at  Richmond.  They  had  also  fired  the  ware 
houses,  in  that  city,  in  which  immense  quantities  of 
tobacco  were  stored,  and  the  flames  spread  until  the 
entire  business  portion  of  the  city  was  a  smouldering 
ruin.  Thus  did  the  enemy  destroy  and  abandon  the 
capital,  in  the  four  years  defence  of  which  he  had  sac 
rificed  so  many  lives  and  so  many  millions  of  dollars. 

At  Chesterfield,  Lee  turned  the  head  of  his  column 
toward  the  west  and  resumed  his  flight,  with  Amelia 
Court  House  as  his  next  objective  point,  20  miles  away, 
and  where  he  had  ordered  supplies  to  be  in  waiting  for 
his  army,  which  had  left  Petersburg  with  but  one  day' s 
ration. 

General  Lee's  design  seems  to  have  been  to  unite 
the  fragment  of  his  army  with  the  forces  then  under 
command  of  General  Joe  Johnson,  near  Raleigh,  N. 
C.,  and  thus  be  enabled  to  present  a  front  of  opposi 
tion,  that  would  have  given  emphasis  to  a  demand  for 
favorable  terms  of  capitulation,  if  not  to  negotiations 
for  peace. 

When  Lee  reached  Amelia  Court  House  on  the 
fourth  of  April,  he  was  met  with  the  astounding  intel 
ligence  that  there  was  no  food  there  for  his  army.  A 


1865.]  SHERIDAN    ACROSS    LEE'S   LINE   OF   RETREAT.  495 

train  of  cars,  laden  with  stores,  had  been  sent  from 
Danville  to  this  point,  in  obedience  to  his  orders,  but  a 
command  from  the  Richmond  authorities  met  the  officer 
in  charge  of  the  train  at  Amelia,  directing  him  to  bring 
the  train  on  to  Richmond.  The  purpose  of  the  order 
was  to  use  the  cars  in  the  removal  of  the  property  of 
the  Confederate  Government.  But  the  officer  under 
stood  it  to  require  him  to  bring  the  train,  not  only,  but 
its  contents  also.  So,  he  proceeded  to  Richmond,  and 
cars  and  contents  were  swallowed  up  in  the  Moscow  - 
like  conflagration. 

Few  men  could  have  rallied  from  the  effects  of  so 
dire  a  misfortune.  A  fleeing  army  in  an  impoverished 
country,  with  an  exultant  and  overwhelming  enemy  in 
near  and  hot  pursuit,  and  not  a  ration  to  issue  to  his 
famishing  men.  Thus  he  was  compelled  to  tarry  at 
Amelia  Court  House  during  the  fourth  and  fifth  of 
April,  while  his  foraging  parties  were  scouring  the 
desolated  country  for  food  for  his  army.  This  untoward 
delay  enabled  Sheridan,  with  the  cavalry  and  the  Fifth 
corps,  to  swing  across  the  Confederate  line  of  retreat  at 
Jettersville,  on  the  Danville  railroad,  seven  miles  be 
yond  Amelia  Court  House.  This  was  accomplished  on 
the  afternoon  of  the  fourth.  On  the  fifth,  Meade,  with 
the  Second  and  Sixth  corps,  drew  up  at  the  same  point. 
Sheridan  dispatched  his  cavalry  right  and  left,  to  inter 
cept  the  Confederate  foragers,  and  on  the  morning  of 
the  fifth  General  Davies  struck  a  train  of  180  wagons, 
escorted  by  a  body  of  Confederate  cavalry,  which  he 
defeated,  destroying  the  wagons,  and  capturing  five 
pieces  of  artillery  and  a  number  of  prisoners. 

Finding  the  Union  lines  rapidly  closing  around  him, 
and  his  foraging  parties  cut  off,  Lee  set  his  starving 
army  in  motion,  on  the  night  of  the  fifth,  for  Farmville, 
thirty-five  miles  west,  where  he  purposed  crossing  the 
Appomattox,  destroying  the  bridges  behind  him,  and 
escaping  into  the  fmountains  Jbeyond  JLynchburg. 


496  EWELL   SURRENDERS — RUIN    STARING   LEE   IN   THE  PACE.         [1865, 

Meantime  the  entire  Army  of  the  Potomac  had  concen 
trated  at  Jettersville,  and  on  the  morning  of  the  sixth 
it  advanced  toward  Amelia  to  give  battle  to  the  enemy, 
but  the  prey  had  fled.  Grant  now  divided  the  pursuing 
forces,  so  that  their  lines  of  march  threatened  both 
flanks  and  rear  of  the  retreating  enemy.  At  the  same 
time,  the  Army  of  the  James,  under  the  grizzled  veter 
an,  General  Ord,  was  thrown  forward  from  Burkesville, 
diagonally  across  the  front  of  pursued  and  pursuers,  so 
that  when  the  head  of  Lee's  column  reached  Farmville 
on  the  sixth,  they  were  saluted  by  the  thunder  of  Ord's 
guns,  while  his  infantry  and  cavalry  were  drawn  up, 
ready  for  battle. 

Meantime  and  on  the  same  day,  Sheridan  had  struck 
another  Confederate  wagon  train  under  a  heavy  escort 
of  infantry  and  cavalry.  Throwing  upon  it  the  divi 
sions  of  Ouster,  Crook  and  D  evens,  the  escort  was  de 
feated  after  a  severe  fight,  and  400  wagons  were  de 
stroyed,  while  16  pieces  of  artillery  and  a  large  number 
of  prisoners  were  captured.  Swell's  corps,  which  was 
following  behind  the  train,  was  thus  cut  off  from  its  line 
of  retreat,  and  after  a  desperate  fight  with  the  cavalry, 
re-enforced  during  the  battle  by  the  Sixth  corps,  Ewell 
was  compelled  to  surrender,  with  four  general  officers 
and  his  entire  command. 

Lee  had  meantime  entrenched  himself  in  front  of 
Ord,  and  remained  behind  his  works  until  night  set  in, 
when  he  again  resumed  his  flight,  crossing  the  Appo- 
mattox  near  Farmville.  Humphreys,  with  the  Second 
corps,  was  so  close  on  the  heels  of  the  retreating  enemy 
that  he  did  not  give  them  time  to  destroy  the  bridges. 
Pressing  the  pursuit  with  unparallelled  vigor,  the  heads 
of  columns  were  now  directed  toward  Appomattox  Court 
house,  twenty  miles  further  west.  At  Farmville,  130 
Confederate  wagons  were  destroyed  and  the  guard  cap 
tured  or  dispersed.  So,  ruin  and  disintegration  were 
constantly  going  on  in  the  Confederate  ranks,  yet  its 


1865.]  MISERABLE   CONDITION   OF   CONFEDERATES.  497 

indomitable   commander  would  not  yield  to  what  he 
must  now  have  known  was  inevitable. 

Lee's  attempts  to  gather  food  from  the  country, 
through  which  his  march  lay,  were  almost  wholly  frus 
trated  by  the  activity  of  the  Union  cavalry,  aided  by 
the  infantry,  wherever  it  could  come  up  in  time.  The 
blood  of  the  triumphant  pursuers  was  at  boiling  heat, 
and  they  were  resolved  to  bring  the  hunted  army  to  bay. 
Skirmishes  were  of  almost  hourly  occurrence,  and  the 
way  was  strewn  with  the  dead  and  wounded  men  and 
horses,  and  the  debris  of  a  fleeing  army,  while  clouds  of 
smoke  by  day  and  lurid  flames  by  night,  told  of  burning 
wagons  and  bridges.  The  poor  remnant  of  Lee' s  army 
was  reduced  to  the  last  extremity  of  weariness  and 
hopelessness.  Indeed,  few  troops  had  ever  experienced 
so  bitter  a  retreat  as  this.  Hunger,  sleeplessness,  fatigue, 
despair  ;  and  yet,  wonderful  pluck.  An  eye  witness 
says  :  "  Towards  evening  on  the  fifth,  and  all  day  long 
upon  the  sixth,  hundreds  of  men  dropped  from  exhaus 
tion  and  thousands  let  fall  their  muskets  from  inability 
to  carry  them  any  farther.  The  scenes  of  the  fifth, 
sixth,  seventh  and  eighth,  were  of  a  nature  which  can 
be  apprehended  in  their  vivid  reality,  only  by  men  who 
are  thoroughly  familiar  with  the  har  rowing  details  of 
war.''  Dropping  down  for  a  few  moments  of  rest  and 
sleep,  the  weary  troops  would  suddenly  be  aroused  by 
the  boom  of  Union  guns,  and  the  thunder  of  charging 
squadrons  of  hostile  cavalry,  and  again  they  must 
arouse  themselves  to  fight  or  fly. 

Around  the  bivouac  tire,  on  the  night  of  the  6th  of 
April,  Lee's  generals  discussed  the  situation,  and  came 
to  the  conclusion  that  their  chief  ought  to  adopt  one  of 
the  following  courses  :  1.  Disband,  allowing  the  troops 
to  make  their  way  as  best  they  might  to  some  fixed  ral 
lying  point.  2.  Abandon  the  trains  and  cut  their  way 
through  the  opposing  lines  ;  or,  3.  Surrender.  General 
Pendleton  was  appointed  to  communicate  these  views 

32 


498  GRANT   SENDS  A  NOTE   TO  LEE.  [1865. 

to  General  Lee,  The  latter  did  not  absent  to  either 
proposition,  and,  in  fact,  the  interview  between  the  two 
generals  was  not  concluded,  when  the  outburst  of  mus 
ketry  told  that  the  Federals  were  again  upon  them. 

On  the  night  of  the  7th,  General  Lee  received  this 
notice:  "April  7,  1865.  General :— The  result  of  the 
last  week  must  convince  you  of  the  hopelessness  of  fur 
ther  resistance  on  the  part  of  the  Army  of  Northern 
Virginia  in  this  struggle.  I  feel  that  it  is  so,  and  regard 
it  my  duty  to  shift  from  myself  the  responsibility  of 
any  further  effusion  of  blood,  by  asking  of  you  the  sur 
render  of  that  portion  of  the  Confederate  States'  Army 
known  as  the  Army  of  Northern  Virginia. 

"U.  S.  GRANT, 

"  Lieut.  Gen." 

General  Lee  placed  his  reply  to  this  note  in  the 
hands  of  an  aide,  to  be  delivered  to  General  Grant  in 
the  morning,  and  pressed  forward  his  weary  columns, 
hoping  against  hope  to  find  some  way  of  egress  from 
the  cordon  of  bayonets  that  was  closing  around  him. 
His  reply  was  as  follows  :  "  General  : — I  have  received 
your  note  of  this  date.  Though  not  entertaining  the 
opinion  you  express  of  the  hopelessness  of  further  re 
sistance  on  the  part  of  the  Army  of  Northern  Virginia, 
I  reciprocate  your  desire  to  avoid  useless  effusion  of 
blood,  and,  therefore,  before  considering  your  propo 
sition,  ask  the  terms  you  will  offer  on  condition  of  its 
surrender."  It  is  easy  to  imagine  the  struggle  this  note 
must  have  cost  the  commander  of  the  Confederate  Army. 
For  nearly  four  years  he  had  led  it  through  all  its  vicis 
situdes,  and  it  had  come  to  be  regarded  as  the  chief  bul 
wark  of  the  Confederacy.  To  surrender  that  army  was 
to  surrender  the  cause  for  which  so  many  lives  had  been 
lost,  so  many  millions  of  money  expended,  so  much 
misery  produced. 

General  Grant  sent  the  folio  wing  reply,  bearing  date 


1865.]  LEE'S  DIPLOMACY— GRANT'S  COUNTER-STROKE.  499 

the  eighth  of  April.   ' '  General :  Your  note  of  last  evening 
in  reply  to  mine  of  same  date,  asking  the  condition  on 
which  I  will  accept    the   surrender   of   the    Army   of 
Northern  Virginia,  is  just  received.     In  reply  I  would 
say  that  peace  being  my  great  desire,  there  is  but  one 
condition  I  would  insist  upon,  namely :   that  the  men 
and  officers  surrendered  shall  be  disqualified  for  taking 
up  arms  again  against  the  Government  of  the  United 
States  until  properly  exchanged.     I  will  meet  you,  or 
will  designate  officers  to  meet  any  officers  you  will  name- 
for  the  same  purpose,  at  any  point  agreeable  to  you,  for 
the  purpose  of   arranging   definitely   the    terms  upon* 
which  the  surrender  of  the  Army  of  Northern  Virginia: 
will  be  received."     But    Lee  could    not  yet  bring  his-> 
proud  spirit  into  subjection  to   the  condition  in  which: 
he  found  himself  placed,  and  he  temporized  while  he- 
struggled  to  find  some  mode  of  escape.     His  reply  was 
couched  in  the  following  diplomatic  language  :    "  Gen 
eral  : — I  received  at  a  late  hour  your  note  of  to-day.    In 
mine  of  yesterday  I  did  not  intend  to  propose  the  sur 
render  of  the  Army  of  Northern  Virginia,  but  to  ask. 
the  terms  of  your  proposition.     To  be  frank,  I  do  not 
think  the  emergency  has  arisen  to  call  for  the  surrender 
of  this  army  ;  but  as  the  restoration  of  peace  should  be- 
the  sole  object  of  all,  I  desired  to  know  whether  your 
proposals  would  lead  to  that  end.     I  cannot,  therefore,, 
meet  you  with  a  view  to  surrender  the  Army  of  North 
ern  Virginia,  but  as  far  as  your  proposal  may  effect  th& 
Confederate  States'  forces  under  my  command,  and  tend 
to  the  restoration  of  peace,  I  should  be  pleased  to  meet 
you  at  ten  A.M.    to-morrow,  on  the  old   stage  road  to 
Richmond,  between  the  picket  lines  of  the  two  armies." 
Grant  received  this  note  at  midnight,  and  replied  next 
morning,  as  follows  :   "  April  9,  1865.     General  :— Your 
note  of  yesterday  is  received  ;  I  have  no  authority  to  treat 
on  the  subject  of  peace.     The  meeting  proposed  for  tern 
A.  M.  to-day  could  lead  to  no  good.     I  will  state,  however,. 


500  LEE   ORDERS  GORDON   TO  CUT    HIS   WAY  THROUGH.  [1865. 

General,  that  I  am  equally  anxious  for  peace  with  your 
self,  and  the  whole  North  entertains  the  same  feeling. 
The  terms  upon  which  peace  can  be  had  are  well  under 
stood.  By  the  South  laying  down  their  arms,  they  will 
hasten  that  most  desirable  event,  save  thousands  of 
human  lives,  and  hundreds  of  millions  of  property  not 
yet  destroyed.  Seriously  hoping  that  all  our  difficulties 
may  be  ended,  without  the  loss  of  another  life,  I  sub 
scribe  myself,  &c."  Evidently  General  Grant  did  not 
propose  to  enter  into  a  diplomatic  discussion  with 
General  Lee,  nor  to  meet  him  except  to  receive  the  sur 
render  of  his  army.  While  this  correspondence  was 
going  on,  military  operations  were  not  relaxed  on  either 
side,  and  events  were  hastening  to  a  climax.  On  the 
night  of  the  eighth,  the  ubiquitous  Sheridan  reined  up 
with  his  eager  troopers  at  Appomattox  Station,  on  the 
Lynchburg  Railroad,  five  miles  south  of  Appomattox 
Court  House.  The  van-guard  of  Lee's  army  had  just 
arrived,  and  four  trains  of  cars,  loaded  with  supplies 
for  his  starving  men  were  approaching  the  station. 
Sheridan  threw  a  force  in  rear  of  these  trains  and  cap 
tured  them.  He  then  attacked  the  Confederate  troops 
and  drove  them  back  upon  Appomattox  Court  House. 
He  had  thus  utterly  annihilated  Lee' s  last  hope  of  ade 
quate  supplies  for  his  hungry  troops.  Then  he  planted 
his  bronzed  veterans  directly  in  front  of  Lee,  and  across 
his  only  remaining  line  of  retreat.  The  Army  of  the 
James  was  hurrying  forward  to  join  Sheridan  in  front, 
and  the  Army  of  the  Potomac  was  sweeping  down  upon 
the  Confederate  rear. 

Lee  could  only  escape  by  cutting  his  way  through 
Sheridan's  lines,  and  this  he  resolved  to  attempt.  At 
dawn,  on  the  ever-memorable  ninth  of  April,  he  sent 
orders  to  General  Gordon,  to  cut  Ms  way  through  at  all 
hazards.  The  rebel  army  was  now  reduced  to  about 
8,000  armed  men  ;  Gordon  in  front,  and  the  wreck  of 
Longstreet's  corps  in  rear.  Between  them  the  debris  of 


1865.]     FAILS — SHERIDAN  PREPARES  TO  CHARGE — LEE  SURRENDERS.         501 

the  wagon-train  and  the  gaunt  figures  of  several 
thousand  unarmed  men,  too  weak  to  carry  their  muskets. 
The  residue  of  that  once  grand  army  lay  in  the  trenches 
around  Petersburg,  and  in  the  roads  and  fields  over 
which  its  frightful  march  had  been  made. 

Gordon  advanced  to  the  attack  with  great  spirit,  and 
actually  forced  the  cavalry  to  give  ground.  Sheridan 
directed  his  Lieutenants  to  fall  back  gradually,  but  to 
retard  the  enemy's  advance,  so  as  to  give  the  infantry 
time  to  come  up.  By  and  by  the  bayonets  of  the  Army 
of  the  James  were  seen  advancing  in  serried  ranks  upon 
the  field,  when  the  Confederates  gave  up  the  assault  and 
prepared  to  act  on  the  defensive.  Then  Sheridan's 
bugles  pealed  forth  the  signal  to  mount,  and  soon  10,000 
cavalry  had  swung  around  upon  the  enemy's  flank, 
ready  to  charge  on  the  baffled  foe.  But  this  further, 
and  what  would  have  been,  terrible  slaughter,  was 
averted.  At  the  last  moment,  and  just  as  the  bugles 
were  raised  to  sound  the  charge,  one  bearing  a  white  flag 
emerged  from  the  Confederate  lines  with  a  letter  from 
General  Lee,  asking  for  suspension  of  hostilities  and  an 
interview  with  General  Grant.  That  interview  took 
place  that  afternoon  in  a  house  at  Appomattox  Court 
House,  where  the  two  chieftains  signed  the  compact 
which  practically  ended  the  war. 

Walter  H.  Taylor,  Adjutant-General  of  Lee's  army, 
in  his  ' ;  Four  Years  with  General  Lee,"  thus  portrays 
his  chief  in  connection  with  the  surrender  of  his  army  : 

''  On  the  evening  of  the  8th  of  April,"  General  Tay 
lor  writes,  "  I  became  separated  from  General  Lee  in 
the  execution  of  his  orders  in  regard  to  the  parking  of 
our  trains  in  places  of  safety  and  did  not  rejoin  him 
until  the  morning  of  the  9th.  After  making  my  report, 
the  General  said  to  me,  '  Well,  Colonel,  what  are  we  to 
do  V  In  reply  a  fear  was  expressed  that  it  would  be 
necessary  to  abandon  the  trains,  which  had  already  oc- 


-502  WHAT  LEE  SAID,  AND  HOW    HE    APPEARED.  [1865. 

••casioned  us  much  embarrassment,  and  the  hope  was  in 
dulged,  that  relieved  of  this  burden  the  army  could 
make  good  its  escape.  'Yes,'  said  the  General,  'per 
haps  we  could,  but  I  have  had  a  conference  with  these 
gentlemen  around  me  and  they  agree  that  the  time  has 
come  for  a  capitulation.'  'Well,  sir,'  I  said,  'lean 
only  speak  for  myself  ;  to  me  any  other  fate  is  prefer 
able.'  '  Such  is  my  individual  way  of  thinking,'  inter 
rupted  the  General. 

"  'But,'  I  immediately  added,  'of  course,  General, 
it  is  different  with  you.  You  have  to  think  of  these 
brave  men  and  decide  not  only  for  yourself  but  for 
.them.' 

"  '  Yes,'  he  replied,  '  it  would  be  useless,  and  there 
fore  cruel,  to  provoke  the  further  effusion  of  blood,  and 
I  have  arranged  to  meet  General  Grant  with  a  view  to 
surrender  and  wish  you  to  accompany  me.' 

"  Shortly  after  this  the  General,  accompanied  by 
Colonel  Marshall  and  myself,  started  back  in  the  direc 
tion  from  which  he  had  come,  to  meet  General  Grant  as 
had  been  arranged. 

"  We  continued  some  distance  without  meeting  any 
'One  after  passing  our  lines,  but  finally  came  upon  a 
staff  officer,  sent  by  General  Grant's  order  to  say  to  Gen 
eral  Lee  that  he  had  been  prevented  from  meeting  him 
.at  that  point  and  to  request  that  he  would  meet  him 
upon  the  other  road.  General  Lee  then  retraced  his 
steps,  and,  proceeding  toward  our  front  in  the  direction 
of  Appomattox  Court  House,  dismounted  at  a  conven 
ient  place  to  await  General  Grant's  communication. 
Very  soon  a  Federal  officer,  accompanied  by  one  of  Gen 
eral  Gordon's  staff,  rode  up  to  where  General  Lee  was 
seated  in  a  small  orchard  on  the  roadside.  This  proved 
to  be  General  Forsythe,  of  General  Sheridan's  staff,  who 
was  sent  by  General  Sheridan  to  say  that,  as  he  had 
doubt  as  to  his  authority  to  recognize  the  informal 
itruce  which  had  been  agreed  upon  between  General 


1865.]  WHAT  LEE  SAID,  AND   HOW  HE   APPEARED.  503 

Gordon  and  himself,  he  desired  to  communicate  with 
General  Meade  on  the  subject,  and  wished  permission 
to  pass  through  our  lines  as  the  shortest  route.  I  was 
assigned  to  the  duty  of  escorting  General  Forsythe 
through  our  lines  and  back.  This  was  scarcely  accom 
plished,  when  General  Babcock  rode  up  and  announced 
to  General  Lee  that  General  Grant  was  prepared  to  meet 
him  at  the  front. 

"  I  shrank  from  this  interview,  and  while  I  could  not 
then,  and  cannot  now,  justify  my  conduct,  I  availed 
myself  of  the  excuse  of  having  taken  the  two  rides 
through  the  extent  of  our  lines  and  to  those  of  the 
enemy,  already  mentioned,  and  did  not  accompany  my 
chief  in  this  trying  ordeal. 

"  The  scene  witnessed  upon  the  return  of  General 
Lee  was  one  certain  to  impress  itself  indelibly  upon  the 
memory  ;  it  can  be  vividly  recalled  now  after  the  lapse 
of  many  years,  but  no  description  can  do  it  justice. 
The  men  crowded  around  him,  eager  to  shake  him  by 
the  hand  ;  eyes  that  had  been  so  often  illumined  with 
the  fire  of  patriotism  and  true  courage,  that  had  so 
often  glared  with  defiance  in  the  heat  and  fury  of  bat 
tle,  and  so  often  kindled  with  enthusiasm  and  pride  in 
the  hour  of  success,  moistened  now  ;  cheeks  bronzed 
by  exposure  in  many  campaigns  and  withal  begrimed 
with  powder  and  dust,  now  blanched  from  deep  emo 
tion  and  suffered  the  silent  tear  ;  tongues  that  had  so 
often  carried  dismay  to  the  hearts  of  the  enemy  in  that 
indescribable  cheer  which  accompanied  "the  charge." 
or  that  had  so  often  made  the  air  to  resound  with  the 
psean  of  victory,  refused  utterance  now  ;  brave  hearts 
failed  that  had  never  quailed  in  the  presence  of  an 
enemy  ;  but  the  firm  and  silent  pressure  of  the  hand 
told  most  eloquently  of  souls  filled  with  admiration, 
love  and  tender  sympathy  for  their  beloved  chief.  He 
essayed  to  thank  them,  but  too  full  a  heart  paralyzed 
his  speech  ;  he  soon  sought  a  short  respite  from  these 


504  THE  ARMIES  FRATERNIZE— AN  INEVITABLE  ORDEAL.  [1865. 

trying  scenes  and  retired  to  his  private  quarters,  that 
he  might,  in  solitude  and  quiet,  commune  with  his  own 
brave  heart  and  be  still.  Thus  terminated  the  career 
of  the  Army  of  Northern  Virginia — an  army  that  was 
never  vanquished,  but  that,  in  obedience  to  the  orders 
of  its  trusted  commander,  who  was  himself  yielding 
obedience  to  the  dictates  of  a  pure  and  lofty  sense  of 
duty  to  his  men  and  those  dependent  on  them,  laid 
down  its  arms  and  furled  the  standards  never  lowered 
in  defeat," 

The  men  of  the  two  armies  at  once  mingled  together, 
and  the  starving  Confederates  found  their  late  antago 
nists  hospitable  friends. 

The  Confederates  were  paroled  and  went  to  their 
homes,  many  of  them  making  their  poor  tables  glad  by 
the  abundance  of  Union  rations,  while  the  Union  army 
turned  its  face  northward,  and  a  few  months  later  its 
members  had  laid  aside  their  arms  and  uniforms,  and 
were  mingling  with  their  neighbors  in  the  ordinary  oc 
cupations  of  life — valiant  soldiers  in  war,  good  citizens 
in  peace. 

Thus  practically  ended  the  great  Rebellion — a  rebel 
lion  that  our  incongruous  system  of  government  was 
certain  to  entail  upon  the  country,  sooner  or  later.  It 
involved  terrible  trials  and  sacrifices,  but  we  must 
remember  that, 

"  Not  painlessly  doth  God  recast 
And  mould  anew  a  nation." 

With  the  close  of  the  war  the  dawn  of  a  new  and 
better  era  burst  upon  our  country.  We  emerged  from 
the  conflict  triumphant  not  only,  but  we  had  shown 
vitality  and  resources  that  amazed  the  world,  while  they 
surprised  ourselves.  The  blot  upon  our  escutcheon  had 
been  expunged,  and  we  stood  before  the  world  in  the 
sublime  majesty  of  a  nation  free  in  fact,  as  well  as  in 
theory.  True,  we  yet  bear  the  marks  and  scars  of  the 


1865.]  FKUITS   OF  THE  UNION  VICTOKY.  505 

gigantic  struggle  through  which  we  have  passed,  but 
with  a  people  reunited  and  animated  by  that  indomit 
able  spirit  which  hitherto  has  enabled  them  to  accom 
plish  so  much,  they  will  march  on,  in  the  course  of 
empire,  until  our  continent  shall  be  covered  with  towns 
and  cities,  and  peace  and  good  will  shall  dwell  in  all 
our  borders. 


506  LETTER  FROM   MCD.    VAN   WAGONER.  [181 


NOTES. 


NOTE   I. 

Letter  from  McD.  Van  Wagoner,  Esq.,  in  relation  to 
statement  on  page  240. 

KINGSTON,  Sept.  3d,  1879. 
GENERAL  GATES  : 

Dear  Sir ; — As  a  member  of  one  of  the  companies  of 
the  Harris  Light  Cavalry,  and  a  participant  in  the  fight 
of  Brandy  Station,  and  that  of  Rappahannock  Station, 
in  1862,  allow  me  to  say  I  think  you  do  injustice  to 
General  Kilpatrick  in  your  criticism  (on  pages  240  and 
241  of  your  history)  of  that  gentleman's  action. 

An  attempt  was  made  to  give  the  rebels  a  check, 
near  Rappahannock  Station,  and  Judson  Kilpatrick, 
then  Lieutenant-Colonel  of  the  Harris  Light  Cavalry, 
was  selected  for  that  duty. 

A  portion  of  the  regiment  (Harris  Light)  was  formed 
on  a  fine  level  piece  of  ground  a  few  hundred  yards  from 
the  brow  of  a  hill,  up  which  the  enemy  were  expected  to 
€ome  in  full  force  during  their  advance.  There  couldn'  t 
have  been  found  a  finer  place  for  manoeuvring  cavalry, 
but  as  the  rebels  came  up  with  a  cloud  of  skirmishers, 
the  dust  which  filled  the  air  made  their  numbers  look 
much  larger  than  they  really  were,  and  the  Harris  Light 
being  green,  as  it  were,  never  having  participated  in  a 
charge,  or  even  seen  one,  when  ordered  by  Kilpatrick  to 
charge,  didn't  move  forward  immediately,  and  almost 
the  next  instant  a  column  of  rebel  cavalry  being  seen 
coming  on  a  gallop  close  to  them,  they  broke  and  ran  ; 


1879.]  LETTER  FROM  MCD.    VAN   WAGONER.  507 

Kilpatrick  rallied  probably  fifty  men,  and  with  them 
made  several  charges  ;  and  as  for  himself,  being  greatly 
excited,  because  of  the  lack  of  success  of  the  charge, 
for  a  time  he  raved  like  a  wild  man,  and  fought  like  a 
tiger ;  but  he  was  finally  run  back  in  the  crowd,  and  the 
dust  became  so  thick,  a  man  couldn't  recognize  his  own 
officer.  The  regiment  (or  that  portion  of  it)  crossed  the 
river  in  squads,  when  it  was  formed,  having  lost  only  a 
few  men. 

If  General  Kilpatrick  made  a  mistake,  it  was  in  not 
starting  the  charging  columns  down  towards  the  enemy 
at  a  trot,  and  then  ordering  a  charge,  when  they  would, 
no  doubt,  have  swept  the  hill,  for  it  was  not  a  lack  of 
courage  that  caused  the  men  to  fall  back.  At  the  battle 
of  Bull  Run,  a  few  days  after,  when  a  charge  was 
ordered  by  a  staff  officer,  on  the  night  of  the  first  day, 
on  the  enemy,  who  were  supposed  to  be  retreating, 
though  every  one  in  the  regiment  knew  it  was  almost 
certain  death,  when  two  companies,  F  and  M,  were 
ordered  down  the  road,  they  did  not  flinch,  but  charged 
headlong,  and  as  it  was  afterwards  ascertained,  ac 
tually  charged  a  corps  of  the  rebel  army.  The  result 
was,  that  out  of  the  eighty  men  who  made  the  charge, 
only  four  or  five  returned.  The  majority  were  shot 
down  by  a  cross-fire  of  infantry,  with  grape  from  a  bat 
tery  in  the  road,  directly  in  their  front,  and  piled  up 
with  their  horses  on  the  road,  killed  and  mortally 
wounded ;  two  went  clear  through  the  rebel  lines  and 
were  captured,  and  as  before  stated,  four  or  five  man 
aged  to  get  back. 

The  record  of  the  Harris  Light  Cavalry  (afterwards 
the  2d  New  York),  during  the  war,  was  of  the  best ;  and 
whether  mounted  or  dismounted,  they  could  be  depend 
ed  upon  to  do  good  work,  as  General  Patrick,  and  also 
General  Ouster  (under  whom  the  regiment  fought  several 
battles),  were  free  in  saying.  Knowing  that  you  would 


508  LETTER  FROM  MCD.    VAN   WAGONER.  [1879. 

not  intentionally  do  injustice  to  so  creditable  an  officer 
as  Judson  Kilpatrick,  or  to  so  excellent  a  regiment  as 
the  Harris  Light  Cavalry,  I  have  written  these  facts  for 
your  perusal. 

Very  truly,  yours, 

McD.  VAN  WAGONER, 
Private  Co.  F,  Harris  Light  Cavalry, 
during  the  late  War. 


1857.]  ADDITIONAL   LIST   OP  OFFICERS.  509 


NOTE    II. 


ADDITIONAL   LIST   OF   OFFICERS    OF   THE    "TWENTIETH, 
PRIOR   TO    ITS    DEPARTURE   FOR   THE   WAR. 

In  addition  to  the  list  of  officers  given  in  Chapter  III, 
as  members  of  the  regiment  while  it  was  commanded 
by  Colonel  Fiero,  the  records  in  the  Adjutant-General's 
office,  at  Albany,  show  that  the  following  named  per 
sons  held  commissions  in  the  "  Twentieth  "  between  the 
time  of  Colonel  Fiero' s  resignation  and  the  departure  of 
the  regiment  for  the  war,  and  whose  names  do  not  ap 
pear  elsewhere  in  this  narrative.  It  should  be  stated, 
however,  that  the  regimental  district  had  meantime 
been  changed,  and  Greene  County  had  been  substituted 
for  Sullivan.  The  additional  list  is  as  follows  : 

Surgeon. — James  O.  Van  Hovenbergh,  Kingston, 
November,  1857,  in  place  of  Cornelius  G.  Harlow,  of 
Esopus.  Sidney  L.  Ford,  Lexington,  and  David  B. 
Dewey,  Catskill,  Surgeon's  Mates. 

Chaplain. — Rev.  Robert  B.  Fairbain,  now  Dean  of 
St.  Stephen's  College  at  Anandale,  N.  Y. 

Captains . — George  Hartman,  Rondout  ;  Daniel  Gil- 
lett,  John  B.  Davis,  Olive  ;  Samuel  Penniman,  Samson- 
ville  ;  James  Diamond,  Rondout ;  Anthony  Van  Bergin, 
Rondout  ;  James  Thompson,  Esopus  ;  John  Weber, 
Rondout ;  Hezekiah  Pettit,  Lexington. 

First  Lieutenants. — Adam   Smith,    Cairo  ;   George 
W.  Mead,  Jr,,  Cairo  ;  Lawrence  H.  Corbitt,  Rondout ; 
Joseph  Zemiski,  Rondout ;  Charles  Shuman,  Rondout 
William   Golden,    Rondout  ;    John    Kline,    Rondou^ 


510  ADDITIONAL  LIST  OF  OFFICERS.  [1857, 

Platt  J.  Rowley;  Hiram  Davis,  Windham  Centre ; 
George  Wheeler,  Lexington,  (promoted  to  Captain) ; 
William  Bertshe,  Rondout ;  William  Hammond,  ;  Cor 
nelius  B.  Bishop,  Olive  ;  John  T.  Dewitt,  Samsonville  ; 
John  F.  Ahrens,  Rondout. 

Second  Lieutenants. — Philip  V.  Moderse,  Green 
ville  ;  George  H.  Hasten,  Greenville  ;  Joseph  McElvy, 
Samsonville ;  Hiram  Boice,  Shokan  ;  Nathan  Leopold, 
Ellenville  ;  John  Henkel,  Rondout  ;  Jacob  Freelewich, 
Kingston ;  George  R.  Scheck,  Rondout ;  George  Bush- 
nell,  Claryville  ;  J.  Andrew  Cross,  Lexington  ;  Porter 
J.  Schermerhorn,  Westkill ;  Albert  Cohen,  Saugerties  : 
Henry  Fox,  Rondout;  Peter  Claire,  Rondout. 


APPENDICES. 
A. 

CHRONOLOGICAL  RECORD, 

CONTAINING  AN  ACCURATE  ACCOUNT  OF  THE  MOVEMENTS  OF  THE  REGI 
MENT  DURING  ITS  ENTIRE  SECOND  TERM  OF  SERVICE — DISTANCES 
MARCHED — PLACES  OF  ENCAMPMENT  OR  BIVOUAC — DUTY  EMPLOYED 
ON — DETAILS  OF  OFFICERS  AND  MEN — PROCEEDINGS  OF  DETACHMENT 
ON  VETERAN  FURLOUGH— VISIT  TO  ALBANY — HON.  JACOB  LEFEVRE'S 
RESOLUTION — IN  THE  ASSEMBLY  CHAMBER — PRESENTATION  OF  COLORS 
TO  MASTER  PRATT — ACCEPTANCE  BY  GOV.  SEYMOUR — PRESENTATION 
OF  COLORS  BY  MRS.  KUGLER — SPEECH  OF  HON.  GEORGE  T.  PIERCE — AD 
DRESS  OF  REGIMENT  TO  COLONEL  GATES — COLONEL  HARDENBURGH  IN 
COMMAND— REGIMENT  TO  DEFENCE  OF  FORT  SEDGWICK — GENERAL 
COLLIS'  ORDER — REGIMENT  IN  RICHMOND — HOW  OFFICERS  AND  MEN 

EMPLOYED — GENERAL  TURNER'S  ORDER — REGIMENT  AT  NORFOLK — 
COLONEL  HARDENBURGH  IN  COMMAND  OF  DISTRICT — MUSTERED  OUT — 
COLONEL  HARDENBURGH'S  ADDRESS — RECEPTION  AND  FLAG-PRESEN 
TATION  AT  KINGSTON — REORGANIZATION. 

THE  history  of  the  original  organization  of  the  regiment 
under  Colonel  Christopher  Fiero,  and  its  consolidation 
with  the  Twenty-eight  regiment  ;  the  accession  of 
Colonel  George  W.  Pratt  to  the  command,  and  its  or 
ganization  and  departure  from  Kingston  for  its  first 
service  under  the  United  States  Government,  is  given 
in  Chapters  III,  IV,  and  V  of  this  work. 

The  following  chronological  record,  after  brief  ref 
erence  to  the  three  months'  service,  carries  on  its 
history  from  that  time  until  its  return  in  February, 
1866.  ' 


512  THREE  MONTHS'  SERVICE— REORGANIZATION.  [1861-2. 

About  the  middle  of  April,  an  order  was  received 
from  the  Adjutant-General  of  the  State  of  New  York, 
to  prepare  to  march  at  an  early  day,  and  on  the  26th 
of  April,  1861,  in  pursuance  of  orders,  the  regiment  left 
Kingston  for  Washington,  about  eight  hundred  strong. 

The  regiment  was  sent  to  Annapolis  and  thence  to 
Annapolis  Junction,  where  it  did  guard  and  picket  duty 
along  the  Baltimore  and  Washington  Railroad  and  the 
Annapolis  Railroad  until  the  latter  part  of  June,  when, 
on  the  occasion  of  the  arrest  of  the  Police  Commissioners 
and  Marshal  Kane,  it  was  ordered  to  Baltimore,  and  did 
guard  duty  there  until  its  term  of  service  expired  ;  but 
at  the  special  request  of  General  Dix,  commanding  at 
Baltimore,  it  remained  a  few  days  after  its  term  was 
closed,  when  it  returned  to  Kingston  and  was  mustered 
out  of  the  service  early  in  August,  1861.  It  carried 
home  a  beautiful  United  States  color,  presented  to  it  by 
the  ladies  of  Baltimore. 

The  work  of  reorganization  immediately  began, 
and  the  regiment  again  marched  from  Kingston  to 
Washington  in  the  latter  part  of  October,  1861,  with 
the  following  field  officers  :  George  W.  Pratt,  Colonel ; 
Theodore  B.  Gates,  Lieutenant-Colonel ;  Jacob  B.  Har- 
denburgh,  Major  ;  and  a  total  strength  of  a  little  less 
than  one  thousand,  officers  and  men.  It  reached  Wash 
ington  on  the  27th  day  of  that  month. 

On  the  7th  of  November,  1861,  the  regiment  crossed 
the  Potomac,  and  joined  General  Wadsworth's  Brigade, 
General  McDowell's  Division  of  the  Army  of  the  Poto 
mac,  and  did  picket  and  foraging  duty  throughout  the 
winter. 

"  January  1,  1862. — Regiment  in  camp  at  Upton's 
Hill,  Va. 

January  12. — Regiment  on  picket   for  forty-eight 


1802.]  MARCH   TO   CENTREVILLE    AND   RETURN.  513 

hours  in  front  of  Falls  Church,  Va.     From  this   date 
until  March  10,  engaged  in  drill,  forage  and  picket  duty. 

March  10. — Regiment  marched  at  (5  A.M.,  with  Gen 
eral  Wadsworth's  Brigade,  McDowell's  Division,  and 
bivouacked  at  6  P.  M.,  16  miles  from  Upton  Hill,  and  2 
miles  east  of  Centreville. 

March  14. — Two  hundred  and  twenty-two  men,  un 
der  Captain  Tappen,  marched  to  and  bivouacked  on  Bull 
Run  battle-field. 

March  15. — This  detachment  marched  from  that 
bivouac,  joined  the  regiment,  and  the  entire  command 
marched  to  "Three  Mile  Run,1'  near  Alexandria,  in  a 
terrible  storm  of  rain,  17  miles,  The  detachment 
marched  25  miles. 

March  16. — Regiment  marched  to  Upton  Hill,  6 
miles. 

March  18. — Marched  two  miles  below  Bailey's  Cross 
Roads,  and  bivouacked  with  brigade. 

April  4. — Regiment  marched  with  General  Patrick's 
Brigade,  from  camp  near  Bailey's  Cross  Roads,  at  3 
P.M.,  aud  bivouacked  at  7  P.M.,  2  miles  south  of  Anan- 
dale.  Distance  marched,  6  miles. 

April  5. — Regiment  resumed  its  march  at  8  A.  M., 
and  marching  through  Fairfax  Court  House  and  Centre 
ville,  crossed  Bull  Run,  and  bivou  acked  1  mile  south  of 
Blackburn  Ford.  Distance  marched,  15  miles. 

April  6. — Regiment  continued  its  march  at  8  A.  M., 
and  passing  Manassas  Junction,  crossed  Broad  Run, 
and  encamped  near  Bristow  Station,  at  2  P.  M.  Dis 
tance  marched,  17  miles. 

April  7. — A  terrible  storm  of  rain,  snow  and  sleet, 
against  which  shelter  tents  afforded  little  protection,  be 
gan  to-day,  and  continued  for  sixty  hours,  occasioning 
much  suffering. 

April  16.— Marched  to  Catlett  Station.  Distance,  7 
miles. 

33 


514  PROM  CATLETT'S  STATION  TO  FREDERICKSBURG.  [1862. 

April  18. — Regiment  marched  at  6  A.  M.  ;  obliged  to 
leave  forage,  ammunition  and  sundries  on  the  ground, 
for  want  of  transportation,  reaching  a  station  12  miles 
north  of  Falmouth,  in  a  storm  of  rain.  Distance  march 
ed,  18|  miles. 

April  19. — Marched  at  7  A.  M.,  reaching  the  hill-side 
directly  opposite  and  in  front  of  the  city  of  Fredericks- 
burg  at  5  P.  M.,  a  distance  of  14  miles.  The  enemy 
have  retreated,  after  a  little  skirmishing,  across  the 
Rappahannock,  burning  the  three  bridges  and  all  their 
shipping,  including  the  notorious  Steamer  St.  Nicholas, 
captured  by  the  •"  French  Lady,"  Thomas. 

April  28. — Moved  camp  half  a  mile  further  south. 

May  5. — Three  companies  of  this  regiment,  with  two 
from  the  Twenty- third  and  one  from  the  Thirty-fifth 
N.  Y.  Volunteers,  all  under  command  of  Lieutenant-Col 
onel  Theodore  B.  Gates,  crossed  the  river  at  5  P.  M., 
and  occupied  the  city  of  Fredericksburg,  Virginia. 

May  10. — Regiment   crossed  the   river  at  8  o'clock 
P.M.,  marching  to  a  point  1|  miles  beyond  the  city  of 
Fredericksburg,  on  the  Telegraph  Road  to  Richmond, 
where  it  encamped.     Distance  marched.  3£  miles. 

May  11. — At  3  P.M.  the  regiment  was  ordered  under 
arms,  and  moved  some  2  miles  down  the  Bowling  Green 
Road,  to  repel  a  threatened  attack  of  the  enemy,  under 
General  Anderson,  who  was  driving  in  a  reconnoitering 
party,  and  advancing  toward  the  city  in  considerable 
force.  A  few  shots  were  fired,  with  a  loss  of  one  horse 
©n  our  side,  when  the  enemy  withdrew. 

May  14.— Companies  B,  C,  H,  and  G,  under  Major 
Jacob  B.  Hardenburgh,  on  picket  for  twenty-four  hours. 

May  17.— Companies  A,  B,  C,  D,  E,  F,  G,  and  K, 
relieved  Thirty-fifth  N.  Y.  Volunteers,  on  picket  for 
twenty -four  hours. 

May  20.— Companies  A,  B,  C,  D,  E,  I,  and  H,  on 
picket  for  24  hours.  At  10  o'clock,  p.  M.,  advanced  our 


1862.]  FREDERICKSBURG   TO   HAYMARKET.  515 

picket  line  1  mile,  driving  in  the  enemy  and  occupying 
the  Toll- Gate  on  the  Plank -road,  near  Salem  Church. 

May  23.—  Companies  B,  C,  D,  E,  F,  Gf,  and  K,  on 
picket  for  twenty-four  hours.  Enemy  keeping  up  a 
brisk  fire  on  our  men  at  the  Toll-Gfate.  Regiment  re 
viewed  by  President  Lincoln. 

May  26. — Regiment  marched,  with  brigade,  at  3 
P.M.,  up  the  Telegraph  Road  to  Massaponix  Creek,  and 
encamped  at  7  P.  M.,  on  the  ground  occupied  by  the 
enemy  (the  day  before)  under  General  Anderson.  Dis 
tance  marched,  six  miles.  Companies  C,  and  G,  under 
Major  Hardenburgh,  doing  picket  duty  through  the 
night. 

May  29. — Regiment  marched  at  12  M.  to  Hazel  Run, 
joined  brigade,  and  continued  its  march  through  Fred- 
ericksburg,  crossing  the  Rappahannock,  through  Pal- 
mouth,  to  a  point  six  miles  beyond.  Bivouacked  at  9 
P.M.  Distance  marched,  fourteen  miles. 

May  30. — Regiment  marched,  with  brigade,  at  8 
A.M.,  and,  after  a  very  fatiguing  march  of  twenty  miles 
crossed  Elk  Run,  and  bivouacked  at  7  P.  M.  Frequent 
heavy  rain  storms. 

May  31. — Regiment  marched  at  6  A.  M.,  with  bri 
gade,  crossed  Cedar  Run,  and  bivouacked  at  Catlett 
Station,  on  Orange  and  Alexandria  Railroad,  awaiting 
cars  to  transport  it  to  Front  Royal,  Va.  Wagon  train 
sent  to  Thoroughfare  Gap  by  road  ma  Haymarket,  ac 
companied  by  company  H,  as  escort.  Heavy  rain  storms 
during  the  night. 

June  2. — Regiment  marched  with  brigade  at  12  M., 
from  Catlett  Station,  Va.,  and  bivouacked  in  a  violent 
storm  at  6  p.  M.,  on  the  bank  of  Kettle  Run,  on  the  road 
to  Haymarket.  Distance  marched,  eight  miles. 

June  3. — Regiment  marched,  with  brigade,  at  7 
A.M.,  and,  crossing  Broad  Run,  reached  Haymarket,  a 
distance  of  five  miles.  Marched  one  mile  south,  and 
encamped  near  Bull  Run. 


516  HAYMARKET   TO   FREDERICKSBURG.  [1862. 

June  6. — Regiment  marched,  with  brigade,  at  8 
A.M.,  and  crossed  Broad  Run  and  Cedar  Run,  passed 
through  the  villages  of  Buckland  and  New  Baltimore, 
and  encamped  one  and  one-half  miles  north  of  Warren- 
ton,  Va.  Distance  marched,  twelve  miles. 

June  8. — Regiment  marched,  with  brigade,  at  4 
P.M.,  passed  through  Warrenton,  and  bivouacked  at  7 
P.M.,  six  miles  beyond  and  two  miles  north  of  Warren- 
ton  Junction.  Distance  marched,  six  miles. 

June  9. — Regiment  marched,  with  brigade,  at  6  A.M., 
passed  through  Warrenton  Junction,  and  encamped 
on  the  bank  of  Elk  Run,  at  11  A.  M.  Distance  marched, 
six  miles. 

June  13. — Marched  with  brigade  at  3  P.  M.,  crossed 
Elk  Run,  and  encamped  four  miles  south  of  Catlett  Sta 
tion  at  5  P.  M.  Distance,  three  miles. 

June  21. — Marched  with  brigade  at  2  P.  M.,  crossed 
Power  Run,  and  encamped  at  6  p.  M.,  twelve  miles 
north  of  Fredericksburg,  Va.  Distance  marched,  eight 
miles. 

June  24. — Regiment  marched  with  brigade  at  6  A.  MM 
passed  through  Hartwood  and  Falmouth,  reaching  old 
camp,  opposite  Fredericksburg,  at  2  P.  M.  Distance 
marched,  thirteen  miles. 

June  27. — Moved  camp  two  miles  back  from  the  river. 
Company  C,  Captain  J.  R.  Tappen,  ordered  on  special 
duty  on  the  railroad  between  Fredericksburg  and  Rich 
mond. 

July  7. — Company  C  rejoined  the  regiment. 

July  28. — Regiment  marched  from  camp  two  miles 
back  from  the  Rappahannock,  to  and  across  the  river 
to  Fredericksburg,  where  it  divided,  the  four  right  com 
panies,  A,  C,  H,  and  K  under  Lieutenant-Colonel  Theo 
dore  B.  Gates,  marched  to  Mrs.  Stanbury's  house,  above 
Fredericksburg ;  the  rest  of  the  regiment  to  near  Mrs. 
Fennihoe's  house,  below  Fredericksburg.  The  regi 
ment  inclosed  the  city  with  a  cordon  of  sentinels,  pre- 


1862.]  AT   FREUERICKSBURG— RECONNOISSANCES.  517 

venting  all  communication  with  the  interior.  Distance 
marched  by  right  companies,  five  miles;  by  rest  of 
regiment,  three  miles. 

August  4. — Right  companies  marched  from  Mrs.  Stan- 
bury' s  house,  and  rejoined  the  regiment  at  2  p.  M. 

Augusts. — Companies  A,  E,  K,  I,  and  C,  two  compa 
nies  of  Twenty-third  New  York  Volunteers,  one  section 
of  artillery,  the  whole  under  the  command  of  Colonel 
George  W.  Pratt,  marched  on  a  reconnoissance  toward 
Bowling  Green  at  6  P.  M.,  in  consequence  of  a  report 
that  the  rebels  had  taken  possession  of  Hicks'  Hill,  and 
returned  at  3  A.  M.,  August  7,  having  marched  seven 
teen  miles  without  seeing  the  enemy. 

August  1. — Regiment  relieved  from  the  duty  of  pre 
venting  communication  between  the  city  of  Fredericks- 
burg  and  the  interior,  by  the  One  Hundredth  Regiment 
Pennsylvania  Volunteers. 

August  8. — Comx)anies  B  and  D,  six  companies  of 
Twenty -third  New  York  Volunteers,  four  companies 
Third  Indiana  cavalry,  and  a  section  of  the  First  New 
Hampshire  battery,  under  command  of  Colonel  Pratt, 
marched  on  a  reconnoitering  and  foraging  expedition 
at  7  P.  M.,  to  Round  Oak  Church,  while  Lieutenant  - 
Colonel  Gates,  with  four  companies  of  the  Twentieth, 
marched  up  the  Telegraph  Road  to  Massaponix  Creek, 
the  bridge  over  which  was  found  to  be  on  fire,  but  the 
enemy  had  fallen  back.  The  detachment  then  marched 
across  the  country,  to  the  Bowling  Green  Road,  and 
joined  Colonel  Pratt.  The  entire  force  returned  at  3J 
A.  M.,  August  9,  having  marched  twenty  miles  and  cap 
tured  two  prisoners,  twenty-five  mules,  thirty  horses, 
.and  fifty  head  of  cattle. 

August  9. — Regiment  marched,  with  brigade,  at  five 

p.  M.,  tore-enforce  General  Pope,  then  engaged  in  battle 

near  Culpepper  Court  House,  and  bivouacked  at  10  P.  M., 

on  the  Plank-road,  eleven  miles  from  Fredericksburg. 

August  10. — Regiment  marched,  with  brigade,  at  5 


518         CULPEPPER — CEDAR  MOUNTAIN — RAPPAHANNOCK   STATION.      [1862. 

A.  M.,  crossed  the  Rapidan  river  at  Ely's  Ford  at  11 
A.  M.,  and  bivouacked  at  4  P.  M.,  at  a  point  four  miles 
north-west  of  that  river,  near  the  road  from  Burnett's 
Ford  of  the  Rappahannock.  Distance  marched,  four 
teen  miles. 

August  11. — Regiment  marched,  with  division,  at  5 
A  M.,  and  bivouacked  in  line  of  battle  three  miles  from 
Culpepper  Court  House,  near  battle-field  of  Cedar  Moun 
tain,  at  12  o'clock  midnight.  Distance  marched,  twen 
ty-two  miles. 

August  13. — The  enemy  having  retreated,  the  regi 
ment  marched,  with  brigade,  one  mile  nearer  Culpepper 
Court  House,  where  it  encamped. 

August  16. — Regiment  marched  with  division  at  half- 
past  eight,  A.  M.,  to  Cedar  Mountain  battle-field,  and 
encamped  at  1  p.  M.  Distance  marched,  six  miles. 

August  18. — Orders  to  prepare  three  days'  rations, 
and  to  be  in  readiness  to  march  at  a  moment's  notice, 
were  received  at  2  P.  M.  The  baggage  of  the  regiment 
was  loaded  immediately  and  sent  off. 

August  19. — Regiment  marched,  with  division,  at  9 
A.  31.,  and  bivouacked  at  11  P.  M.,  three  miles  west  of 
Rappahannock  Station.  Distance  marched,  seventeen 
miles. 

August  20. — Regiment  marched  at  4  A.  M.,  crossed 
the  river  at  the  Station  at  half -past  five  o'clock  A.  M.  ; 
encamped  in  the  afternoon  two  miles  north  of  the  Sta 
tion,  one  mile  east  of  the  river.  Marched  five  miles. 

August  21. — Were  ordered  forward  to  near  the  river 
at  9  A,  M.,  to  support  Captain  Reynolds'  Battery  L, 
First  New  York  Artillery  ;  and  were  there  occupied 
during  the  day,  the  most  of  the  time  under  a  heavy  ffre 
from  the  enemy's  battery,  and  a  part  of  the  time  from 
his  sharp-shooters  also.  At  night,  companies  D  and  Gf, 
under  command  of  Lieutenant-Colonel  Gates,  did  picket 
duty  along  the  river  bank,  and  at  the  crossing  at  Nor- 


1862.]  WARRENTON    SPRINGS— C   COMPANY  AS  SKIRMISHERS.  518 

man's  Ford — the  residue  of  the  regiment,  under  Colonel 
Pratt,  forming  the  reserve. 

August  22. — Were  relieved  at  5  A.  M.,  by  Twenty- 
second  Regiment  New  York  Volunteers,  and  returned 
to  camp,  which  proved  to  be  in  range  of  some  of  the 
enemy's  guns.  Our  loss  was  Sergeant  Dopp,  Company 
G,  mortally  wounded,  and  several  others  slightly. 

August  23. — Marched  with  brigade  at  10  A.  M.,  and 
bivouacked  at  Warrenton,  Ya.,  at  8  P.  M.  Distance 
marched,  12  miles. 

August  24. — Marched  two  miles  beyond  Warrenton, 
toward  White  Sulphur  Springs,  and  encamped. 

August  26. — Regiment  marched  at  six  o'clock  for  the 
Springs.  As  we  approached  them,  the  enemy  opened 
lire  upon  us  from  two  guns  planted  near  a  large  yellow 
house  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  river.  Gaining  the 
cover  of  the  trees  and  buildings  around  the  Springs, 
Company  C  was  deployed  as  skirmishers.  Subsequently 
the  regiment  marched  across  an  open  plain  in  full  range 
of  the  enemy's  battery,  and  took  up  a  position  on  the 
hill  east  of  the  river,  and  about  one  mile  from  the 
Springs.  The  skirmishing  continued  all  day,  with  a 
loss  on  our  part  of  two  men  wounded.  Distance  march 
ed,  five  miles.  (See  Chapter  XVII.) 

August  27. — Regiment  marched  from  the  Springs  at 
12  M.,  and  bivouacked  at  midnight,  eight  miles  beyond 
Warrenton,  on  the  road  to  Gainesville.  Distance  march 
ed,  fifteen  miles. 

August  28. — Regiment  marched  at  six  A.  M.,  and 
reached  a  point  on  the  Centreville  road,  two  miles  be 
yond  Gainesville,  where  it  halted,  while  the  roads  and 
Avoods  in  front  were  reconnoitered  by  General  Hatch's 
Brigade,  which,  with  General  Gibbons,  was  in  advance. 
The  enemy  were  found  in  considerable  force,  and  a  brisk 
engagement  ensued.  The  regiment  was  ordered  up  to 
support  the  troops  engaged,  but  darkness  put  an  end 
to  the  battle  before  it  reached  the  field.  Picketed  road 


520  BULL   RUN    SECOND— CHANTILLY.  [1862. 

the  rest  of  the  night.  Distance  marched,  seven  miles. 
(See  Chapter  XVII.) 

August  29. — Marched  at  2  A.  M.,  for  Manasses  Junc 
tion,  which  was  reached  about  daylight.  At  10  A.  M. 
were  ordered  back  to  yesterday's  battle-field,  where  the 
action  had  been  renewed  ;  some  three  miles  from  Man- 
assas,  were  ordered  back,  and  returning  to  within  one 
mile  of  the  latter  place,  filed  to  the  left,  and,  marching 
by  the  Sudley  Ford,  across  a  portion  of  the  Bull  Run 
battle-field,  were  posted  in  support  of  Reynolds'  battery 
on  the  left  of  the  road,  and  about  one  mile  from  Chiiin's 
house.  About  dusk,  were  moved  forward  toward  Grove- 
ton,  to  support  Hatch's  Brigade,  which  was  engaged 
and  likely  to  be  turned  on  the  right ;  withdrawn  about 
10  P.  M.,  and  posting  a  portion  of  the  regiment  with 
Reynolds'  a-nd  Campbell's  batteries,  the  residue  were  de 
tailed  for  picket  on  the  front,  under  command  of  Lieu 
tenant-Colonel  Gates. 

August  30. — Bull  Run  Second.  (See  Chapters 
XVIII-XIX.) 

August  31. — Regiment  marched  at  4  A.  M.  to  Centre- 
ville,  and  joined  brigade. 

September  1. — Chantilly.     (See  Chapter  XX.) 

September^. — Rejoined  the  brigade  at  8  A.  M.,  and, 
marching  with  it,  at  2  P.  M.,  passed  through  Fairfax 
Court  House  and  Anandale,  and  reached  Upton's  Hill 
at  10  P.  M.  Distance  marched,  13  miles. 

September^ — Regiment  marched  to  Fall's  Church, 
to  repel  a  demonstration  of  the  enemy,  who  had  planted 
some  guns  on  Bassett's  Hill  and  driven  in  our  cavalry. 
Did  picket  duty  that  night.  Distance  marched,  2  miles. 

September  5. — Regiment  returned  to  camp,  on  Up 
ton  Hill,  at  1  P.  M.  Distance  marched,  2  miles. 

September  6. — Marched  at  2  A.  M,,  crossing  the 
Aqueduct  Bridge  at  Georgetown,  and  marched  through 
Washington,  D.  C.,  to  Leesboro,  Md.,  and  bivouacked 


1862.]  SOUTH   MOUNTAIN — ANTIETAM.  521 

at  5  P.  M.  Distance  marched,  16  miles.  (See  Chapter 
XXI.) 

September  8. — Marched,  with  brigade,  4  miles  and 
bivouacked. 

September  9. — Marched,  with  brigade,  to  Mechanics  - 
ville.  Distance,  9  miles. 

September  10. — Marched  from  Mechanicsville,  with 
brigade,  to  the  farm  of  a  Mr.  Davis,  6  miles  distant. 

September  11. — Marched,  with  brigade,  through  Lis 
bon  to  Newmarket,  a  distance  of  15  miles. 

September  12. — Marched,  with  brigade,  to  Monocacy 
Bridge,  and  bivouacked.  Distance  marched,  12  miles. 

September  14. — South  Mountain.  (Chapter  XXI- 
XXII.) 

September  15. — At  daylight  it  was  discovered  that 
the  enemy  had  retired,  leaving  his  dead  and  wounded 
on  the  field.  The  regiment  then  rejoined  the  brigade, 
and,  soon  after,  resumed  its  march  toward  Boonesboro, 
at  which  place  it  bivouacked  two  miles  further  south, 
on  Antietam  Creek,  at  6  p.  M.  Distance,  ten  miles. 

September  16-17. — Battle  of  Antietam.  (See  Chap 
ter  XXIV.) 

September  18.— In  line  of  battle  all  day,  but  the  ac 
tion  was  not  renewed.  Endeavored  to  remove  some  of 
our  dead  where  we  were  engaged  yesterday,  but  the 
enemy's  sharp-shooters  have  the  range  of  the  field. 

September  19. — Regiment  marched  with  brigade  (the 
enemy  have  retreated)  at  5.30  A.  M.  to  the  Williamsport 
Road,  over  the  battle-field,  and  bivouacked  in  a  wood 
half  a  mile  northwest  of  the  field.  Distance  marched, 
2  miles. 

September  29. — Marched  with  brigade  at  2£  P.  M.,  to 
a  point  one  mile  northwest  of  Sharpsburg,  near  the  Po 
tomac  river,  where  encamped.  Distance  marched,  1£ 
miles. 

October  7. — General  Patrick  having  been  assigned  to 


5£2  BAKERSVILLE   TO  UNION.  [1862. 

duty  at  General  McClellan's  headquarters,  as  Provost- 
Marshal-  General  of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac,  took 
leave  of  the  brigade.  (See  Order,  Chapter  XXV.) 

October  20. — Marched,  with  brigade,  at  7  A.M.,  to 
Hagerstown  Turnpike,  up  the  pike  about  2  miles,  then 
taking  a  road  to  the  left,  passed  through  Bakersville, 
and  encamped  about  one  mile  beyond.  Distance  march 
ed,  5  miles. 

October  26. — Regiment  marched  at  8  P.M.,  through 
a  drenching  rain  ;  but  the  darkness  compelled  it  to  biv 
ouac.  Marched  1£  miles. 

October  27. — Regiment  marched,  with  brigade,  at  6 
A.M.,  and,  passing  through  Keedysville,  took  the  road 
leading  to  Crampton's  Gap.  Bivouacked  at  4  P.M. 
Distance  marched,  7  miles. 

October  28. — Regiment  marched,  with  brigade,  at  5J 
P.M.,  crossed  South  Mountain  at  Crampton's  Gap,  pass 
ed  through  Burkettsville,  and  bivouacked  at  3  P.M.,  2 
miles  north  of  Berlin.  Distance  marched,  13  miles. 

October  30. — Regiment  marched,  with  brigade,  at  6' 
P.M.,    crossed  Potomac  river  on  a  pontoon    bridge  at 
Berlin  at   8  P.M.,  and  bivouacked  on  the  Baltimore  and 
Leesburg    Turnpike,  6  miles  from    Berlin,   at  11  P.M. 
Marched  8  miles. 

October  31.—  Marched,  with  brigade,  at  3^-  P.M.,  to 
wards  Leesburg  and  bivouacked  at  5  P.M.  Distance 
marched,  2  miles. 

November  1. — Regiment  marched,  with  division,  at 
8£  A.  M.,  passing  through  Wheatlands,  taking  the  Win 
chester  and  Leesburg  Turnpike,  and  bivouacking  near 
Purcellville,  at  3  P.  M,  Marched  8  miles. 

November  3. — Regiment  marched,  with  division,  at  1 
p.  M.  down  the  pike,  about  2  miles,  turned  to  the  left, 
passed  through  Union,  and  bivouacked  at  8  P.M.  Dis 
tance  marched,  12  miles. 

November  4. — Regiment  marched,  with  brigade,  at 


1862.]  BLOOMFIELD  TO  BROOKS'   STATION.  523 

H  P.M.,  passed  through  Bloomfield,  and  bivouacked 
half  a  mile  beyond  at  4£  o'clock.  Distance  marched, 
4J  miles. 

November  5. — Marched,  with  brigade,  at  8  A.M., 
and  bivouacked  3  miles  north  of  Salem,  at  8  P.M.  Dis 
tance  marched,  18  miles. 

November  6. — Regiment  marched,  with  brigade,  at  6 
A.M.,  passed  through  Salem  (General  McClellan' s  head 
quarters,)  at  8  A.M.,  through  Warrenton  at  5  P.  M.,  and 
encamped  at  7  P.M.,  one  mile  below  that  place,  on  the 
road  leading  to  White  Sulphur  Springs. 

November  11. — Marched,  with  brigade,  at  1  P.M., 
and  bivouacked  near  Fayetteville  at  10J  P.M.  Distance 
marched,  5  miles. 

November  12. — Marched  down  the  road  leading  to 
Nolan's  Ford,  to  do  picket  duty.  Distance  marched, 
3  miles. 

November  14. — Relieved  from  picket  duty,  and  re 
turned  to  camp  at  4  p.  M.  Distance  marched,  3  miles. 

November  17. — Regiment  marched,  with  brigade,  at 
11  A.M.,  and,  passing  through  Liberty,  Bealtown  and 
Morrisville,  bivouacked  at  9  P.M.,  2  miles  south  of  the 
latter  place.  Distance  marched,  18  miles. 

November  18. — Marched,  with  division,  at  8  A.M., 
reached  Hartwood  at  2  P.M.,  and,  taking  the  road  lead 
ing  to  Stafford  Court  House,  bivouacked  at  8  P.M. 
Distance  marched,  10  miles. 

November  19.— Marched,  with  brigade,  at  8  A.M., 
(the  roads  in  terrible  condition),  and  bivouacked  at  4 
P.M.  Distance  marched,  4  miles. 

November  20. — Marched  at  8A.M.,  half  a  mile,  and 
encamped. 

November  22. — Marched  at  3  P.M.,  and  encamped  at 
5  P.M.,  near  the  Richmond,  Fredericksburg  and  Poto 
mac  Railroad,  1  mile  southwest  of  Brooks'  Station. 
Distance  marched,  4  miles. 


£24  BATTLE    OF   FREDERICKSBURG.  [1862. 

December  9. — Marched,  at  noon,  towards  Fredericks- 
burg,  and  bivouacked  at  5  P.M.  Distance  marched,  4 
miles. 

December  10. — Marched,  with  division,  at  9  A.M.  ; 
bivouacked  at  1  P.M.  Distance  marched,  3  miles. 

December  11. — Marched,  with  division,  at  8  A.M.,  1 
mile,  halted,  stacked  arms,  and  finally  bivouacked  at  5 
P.M. 

December  12. — Marched,  with  division,  at  7£  A.M., 
to  the  Rappahannock  river  ;  crossed  the  river  at  2  P.M., 
near  the  Arthur  Bernard  House,  2  miles  below  the  city 
of  Fredericksburg.  Soon  after  our  crossing  the  river, 
the  enemy  opened  fire  with  his  artillery.  Marched  out 
of  range  and  bivouacked.  Distance  marched,  3  miles. 

BATTLE   OF    FREDEKICKSBURG. 

(For  fuller  details,  see  Chapter  XXV. 

December  13.  —At  daylight  the  brigade  was  formed 
in  line  of  battle.  This  regiment  and  the  Twenty -first 
New  York  Volunteers,  forming  the  first  line,  advanced 
to  the  left  and  toward  a  wooded  ravine  occupied  by  the 
enemy.  The  enemy  having  been  driven  from  this  posi 
tion,  the  brigade  changed  direction  to  the  right,  and 
marched,  under  a  heavy  fire  of  the  enemy's  artillery,  to 
the  Bowling  Green  Road,  which  was  occupied  by  the 
first  line.  We  remained  in  this  position  about  an  hour, 
and  until  the  advance  had  been  checked  on  the  right, 
the  enemy,  meanwhile,  pouring  a  constant  shower  of 
shot  and  shell  from  their  batteries,  which  were  not  more 
than  five  or  six  hundred  yards  in  front,  when  we  were 
ordered  at  a  double-quick  toward  the  right.  We  had 
proceeded  about  half  a  mile  in  this  direction,  when  we 
were  counter-marched,  and  took  up  a  position  in  a  rav 
ine  to  the  rear,  and  a  little  to  the  right  of  the  position 
we  had  occupied  in  the  Bowling  Green  Road,  in  sup- 


1862.]  BATTLE   OF  FREDERICKSBURG. 

port  of  several  batteries,  which  drew  on  us  a  heavy  fire 
of  artillery.  Soon  after  reaching  this  position,  (the  ene 
my  having,  during  our  march  to  the  right,  planted  a 
section  of  artillery  on  the  road  leading  from  the  tele 
graph  to  the  Bowling  Green  Road,  and  thrown  forward 
their  skirmishers,  who  severely  annoyed  our  cannon- 
iers),  Company  F,  Captain  Corbin,  Company  K,  Captain 
Baldwin,  and  Company  A,  Captain  McEntee,  were  de 
ployed  as  skirmishers.  They  advanced  rapidly,  under 
a  heavy  fire  from  the  enemy's  skirmishers,  drove  them 
back,  and  took  up  a  position  in  the  Bowling  Green  Road, 
where  they  soon  silenced  the  section  of  artillery  before 
mentioned,  killing  several  of  the  gunners  and  three 
horses.  These  companies  remained  in  this  position  un 
til  after  dark,  when  they  were  relieved  by  the  Twenty- 
third  Regiment  New  York  Volunteers.  At  dark,  the 
regiment  took  up  a  position  one  hundred  yards  to  the 
right  and  rear,  and  remained  there  daring  the  night, 
being  treated,  in  the  early  part  of  the  evening,  to  a  co 
pious  discharge  of  grape  and  canister.  At  daylight  the 
line  advanced  about  fifty  yards,  and  Company  B,  Cap 
tain  Leslie,  and  Company  E,  Captain  Cornelius,  were 
thrown  forward  as  skirmishers.  They  advanced,  driving 
the  enemy  back,  and  took  a  position  by  order  of  General 
Doubleday,  extending  from  a  group  of  straw  stacks  to 
the  Bowling  Green  Road.  The  firing  along  this  line  was 
brisk  and  uninterrupted  during  the  whole  day.  The 
ammunition  of  the  companies  having  become  exhausted, 
they  were  relieved  about  4  P.  M.,  by  Company  H,  Cap 
tain  A.  S.  Smith,  and  Company  C,  Captain  Snyder. 
Captain  Smith  was  severely  wounded  while  in  the  dis 
charge  of  his  duty.  These  companies  remained  on  duty 
during  the  night. 

December  15. — Company  G,  Captain  Cunningham 
and  Company  I,  Lieutenant  Cook,  relieved  the  above 
named  companies  early  in  the  morning,  and,  in  turn 


526  TRANSFERRED   TO  PROVOST-MARSH AL'S   DEPARTMENT.  [1802. 

were  relieved  by  Company  K,  Lieutenant  Young.  The 
picket  duty  along  this  line  was  very  severe,  as  the  line 
extended  over  an  open  plain,  and  the  men  were  con 
stantly  exposed  to  the  fire  of  the  enemy's  sharp-shoot 
ers,  which  was  kept  up  during  the  entire  day,  and  very 
frequently  during  the  night. 

December  16. — Regiment  re-crossed  the  Rappahan- 
nock  at  11-J-  P.  M.,  and  encamped  on  the  heights  beyond 
the  pontoon  bridge  at  1  A.  M.,  during  a  heavy  storm  of 
wind  and  rain.  Distance  marched,  5  miles. 

December  17. — Regiment  marched  at  9  A.M.,  to  a 
point  opposite  Fredericksburg,  and  a  short  distance 
south-east  of  the  railroad  station  at  Falmouth,  where  it 
encamped.  Distance  marched,  3  miles. 

December  20. — Marched  at  9  A.  M.  Passed  White 
Oak  Church  at  11  A.  M.,  and  encamped  at  5  P  M.  ,  on  the 
bank  of  Potomac  River,  three  miles  below  Potomac 
Run.  Distance  marched,  13  miles. 

December  23. — Regiment  marched  at  8  A.  M.,  and  en 
camped  near  Hall's  Landing,  Va.,  at  1  P.  M.  Distance 
marched,  4  miles. 

December  27. — Marched  half  a  mile,  to  a  point  north 
of  Hall's  Landing,  and  occupied  log  huts  erected  by  the 
enemy  last  winter  for  troops  stationed  here  to  support 
a  small  redoubt,  and  a  bastion  fort,  designed  to  com 
mand  the  mouth  of  Potomac  Creek,  and  to  obstruct 
navigation  on  the  river.  Furnished  daily  details  for 
fatigue  duty,  at  Hall's  Landing,  during  the  remainder 
of  the  year. 

January  7,  1863. — Transferred  from  the  First  Corps, 
and  placed  in  a  provisional  brigade,  under  command  of 
Brigadier- General  M.  R.  Patrick,  Provost-Marshal-Gen 
eral,  by  Special  Orders  No.  6,  Headquarters  Army  of 
the  Potomac.  [See  General  Patrick's  letter,  page  193.] 
January  10. — Embarked  on  steamboat  Rockland,  at 
8  A.  M.,  and  debarked  at  Aquia  Creek,  Va.,  at  10  A.  M., 


1863.]  DISTRIBUTION   OF  COMPANIES.  527 

and  proceeded  up  the  Potomac,  Fredericksburg  and 
Richmond  Railroad,  establishing  guard-posts  to  Poto 
mac  River  Station.  Headquarters  of  the  regiment  at 
Brooks'  Station. 

January  21. — Marched  to  Aquia  Creek  Landing  to 
do  guard  duty.  Encamped  near  the  Landing.  Dis 
tance  marched,  6  miles. 

January  22. — One  company  placed  on  picket  duty 
along  the  Potomac  River  from  Aquia  to  Potomac 
Creek.  A  sergeant  and  ten  men  on  duty  at  Liverpool 
Point,  Md.,  opposite  Aquia  Creek.  The  residue  of  the 
regiment  doing  guard  duty  at  the  Landing. 

February  10. — Moved  camp  to  a  hill  near  the  river. 

April  29. — Marched  from  Aquia  Creek  to  Brooks' 
Station,  6  miles  ;  establishing  guard-posts  along  the 
river,  and  garrisoning  the  field-works  at  Accocac  Creek, 
and  tete-de-pont  at  Potomac  Creek. 

CHANCELLORSVILLE,    OR    FREDERICKSBURG   SECOND. 
APRIL   30— MAY   6. 

[See  Chapter  XXVI-XXVIIL] 

May  9. — B  Company  proceeded  from  Brooks'  Station 
to  Washington,  D.  C.,  by  rail  and  boat,  to  perform 
provost  duty  on  Gfovernment  wharf.  Distance,  62  miles. 

May  13. — B  Company  returned  to  Brooks'  Station 
from  Washington  by  rail  and  boat.  Distance,  62  miles, 

May  15. — Headquarters  moved  from  Brooks'  Sta 
tion  to  Falmouth  Station,  9  miles.  Companies  A,  B.  E 
and  H  moved  to  Falmouth  Station.  C  Company  sta 
tioned  at  Brooks'  Station  ;  D  Company  at  Potomac 
Creek  Station  ;  E,  I.  F  and  K  Companies  at  Aquia 
Creek  ;  Gr  Company  at  Stoneman's  Switch — all  perform 
ing  provost  duty. 

May  16. — D  Company  moved  from  Potomac  Creek 
to  Headquarters  Army  of  the  Potomac,  3  miles. 


528        FREDERICKSBURG  TO  GREAT  FALLS  OF  POTOMAC.       [1863", 

May  17. — K  and  I  Companies  moved  from  Aquia 
Creek  to  Headquarters  Army  of  the  Potomac.  Fifteen 
miles. 

May  18. — E  Company  moved  from  Falmouth  Station 
to  Headquarters  Army  of  the  Potomac.  Two  miles. 

May  30. — C,  D,  E,  I  and  K  Companies,  under  com 
mand  of  Lieutenant-Colonel  Hardenburgh,  marched  to 
Belle  Plain,  Virginia,  to  perform  provost  duty.  Seven 
miles. 

June  14. — The  different  detachments  of  the  regiment 
united  at  Aquia  Creek — fifteen  miles — at  12  M.,  and  re 
ported  to  Brigadier- General  G.  K.  Warren.  At  3  P.  M. 
moved  by  rail  to  Potomac  Creek,  to  garrison  field- 
works,  perform  picket  duty,  and  remove  Government 
property.  Nine  miles. 

June  1§> — Marched  at  7  A.  M.  to  Brooks'  Station, 
where  remained  doing  picket  duty  and  protecting  the 
removal  of  Government  property  until  12  M.,  when,  all 
being  removed,  proceeded  by  rail  to  near  Aquia  Creek, 
and  garrisoned  'Forts  Nos.  1  and  2.  Eight  miles.  At 
about  3  P.M.  a  detachment  under  command  of  Major 
W.  A.  Van  Eensselaer,  proceeded  on  a  reconnoissance 
by  rail  to  Potomac  Creek  Station,  and  returned  at  5  P.  M. 
Sixteen  miles. 

June  16. — Marched  at  4  P.  M.  to  Aquia  Creek,  and 
embarked  on  steamer  Hero,  and  debarked  at  Alexandria, 
Virginia,  on  the  17th,  at  6  A.  M.  the  next  morning,  45 
miles,  and  marched  to  Soldier's  Rest,  where  breakfasted, 
when  marched  to  the  edge  of  the  city,  and  bivouacked. 
Marched  at  5  P.  M.  through  Alexandria,  across  the  Long 
Bridge,  through  Washington,  to  the  Soldier's  Home, 
where  remained  during  the  night.  Eight  miles. 

June  18. — Marched  at  5  A.  M.  through  Washington 
and  Georgetown,  over  the  Washington  Aqueduct,  to- 
near  the  Great  Falls  of  the  Potomac,  where  bivouacked 
at  7  P.  M.  Sixteen  miles. 

June  19. — Marched  at  6  A.  M.  to  Great  Falls  of  Poto- 


1863.]  FROM   SENECA  TO  EMMETTSBURG.  529 

mac,  where  embarked  on  canal  boats  on  Chesapeake  and 
Ohio  Canal,  and  debarked  at  Seneca  ;  and,  marching 
through  Poolesville,  bivouacked  at  5  P.  M.  a  short  dis 
tance  beyond.  Twenty-four  miles. 

June  20. — Marched  at  8  A.  M.  to  the  mouth  of  the 
Monocacy,  where  encamped.  Six  miles.  Regiment  en 
gaged  in  performing  picket  duty  along  the  Potomac 
river,  and  protecting  Aqueduct  of  the  Chesapeake  and 
Ohio  Canal  over  the  Monocacy  River. 

June  22. — Marched  at  3  p.  M.  to  Edwards'  Ferry, 
where  encamped  at  9  p.  M.  Eleven  miles.  While  here 
performed  provost  and  guard  duty. 

June  27. — Relieved  by  the  One  Hundred  and  Tenth 
Regiment  Pennsylvania  Volunteers,  and  ordered  to  join 
First  Corps.  Marched  at  10  A.  M.  to  the  Monocacy, 
crossing  that  river  over  the  Aqueduct,  and  bivouacked 
at  6  P.  M.  four  miles  beyond.  Thirteen  miles. 

June  28. — Marched  at  5  A.  M.,  crossing  the  Katocton 
Mountains  at  Katocton' s  Pass,  passed  through  Adams- 
town  and  Jefferson,  and  proceeded  to  near  Middletown, 
where,  learning  that  the  First  Corps  had  gone  to  Fred 
erick,  the  regiment  took  a  by-road  and  recrossed  the 
Katocton  Mountains  at  New  Pass,  and  bivouacked  at 
8  P.  M.  Sixteen  miles. 

June  29. — Marched  at  6  A.  M.,  and,  passing  through 
Frederick  and  Lewis  town,  bivouacked  at  5  P.  M.  on 
Emmet tsburg  pike.  Sixteen  miles. 

June  30. — Marched  at  4  A.  M.,  and  reached  Emmetts- 
burg  at  12  M.,  where  halted,  and  reported  the  arrival  to 
Major-General  Reynolds,  commanding  First  Corps, 
where  received  orders  to  join  Third  Division  under  com 
mand  of  Major-General  Doubleday.  On  joining  the 
division,  were  assigned  to  the  First  Brigade,  then  on 
picket.  Eighteen  miles. 

GETTYSBURG — JULY   1-3. 
[See  Chaps.  XXXII-XXXIV.] 

34 


530  FROM   GETTYSBURG   TO   WILLIAMSPORT.  [1863. 

July  6. — Marched  at  7  A.  M,,  with  the  First  Corps, 
and  bivouacked  near  Emmettsburg,  Md.,  at  7  P.M.  Ten 
miles. 

July  7. — Marched  at  4£  A.  M.,  and,  passing  over  the 
Katocton  Mountains,  back  of  Lewistown,  bivouacked 
beyond  Hamburg,  on  the  northerly  side  of  the  moun 
tain,  at  about  7  P.  M.  Twenty-two  miles. 

July  8.— Marched  at  5  A.  M.,  through  Belleville, 
Middletown,  crossing  South  Mountain  at  Turner's  Gap  ; 
formed  in  line  of  battle  on  north  side,  where  barricades 
were  thrown  up.  Fourteen  miles. 

July  10. — Marched  at  5%  A.  M.,  through  Boonesboro, 
to  right  of  our  lines,  and  then  threw  up  barricades. 
Five  miles. 

July  11. — Moved  to  the  extreme  right,  under  the 
mountain,  and  threw  up  intrenchments,  putting  our 
pickets  in  front. 

July  12.— Marched  at  11  A.  M.,  passing  through 
Funkstown  and  crossing  Antietam  Creek ;  took  up  a 
position  on  Funkstown  Heights,  one  mile  south  of 
Hagerstown,  and  threw  up  intrenchments  under  fire  of 
the  enemy's  pickets.  Five  miles. 

July  13.— Lay  in  line  of  battle  all  day.  Skirmish 
ers  pretty  active  in  front.  Our  line  of  battle  in  range 
of  enemy's  sharp-shooters. 

July  14.— Men  aroused  at  4£  A.  M.,  and  got  under 
arms  preparatory  to  an  attack.  Skirmishers  of  20th 
.advanced  and  found  the  enemy's  works  abandoned. 
Marched  at  12  M.,  to  near  Williamsport,  and  bivouacked 
at  3  P.  M.  Five  miles. 

July  15. — Marched  at  6  A.  M.,  ma  Williamsport  and 
Hagerstown  Pike  to  Funkstown,  and  thence  through 
Jones  Corners,  Keedysville  and  Bakersville  to  foot  of 
South  Mountain,  and  bivouacked  at  7  P.  M.,  near 
Crampton's  Gap.  Eighteen  miles. 

July  16.— Marched  at  9   A.  M.,  and  crossing  South 


1863.]  CRAMPTON'S   GAP  TO  CULPEPPER.  531 

Mountain  at  Oampton's  Gfap,  bivouacked  at  4  p.  M., 
near  Berlin.  Nine  miles.  At  this  place  the  regiment 
was  detached  from  the  First  Corps  and  ordered  to  re 
port  to  Brigadier  -General  M.  R.  Patrick,  Provost- 
Marshal-General,  for  duty  in  his  Department. 

July  17. — Two  lieutenants  and  thirty  men  being  left 
at  headquarters  of  Provost-Marshal-General,  the  regi 
ment  took  cars  for  Washington  as  guard  for  seven  hun 
dred  and  twenty -five  prisoners  of  war. 

July  18. — Reached  Washington  at  6  A.  M.,  next  day. 

July  20. — Returned  to  Berlin,  and  crossing  the  Po 
tomac,  marched  ten  miles  to  Wheatland,  Va.,  where 
bivouacked. 

July  21. — Marched  at  6  A.  M.,  and  joined  army  head 
quarters  near  Union,  Va.,  at  1  P.  M.  Ten  miles. 

July  22. — Marched  to  Delany's  Farm  and  camped. 
Five  miles. 

July  23. — Marched  at  8  A.  M.  ,  with  general  head 
quarters,  and  bivouacked  near  Markham  at  6  p.  M. 
Twenty-two  miles. 

July  24. — Marched  at  12  M.,  and  bivouacked  at  7 
P.M.,  at  Salem.  Fourteen  miles. 

July  25. — Marched  at  6  A.  M.,  and  camped  at  6  p.  M., 
in  Warrenton.  Twelve  miles.  Regiment  doing  provost 
duty  in  this  town. 

July  27. — Relieved  by  the  One  Hundred  and  Thir 
tieth  New  York  Volunteers. 

July  29. — Companies  C  and  G  proceeded  by  rail  to 
Warrenton  Junction,  Va.,  to  do  provost  duty.  Ten 
miles. 

July  31. — K  Company  ordered  to  guard  Commissary 
Depot.  Three  miles. 

August  11. — Broke  camp  at  0  A.  M.,  and  moved  by 
rail  to  Warrenton  Junction,  to  do  provost  duty.  Ten 
miles. 

September  17. — Moved  by  rail  to  Culpepper  Court 


532  MARCHING   AND   COUNTERMARCHING.  [1863 

House,  to  do  provost  duty  in  that  town.     Twenty- two 
miles. 

October  10. — Marched  at  4  A.  M.,  and  bivouacked  at 
Rappahannock  Station  at  6  p.  M. 

October  11. — Marched  at  6  A.  M.,  to  Bealton  Station. 
Four  miles. 

October  12. — Marched  to  Catlett's  Station,  ten  miles, 
where  did  picket  duty  at  night. 

October  13. — Marched  at  6  A.  M.,  for  Fairfax  Station. 
Twenty-one  miles.  General  headquarters  train  being 
attacked  by  guerrillas,  the  regiment  marched  out  to  pro 
tect  it,  and  then  returned  to  station.  Four  miles. 

October  14. — Proceeded  by  rail  to  Washington,  as 
guard  for  three  hundred  and  eighty-two  prisoners  of 
war.  Twenty-four  miles. 

October  15. — Returned  by  rail  to  Fairfax  Station. 
Twenty-four  miles. 

October  21. — Marched  at  10  A.  M.,  through  Centre  ville, 
across  Bull  Run  and  Cub  Run,  and  bivouacked  at  6 
P.M.,  at  Gainsville.  Twenty-one  miles. 

October  22. — Marched  at  7  A.  M.,  and  camped  at 
Warrenton,  Va.,  at  1  p.  M.  Twelve  miles. 

October  26. — B  company  ordered  to  Manassas,  to  do 
provost  duty.  Twenty -four  miles. 

October  27. — Marched  at  8  A.  M.,  with  general  head 
quarters,  to  Auburn.  Six  miles. 

October  30.— Marched  at  10  A.  M.,  to  Three  Mile  Sta 
tion.  Six  miles. 

November  2. — Marched  to  Warrenton  Junction, 
Three  miles. 

November  9. — Moved  by  rail  as  guard  to  one  thou 
sand  eight  hundred  and  eighty -six  prisoners  of  war  to 
Alexandria.  Thirty-two  miles. 

November  19. — Moved  by  rail  to  Brandy  Station. 
Sixteen  miles. 

November  26. — Marched  at  12  M.,  and  bivouacked  at 


1863-4.]  GERMANIA   FORD— BRANDY  STATION.  533 

8  P.  M.  ,  near  Germania  Ford,  on  the  Rapidan    River. 
Ten  miles. 

November  27.— Marched  at  7  A,  M.  Crossed  the 
Rapidan  River  at  Germania  Ford,  and  bivouacked  at 
the  Lacy  House,  on  Orange  and  Fredericksburg  Pike, 
at  7  P.  M.  Ten  miles. 

November  28. — Marched  at  7  A.  M.,  to  near  Robert 
son's  Tavern,  where  encamped.  Four  miles. 

December  1. — Marched  at  three  P.  M.,  re-crossed  the 
Rapidan  River  at  Germania  Ford,  and  bivouacked  at  8 
p.  M.  Ten  miles. 

December  2. — Marched  at  7  A.  M.,  and  encamped  at 
Brandy  Station  at  2  P.  M.  Eight  miles. 

December  24. — B  Company  moved  by  rail  to  Catlett's 
Station  and  Manassas,  and  A  Company  to  Rappahan- 
nock  Station  and  Warrenton  Junction,  to  do  provost 
duty. 

December  26. — E  Company  moved  by  rail  to  Culpep- 
per  Court  House  Station,  to  do  provost  duty. 

December  29. — Two  commissioned  officers  and  two 
non-commissioned  officers  and  thirty  men  detailed  as 
permanent  guard  on  passenger  trains  running  between 
Brandy  Station  and  Washington,  D.  C. 

December  31. — Headquarters  of  regiment  at  Brandy 
Station,  Va.,  doing  duty  as  above  stated. 

1864. 

January  1. — Encamped  at  Brandy  Station,  Va.,  with 
officers  and  detachments  at  every  station  along  the 
Orange  and  Alexandria  railroad,  from  Alexandria  to 
Culpepper  Court  House  (both  inclusive),  acting  as  Pro 
vost  Marshals  and  guards  ;  and  one  company  at  head 
quarters,  Army  of  the  Potomac,  as  guard  for  the  Pro 
vost-Marshal-General.  From  this  time  to  May  4th,  the 
regiment  was  engaged  in  doing  provost  and  guard  duty 
on  and  along  the  Orange  and  Alexandria  railroad,  hav 
ing  charge  of  all  mail,  passenger  and  special  trains  run 


534  VETERAN   FURLOUGH — HON.    JACOB  LEFEVRE.  [1864. 

on  that  road  ;  the  granting  of  passes  to  all  persons 
leaving  the  army  ;  and  to  all  civilians  to  pass  from  one 
part  of  the  army  to  another  ;  the  registering  of  all  civ 
ilians  coming  to  the  army  ;  the  examination  and  gen 
eral  superintendence  of  all  goods  coming  into  the  army  ; 
and  the  conveying  of  all  prisoners  from  the  army  to 
other  places  throughout  the  United  States. 

February  13. — Colonel  Theodore  B.  Gates,  Surgeon 
R.  Loughran,  Captains  J.  D.  S.  Cook,  M.  Snyder,  Dan 
iel  McMahon,  Lieutenants  D.  J.  Prance,  M.  J.  C.  Wood- 
worth,  J.  Beits,  and  161  enlisted  men,  left  Brandy  Sta 
tion,  Va.,  on  thirty-five  days'  veteran  furlough,  and  ar 
rived  at  Kingston,  N.  Y.,  on  the  15th,  where  they  were 
publicly  received  by  an  immense  concourse  of  citizens, 
and  after  addresses  of  welcome,  the  battalion  sat  down 
to  a  bounteous  dinner  provided  by  the  ladies  whose 
presence  graced  the  occasion. 

February  17. — The  officers  visited  the  city  of  Al 
bany,  and  were  invited  to  seats  on  the  floor  of  the  As 
sembly  Chamber,  under  the  following  resolution,  offer 
ed  by  the  Hon.  Jacob  Lefevre,  Member  from  the  Third 
District  of  Ulster  County,  and  which  resolution  was 
unanimously  adopted : 

"Resolved,  That  the  officers  of  the  Twentieth  Regi 
ment,  N.  Y.  S.  M.,  now  in  this  city,  whose  third  enlist 
ment  in  the  service  of  their  country  during  the  present 
war  has  just  taken  place,  and  whose  battle-flags  in  the 
Bureau  of  Military  Statistics  are  their  credentials,  be 
admitted  to  the  privileges  of  the  floor  of  this  House.  " 

On  taking  seats  they  were  addressed  by  Mr. 
Speaker  Alvord,  in  patriotic  and  complimentary  terms. 
He  said  the  regiment  was  one  of  the  old  militia 
regiments  of  the  State — from  the  good  old  county  of 
Ulster.  Thrice  had  they  laid  themselves  upon  the  altar 
of  their  country.  Their  lamented  comrades  slept  upon 
many  a  well-fought  battle-field.  Their  former  Colonel,. 


1864.]  ON   FLOOK  OF  ASSEMBLY   CHAMBER.  535 

Geo.  W.  Pratt,  fell  in  the  second  battle  of  Bull  Run. 
As  for  the  third  time  they  go  forth,  God  grant  to  pre 
serve  their  lives  in  safety,  and  to  return  them  once  more 
to  our  State. 

Colonel  Gates  replied  as  follows  : 

' '  ME.  SPEAKER  AND  GENTLEMEN  OF  THE  ASSEMBLY  : 
1  know  not  in  what  language  to  express  to  you  the 
gratification  we  feel  for  the  honor  you  have  conferred 
upon  the  Twentieth  Regiment,  N.  Y.  S.  M.,  in  inviting 
its  officers  to  the  privileges  of  the  floor  oi  this  House. 
We  came  to  Albany  to-day,  sir,  on  business  of  solemn 
import.  We  came  here  to  pay,  in  the  first  place,  our 
respects  to  the  Governor  of  the  State,  the  Commander- 
in-chief  of  the  forces  of  the  State  of  New  York,  and  in 
the  second  place  to  tender  to  the  widow  of  our  deceased 
Colonel  the  compliment  of  a  presentation  of  a  stand  of 
colors  of  our  regiment  to  her  infant  son — the  son  of  our 
ever-lamented  Colonel.  Knowing  that  we  should  be 
detained  here  till  evening,  we  determined  to  come  to 
the  Assembly  Chamber  to  witness  the  proceedings  that 
might  take  place,  but  we  had  no  expectation  that  we 
should  be  honored  with  the  compliment  of  seats  upon 
the  floor. 

ki  In  behalf  of  the  officers  here,  sir — in  behalf  of  the 
regiment  I  have  the  honor  to  command,  I  thank  you, 
sir  ;  and  I  thank  the  members  of  the  Assembly  for  the 
honor  they  have  conferred  upon  us.  The  Twentieth 
Regiment  is  a  regiment  of  the  Militia  of  the  State  of 
New  York.  On  the  breaking  out  of  the  rebellion  they 
rendered  their  services  to  the  Governor  of  the  State  of 
Newr  York,  and  through  him  to  the  President  of  the 
United  States,  and  were  accepted.  They  marched  from 
Kingston,  in  Ulster  County,  on  the  20th  April,  1861, 
for  three  months'  service.  At  the  expiration  of  that 
time  they  returned  and  were  mustered  out  of  service, 


536  COLONEL'S  ADDRESS  TO  ASSEMBLY.  [1864. 

but  were  mustered  in  again  and  marched  in  October, 
1861,  for  the  war. 

"  I  feel  it  due  that  I  should  say  to  you,  sir,  and  to 
the  members  of  the  Assembly,  that  the  regiment  has 
been  faithful  to  the  trust  confided  to  it ;  that  it  has 
continued  in  the  service  up  to  the  present  time  j  that 
now  we  come  back  from  the  field  of  duty,  for  a  brief 
recreation,  only  to  return  again  to  the  defence  of  the 
Government,  there  to  remain  until  the  war  shall  close. 
The  men  I  now  have  the  honor  to  command  in  the  place 
of  the  former  Colonel,  Geo.  W.  Pratt,  whose  memory 
is  sacred  to  us,  and  I  believe  to  the  people  of  the  entire 
State — Geo.  W.  Pratt,  who  was  one  of  the  principal 
men  in  perfecting  the  militia  organization  of  the  State 
of  New  York  ;  whose  heart  was  in  the  work  which  he 
took  in  hand  ;  whose  patriotism  was  above  party  and 
above  everything,  except  the  welfare  of  his  country. 
On  his  death  the  regiment  was  assigned  to  me,  and  I 
have  endeavored  to  be  faithful  to  the  trust  confided  to 
me.  I  endeavored  to  follow  in  the  footsteps  of  my  pre 
decessor,  and  I  only  hope,  sir,  when  this  war  is  termi 
nated,  if  I  shall  live  to  see  its  conclusion,  that  I  may 
bear  as  good  a  reputation  for  the  faithful  discharge  of 
my  duty  as  an  officer  in  the  service  of  my  country,  as 
Colonel  Pratt  himself  had. 

"The  regiment  having  passed  through  its  three 
months  ;  having  re-enlisted  for  three  years,  and  having 
served  two  and  a  half  years  of  that  term,  has  now 
availed  itself  of  the  offer  extended  to  it  to  re-enlist  for 
three  years  more.  The  regiment  feels  that  the  great- 
duty  now  devolving  upon  every  man  able  to  bear  arms 
is  to  fight  this  war  out  to  the  end.  They  feel,  sir,  that 
nothing  is  paramount  to  the  duty  that  love  of  country, 
of  government,  of  human  liberty,  devolves  upon  them. 

"Now,  sir,  in  conclusion,  I  beg  again  to  thank  you 
and  the  members  of  this  House,  for  the  compliment 


1864.]  PRESENTATION   OF   COLORS  TO   COL.    PRATT'S   SON.  537 

you  have  paid  us,  and  I  hope  and  trust  that  you  may 
never  have  cause  to  blush  that  you  invited  the  officers 
of  the  Twentieth  N.  Y.  S.  M.  to  seats  upon  this 
floor." 

February  22. — The  battalion,  accompanied  by  a  large 
delegation  of  citizens  of  Ulster  County,  proceeded  to 
Albany,  to  present  to  Master  Geo.  S.  Pratt,  son  of  the 
late  Colonel  Geo.  W.  Pratt,  the  old  regimental  flag 
-carried  by  the  regiment  when  Colonel  Pratt  was  mor 
tally  wounded  at  Bull  Run.  Arriving  at  Albany,  the 
battalion  was  drawn  up  in  front  of  Mrs.  Pratt' s  resi 
dence,  where  His  Excellency,  Gov.  Seymour,  attended 
by  his  staff,  in  uniform,  and  a  large  number  of  citizens, 
were  assembled. 

Colonel  Gates,  speaking  in  behalf  of  his  regiment, 
after  alluding  to  the  high-toned  and  unspotted  charac 
ter  of  the  deceased,  said  : 

"  Seven  years  ago,  the  officers  of  the  battalion  in 
duced  him  to  accept  the  office  of  Colonel.  At  that  time 
the  militia  of  the  State  was  in  anything  but  a  desirable 
condition,  and  the  Twentieth  was  small  in  numbers  ; 
but  it  was  not  long  after  Colonel  Pratt  took  command 
before  it  reached  proportions  that  none  had  anticipated, 
and  occupied  a  position  second  to  but  few  in  the  State. 
He  was  among  the  first  to  tender  his  services  and  his 
regiment  to  the  country,  when  she  needed  soldiers,  and 
his  gallantry,  his  uniform  kindness  and  heroic  example 
on  all  occasions,  inspired  his  men  with  a  lasting  ad 
miration  for  him.  Our  love  for  his  memory—our  re 
spect  for  his  family — bring  us  here  to-day.  We  come 
from  the  battle-field,  where  we  have  left  many  a  com 
rade,  to  tender  to  his  son  one  of  the  tattered  banners 
under  which  his  noble  father  fell.  When  the  rebellion 
broke  out,  Colonel  Pratt  was  one  of  the  very  first  to 
tender  his  regiment.  It  seemed  as  though  every  missile 
hurled  against  Fort  Sumter  shook  and  thrilled  his  fra- 


538  COL,  GATES'  ADDRESS  ON  PRESENTING  COLORS.  [1864. 

gile  frame,  and,  if  possible,  filled  him  with  a  deeper 
love  for  his  country.  It  seemed  as  though  he  felt  that 
he  could  make  no  sacrifices  too  great  in  aid  of  his 
country  against  this  unholy  rebellion.  On  the  26th  of 
April,  1861,  the  regiment  marched  to  the  seat  of  war 
nearly  one  thousand  strong.  It  had  then  enlisted  for 
three  months,  and  after  serving  that  term  faithfully,  re 
turned  home,  reorganized,  and  again  enlisted,  this  time 
for  three  years,  and  again  under  the  lead  of  their  favor 
ite  Colonel ;  and  it  was  fated  that  our  beloved  and 
heroic  commander  should  fall  in  the  defense  of  his 
country.  He  received  his  fatal  wound  in  the  second 
Bull  Run  battle.  Always  kind,  always  generous,  al 
ways  good  and  noble,  I  cannot  depict  the  grief  of  the 
regiment  on  learning  of  their  loss.  He  has  gone  to  his 
long  rest,  and  knowing  him  as  well  as  I  did,  I  cannot 
doubt  but  that  his  rest  is  both  peaceful  and  happy. 
We  feel  that  his  life  was  closed  all  too  soon.  We 
know  that  it  was  not  lived  or  lost  in  vain  ;  and  it 
should  be.  as  it  is,  I  believe,  our  study  and  hope  to 
emulate  his  example,  to  the  end  that  when  peace  is  re 
stored  to  our  country,  and  the  majesty  of  the  law  is 
again  supreme,  we  may  enjoy  a  portion  of  the  general 
respect  which  was  so  largely  his  share,  and  which  is 
now  paid  his  memory.  In  behalf  of  the  regiment  (ad 
dressing  the  boy),  officers  and  men,  and  the  men  not 
less  than  the  officers,  I  present  you  this  battle-flag.  Its 
wounds  were  received  when  your  father  fell.  When  it 
was  presented  to  the  regiment,  he  pledged  himself  that 
it  should  ever  be  religiously  defended.  It  has  no 
marks  of  dishonor,  all  its  scars  are  honorable,  and  we 
believe  that  it  will  be  beloved  and  held  sacred  by  you, 
as  it  has  been  and  is  by  us,  for  the  sake  of  the  memory 
of  your  deceased  father." 

Master  Pratt  said,  in  reply  : 

"  I  thank  the  Twentieth  Regiment  for  these  colors. 


1864.]  GOVERNOR  SEYMOUR'S  REPLY.  539 

I  thank  them  for  remembering  my  father.  I  will  try 
and  be  as  good  and  brave  a  man  as  he  was." 

Governor  Seymour,  responding  for  Master  Pratt, 
said  : 

"  SOLDIERS  OF  THE  TWENTIETH  MILITIA  :  On  behalf 
of  a  sorrowing  and  stricken  father,  on  behalf  of  a 
mourning  family— and  speaking  for  the  orphan  children 
—I  thank  you  for  this  manifestation  of  love  for  the 
memory  of  one  who  distinguished  himself  as  your 
leader.  They  will  treasure  up  this  sad  memento  as 
among  their  most  precious  gifts.  We  have  watched 
the  history  and  course  of  every  regiment  that  has  left 
our  State,  with  anxiety  as  well  as  with  pride,  and  none 
have  challenged  greater  admiration  than  your  regiment. 
How  many  of  your  comrades  have  lost  their  lives,  your 
diminished  numbers  tell  in  language  more  eloquent 
than  words  can  utter ;  and  let  me  assure  you  that  in 
the  future  there  will  be  one  household  where  you  will 
ever  be  remembered  with  mournful  interest ;  one  family 
that  will  always  feel  the  deepest  interest  in  your  career 
and  welfare;  one  house  where  it  will  be  felt  that,  be 
tween  it  and  your  organization,  a  new  relation  exists. 
This  banner  will  be  dearly  cherished  by  him  into  whose 
hands  you  have  placed  it  to-day.  It  will  speak  to  him 
of  the  spotless  character  of  his  father— of  his  virtues, 
and  of  the  love  borne  him  for  those  virtues  by  his  com 
rades  in  arms  ;  and  God  grant  that  he  may  emulate  the 
example  thus  set  him. 

u  Once  more  I  thank  you  for  this  evidence  of  devo 
tion  to  the  memory  of  your  late  commander — for  the 
generous,  manly,  soldierly  affection  that  has  led  you  to 
manifest,  in  this  delicate  way,  your  continued  regard 
for  his  memory,  and  the  respect  that  you  entertain  for 
his  family  ;  and  I  again  assure  you  that  your  invalua 
ble  gift  will  ever  be  most  dearly  prized — that  there  is 
one  family  where  your  happiness  will  be  a  source  of 


540  A    FLAG   PRESENTED   TO   BATTALION.  [1864. 

solicitude — one  family  where  everything  that  relates  to 
your  regiment  will  be  of  fireside  interest." 

Subsequently  the  officers  were  entertained  at  Mrs. 
Pratt' s  house,  and  the  men,  as  the  guests  of  Mrs.  Pratt, 
sat  down  to  a  sumptuous  dinner  at  the  American  Hotel. 
While  there,  Master  Erastus  Corning,  son  of  E.  Corn 
ing,  Jr.,  and  a  nephew  of  the  late  Colonel  Pratt,  made 
his  appearance  among  them,  and  presented  each  of  the 
men  with  a  tract,  evidently  to  their  great  pleasure. 
Soon  after  4  o'clock,  the  battalion  took  the  cars  for 
Kingston.  Master  Pratt,  with  numerous  others,  accom 
panied  them  across  the  river,  and  as  the  cars  left,,  they 
gave  him  rounds  of  cheers. 

During  the  time  the  battalion  was  at  home,  140  re 
cruits  were  added  to  the  regiment. 

March  18. — The  battalion,  with  its  recruits,  was 
drawn  up  in  line,  preparatory  to  its  departure  for  the 
army,  when  Mrs.  Albert  Kugler  through  Hon.  Geo.  T. 
Pierce,  presented  a  beautiful  silk  color  to  the  regiment. 

Mr.  Pierce  spoke  as  follows : 

"COLONEL  GATES,  OFFICERS  AND  MEN  OF  THE 
TWENTIETH  :  I  am  honored  by  being  made  the  instru 
ment  of  your  fellow-citizen,  Mr.  Kugler,  and  his  good 
wife,  in  presenting  you  this  beautiful  stand  of  colors— 
the  work  of  their  hands.  Mr.  Kugler  was  formerly  a 
member  of  your  regiment,  who  went  out  in  the  three 
months',  and  returning  would  have  gone  again,  but  was 
advised  by  his  commandant  that  perhaps  duty  to  an  in 
valid  wife  and  to  his  family  demanded  that  he  should 
remain  at  home.  But  chafing  under  his  anxiety  to  serve 
his  country,  he  determined  to  make  due  amends  for  his 
inability  to  go  with  you  to  the  field.  And  his  wife,  de 
siring  to  make  some  slight  compensation  to  the  regiment 
for  permitting  her  husband  to  remain  at  home,  they 


1864.]  HON.    GEORGE  T.    PIERCED  SPEECH.  541 

have  acted  accordingly,  and  this  magnificent  flag,  which 
I  now  present  you,  is  the  result.  Would  to  God  that 
every  man  and  woman  in  the  community  would  feel  thus 
ill  at  ease  with  themselves,  until  they  had  done  some 
thing  half  as  noble  for  their  country,  in  this  trying  crisis 
of  its  existence.  But  our  German  fellow- citizens  have 
generally  been  loyal  to  the  old  flag,  from  the  very  com 
mencement  of  our  troubles — have  kept  the  Star  of  the 
Republic  steady  in  their  eyes,  and  have  not  permitted 
party  or  personal  considerations  to  divert  their  attention 
or  detract  from  their  devotion  to  one  country — one 
Union — one  destiny. 

"You  have  just  returned,  Colonel,  from  visiting  the 
shrine  of  your  late  commandant,  Colonel  Pratt,  where 
you  went  to  present  to  his  widow  and  fatherless  son,  the 
remnant  of  the  battle-flag  which  you  carried  with  you 
for  two  years  past.  It  was  an  offering  well  and  worth 
ily  made.  But  it  was  this  circumstance  which  suggest 
ed  to  Mr.  Kugler  that  you  would  now  stand  in  need  of 
another  flag.  You  have  it ;  and  in  view  of  the  record 
which  you  have  brought  back  from  the  war  already, 
and  of  the  deeds  which  you  have  performed  on  the  field, 
and  which  are  known  of  all  men,  it  would  be  pre 
sumptuous  in  me  to  charge  you  to  keep  that  emblem 
sacred,  and  never  permit  it  to  be  desecrated  or  disgraced. 
When  borne  aloft  at  the  head  of  your  columns,  let  each 
man  remember  it  is  no  mere  ornament  there,  but  that  it 
represents  the  sovereignty  of  the  nation,  and  the 
majesty  of  thirty  millions  of  people.  And  as  it  proved  a 
scourge  and  a  terror  to  tyrants  in  the  hands  of  your 
fathers,  so  may  it  prove  a  scourge  and  a  terror  to  traitors 
in  the  hands  of  you,  their  sons. 

"Men  of  the  Twentieth  :  It  was  over  two  years  ago, 
and  yet  it  seems  but  a  few  days,  that  you  left  us  before, 
amid  the  mingled  tears  and  acclamations  of  ten  thousand 
of  your  neighbors  and  friends,  your  lathers  and  mothers, 


542  HON.    GEORGE  T.    PIERCE'S  SPEECH.  [1864. 

brothers  and  sisters,  wives  and  children.  You  returned 
to  be  crowned  with  the  blessings  of  75,000  people,  who 
waited  with  open  arms  to  receive  you.  You  went  out 
as  men — you  returned  as  heroes.  And  if  you  shall  re 
turn  again,  having  accomplished  the  object  for  which 
you  go  forth,  and  which  every  patriot  has  at  heart,  the 
restoration  of  the  authority  of  the  Government  over 
every  inch  of  its  soil,  and  of  consequent  peace  and  pros 
perity  to  the  country,  you  will  be  received  by  thirty 
millions  of  people  who  will  be  ready  to  fall  down  and 
worship  you  as  little  less  than  gods. 

"Colonel,  you  return  again  to  the  field.  Heaven  grant 
that  it  may  be  to  see  no  more  of  the  clash  of  arms  or  of 
the  conflict  of  battle — but  to  give  the  finishing  stroke  to 
the  rebellion  and  end  the  war.  And  the  hideous  shriek 
of  terror  and  dismay  which  emanates  from  Richmond 
would  seem  to  indicate  that  you  had  already  struck  the 
monster  a  blow  in  his  very  vitals,  and  that  he  even  now 
totters  to  his  fall.  Your  friends  who  fight  from  the 
mountain  tops  of  East  Tennessee,  above  the  clouds, 
think  they  can  discern  the  beginning  of  the  end.  God 
grant  that  it  may  be  so;  and  that  it  may  be  reserved  to 
you  to  become  the  bearers  of  food  a  ad  freedom  to  those 
of  our  brethren  who  are  confined  in  Southern  prison- 
houses — to  plant  the  standard  of  the  Republic  on  the 
turrets  and  temples  of  the  Southern  Confederacy,  and 
speedily  to  return  to  us  again,  bringing  the  joyful 
tidings  of  the  Union  restored,  the  supremacy  of  the  laws 
maintained,  and  the  rebellion  crushed  and  over 
thrown. 

"But  whatever  may  be  your  fate  in  this  respect- 
wherever  your  lot  may  be  cast— whatever  may  befall 
you — itawill  be  a  consolation  for  you  to  know  that  the 
people  of  this  country  are  a  grateful  people.  You  have 
had  ample  evidence  of  this  at  every  step  of  your  progress 
since  your  return.  They  hold  in  constant  remembrance 


1864.]  PROM    KINGSTON    TO    BRANDY  STATION.  '  543 

those  of  their  kith  and  kin  who  have  gone  forth  in  de 
fense  of  the  country,  and  are  in  the  field  as  the  protectors 
of  their  homes  and  their  firesides.  The  Twentieth, 
One  Hundred  and  Twentieth,  and  the  One  Hundred  and 
Fifty -sixth,  are  numbers  indelibly  impressed  upon  the 
memory  of  the  people  of  Ulster,  and  which  will  here 
after  be  engraven  upon  the  granite  of  her  mountains.  To 
those  of  you  who  survive  the  conflict  and  return  to  en 
joy  the  fruits  of  your  labors  in  a  peaceful  and  undis- 
severed  country,  we  pledge  a  heartfelt  welcome  and 
(rod's  benison.  To  those  who  shall  leave  their  bones 
to  bleach  on  a  southern  soil,  we  pledge  a  place  upon  the 
monumental  marble  upon  an  equality  with  and  along 
side  of  your  fathers  of  1776,  which  every  returning  year- 
shall  brighten  with  the  halo  of  glory  which  the  blessings 
of  increased  millions  shall  shed  upon  it." 

Colonel  Gates  responded  in  behalf  of  the  regiment, 
and  after  other  addresses  and  an  eloquent  prayer,  the 
battalion  moved  off  amid  a  vast  throng  of  people  to 
Rondout,  embarked  on  board  the  steamer  Thomas 
Cornell,  and  proceeded  to  New  York. 

March  29. — Battalion  transported  to  the  ocean 
steamer  America,  and  sailed  for  Washington.  D.  C., 
proceeding  thence  ma  Orange  and  Alexandria  railroad, 
to  Brandy  Station,  Va.,  where  it  rejoined  the  balance 
of  the  regiment. 

May  4. — All  detachments,  except  the  one  at  army 
headquarters,  ordered  to  report  at  Brandy  Station  as 
soon  as  the  public  property  at  their  several  stations  was 
removed.  At  different  times  during  the  day  the  various 
detachments  reported  at  headquarters  and  were  placed 
on  duty,  guarding  the  public  property  at  the  depot  and 
picketing  the  country  in  the  neighborhood.  At  11 
o'clock  P.  M.,  all  public  property  having  been  removed 
or  burned,  and  the  station  destroyed,  the  pickets  were 
recalled  and  the  regiment  took  its  line  of  march  to  re- 


544  RAPIDAN  TO  THE  JAMES — REBEL  PRISONERS.  [1864 

join  the  army,  then  one  day's  march  ahead.     Marched  to 
Stephensburg,  a  distance  of  five  miles,  and  bivouacked. 

May  5. — Resumed  march,  at  6  A.  M.,  crossed  the  Rap- 
idan  at  Gold  Mine  Ford,  and  reached  Headquarters 
Army  of  the  Potomac,  at  Wilderness  Tavern,  in  "  the 
Wilderness,"  at  7  P.  M.,  having  marched  eighteen  miles. 

From  this  time  until  May  8,  engaged  in  guarding 
prisoners  of  war. 

I  May  8. — Marched  at  1^  A.  M.  in  charge  of  prisoners 
of  war  ;  passed  through  Chancellorsville,  and  encamped 
at  7  P.  M.  near  Pine  Branch  Church  ;  distance  marched, 
twenty  miles. 

May  9. — Marched  about  six  miles  and  encamped  on 
north  side  of  Fredericksburg  and  Orange  Plank-road. 
May  12. — Marched  to  near  New  Salem  Church,  on 
plank-road,  six  miles  from  last  camp. 

May  13. — Marched  at  six  A.  M.,  in  charge  of  7,000 
prisoners  of  war  (Johnson's  Division,  Swell's  Corps), 
through  Fredericksburg,  across  the  Rappahannock  river 
to  Belle  Plain,  on  the  Potomac  river,  being  supported 
by  the  troops  designated  below,  the  whole  under  the 
command  of  Colonel  Gates  of  this  regiment.  Distance 
marched,  seventeen  miles.  Among  these  prisoners 
were  Major- General  Ed.  Johnson  and  Brigadier-General 
Geo.  H.  Stewart. 

May  14. — At  daybreak,  Colonel  Gates  orderd  the  cav 
alry  to  return,  and  at  2  P.  M.,  having  delivered  the  pris 
oners  to  the  Veteran  Reserve  Corps,  the  infantry  and 
battery  took  up  their  line  of  march,  and  at  sunset,  after 
reaching  the  Rappahannock  river,  opposite  the  city  of 
Fredericksburg,  bivouacked,  having  marched  sixteen 
miles,  part  of  the  distance  through  a  furious  storm  of 
wind  and  rain,  which  flooded  the  small  streams,  forcing 
the  regiment  to  build  bridges  to  allow  the  artillery  to 
cross. 

May  15. — Marched  at  8  A.  M.,  crossed  the  Rappa- 


1865.]  RAPIDAN   TO   THE   JAMES — THE   PAMUNKEY.  545 

hannock  river,  passed  through  and  encamped  in  the  rear 
of  Fredericksburg.  Distance  marched,  two  miles. 

May  21. — Colonel  Grates  ordered  the  battery  of  artil 
lery  to  report  to  chief  of  artillery.  G  and  I  Companies 
marched  to  Belle  Plain,  in  charge  of  prisoners  of  war. 
Remainder  of  regiment  marched  at  seven  p.  M.  to  and 
through  Fredericksburg,  down  the  Bowling  Green  road, 
and  bivouacked  at  12  p.  M.  near  the  Massaponey  river, 
having  marched  four  miles. 

May  22. — Marched  at  5  A.  M.,  following  the  Bowling 
Green  road,  and  halted  for  the  night  near  Welven.  Dis 
tance  marched,  ten  miles. 

May  23. — Companies  Gf  and  I  joined  the  regiment, 
having  marched  forty-four  miles.  Marched  at  7  A.  M., 
and  encamped  at  Milford,  on  the  Mattaponey  river, 
having  marched  nine  miles. 

May  24. — Marched  at  3  P.  M.  ,  crossing  the  Matta 
poney  river  at  Milford,  and  encamped  near  Wright's 
Tavern.  Distance  marched  four  miles. 

May  27. — Marched  at  7  A.  M.,  recrossing  the  Matta 
poney  at  Milford,  and  encamped  a  mile  west  of  the 
Mattacocy,  having  marched  fifteen  miles. 

May  28. — Marched  at  7  A.  M.,  and  passed  through 
New  town,  encamped  near  the  Mattaponey,  opposite 
Dunkirk,  Distance  marched,  twelve  miles. 

May  29. — Marched  at  7  A.  M.  and  encamped  two 
miles  north  of  the  Pamunkey,  opposite  Newcastle. 
Distance  marched,  ten  miles. 

May  30. — Crossed  the  Pamunkey  on  a  pontoon 
bridge,  and  encamped  two  miles  from  bridge,  on  the 
Hanover  Court  House  road  ;  A  and  K  companies  guard 
ing  bridge. 

May  31. — Moved  back  one  mile  nearer  bridge.  Dur 
ing  this  month  the  regiment  was  engaged  in  guarding 
prisoners  of  war  and  bridges,  protecting  wagon  trains, 
doing  picket  duty,  acting  as  rearguard  to  the  army  and 


35 


546  UP  THE   JAMES  TO   CITY   POINT.  [1864. 

performing  the  general  provosfc  duty  of  the  Army  of  the 
Potomac.  The  total  number  of  rebel  prisoners  received 
by  the  regiment  during  the  month  was  10,315. 

June  1. — Marched  at  11  A.M.  toward  White  House, 
Va.,  and  bivouacked  near  Old  Church.  Distance 
marched,  nine  miles. 

June  2. — Marching  at  8  A.  M.,  and  passing  Old 
Church,  encamped  at  Parsley's  Corners,  near  Anderson's 
Mills,  three  miles  east  of  Coal  Harbor,  and  five  miles 
from  last  camp. 

June  11. — Marched  at  3  P.  M.,  and  bivouacked  at  7£ 
p.  M.,  at  Tunstall's  Station.  Distance  marched,  eight 
miles. 

June  12.— Marched  at  6  P.  M.,  to  near  White  House, 
and  bivouacked.  Distance  marched,  four  miles. 

June  13. — Marched  at  6  A.  M.,  and  taking  the  River 
road,  passed  Cumberland  Landing  and  Slatersville,  and 
bivouacked  at  6  P.  M,,  at  Roper's  Church,  having 
marched  twenty  miles. 

June  14. — Marched  at  5£  A.  M.,  three  miles  and  en 
camped. 

June  15. — Marched  at  3  P.  M.,  crossing  the  Chicka- 
hommy  at  6  P.  M.,  on  a  pontoon  bridge,  and  bivouacked 
at  3  A.  M.  Distance  marched,  fifteen  miles. 

June  16.— Marched  at  5  A.  M.  ,  to  the  James  river,  op 
posite  Fort  Powhattan,  crossed  the  river  at  3  P.M.,  on  a 
pontoon  bridge,  and  bivouacked  one  mile  beyond. 

June  17.— Marched  at  6  A.  M.,  passed  Merchants' 
Hope  church  and  bivouacked  at  Knox's  Cross  Roads  at 
4  P.  M.  Distance  marched,  eighteen  miles. 

June  18.— Marched  at  3  P.  M.  to  City  Point  and  en 
camped.  Distance  marched ,  three  miles.  Colonel 
Gates  appointed  military  commandant  at  City  Point. 

June  23.— Lieutenant-Colonel  Hardenburgh,  with  a 
detachment,  consisting  of  Adjutant  J.  M.  Schoonmaker, 
Captain  William  H.  Cunningham,  Lieutenant  Smith 


1864.]  REPORT  TO   SHERIDAN — A  VESSEL  EXPLODES.  547 

and  Assistant- Surgeon  Wm.  H.  Taylor,  and  eighty 
men,  embarked  on  steamer  Guide,  to  proceed  to  Point 
Lookout  and  Fort  Delaware,  as  guard  for  700  prisoners 
of  war. 

June  25. — Regiment,  pursuant  to  orders  from  Lieu- 
tenant-Gerieral  Grant,  embarked  on  transport  and  pro 
ceeded  to  Wilcox  Landing,  where  it  disembarked  and 
marched  toward  Charles  City  Court  House,  to  report  to 
Major- General  Sheridan.  After  marching  five  miles, 
was  ordered  to  occupy  earth-works  two  miles  nearer 
the  landing,  under  command  of  General  Getty,  where 
remained  about  three  hours,  when  detachment  returned 
to  the  landing  and  bivouacked. 

June  26. — By  order  of  General  Sheridan,  embarked 
on  steamer  and  returned  to  City  Point. 

June  29. — Lieutenant-Colonel  Hardenburgh  and  de 
tachment  joined  the  regiment. 

During  this  month  and  July,  the  regiment  was  en 
gaged  in  doing  the  general  provost  duty  for  the  "Armies 
operating  against  Richmond,"  having  charge  of  all 
trains  running  on  the  City  Point  and  Petersburg  rail 
road,  all  mail  steamers  running  to  and  from  Bermuda 
Hundred,  City  Point  and  points  north,  and  the  charge 
of  the  secret  service  boat,  a  detachment  of  the  regiment 
being  in  that  service  and  a  large  number  of  the  officers 
on  staff  and  special  duty. 

August  9. — A  vessel  loaded  with  ordnance  stores, 
lying  in  the  harbor  at  City  Point,  blew  up  at  11  A.  M., 
causing  great  destruction  of  property  and  killing  and 
wounding  a  large  number  of  men.  The  loss  of  the  reg 
iment  by  this  accident  was  five  killed  and  seventeen 
wounded.  From  this  time  till  November  the  regiment 
continued  doing  the  same  kind  of  duty,  nothing  worthy 
of  note  occurring,  except  a  march  of  the  regiment  a  few 
miles  and  back  in  attempting  to  intercept  Wade  Hamp 
ton'  s  cavalry,  who  had  stolen  a  large  herd  of  cattle.  The 


548  A   WORD   TO   GEN.    PATRICK— COL.    GATES  RESIGNS.  [1864. 

regiment  presented  to  Brigadier-General  M.  R.Patrick, 
Provost-Marshal-General  "Armies  operating  against 
Richmond/'  (under  whose  command  they  had  been  for  a 
long  time),  a  magnificent  sword,  belt,  sash  and  spurs. 

On  the  24th  of  November,  Colonel  T.  B.  Gates, 
who  had  commanded  the  regiment  from  the  time  that 
Colonel  G.  W.  Pratt  was  wounded,  was  mustered  out  on 
account  of  the  expiration  of  his  term  of  service,  and 
Lieutenant- Colonel  J.  B.  Hardenburgh  assumed  his 
place  as  Colonel  of  the  regiment,  and  as  military  com 
mandant  of  the  post  and  defenses  of  City  Point. 

An  address  of  the  officers  and  men  of  the  Twentieth 
Reg.  N.  Y.  S.  M.,  was  presented  to  Colonel  Theodore 
B.  Gates,  on  the  occasion  of  his  taking  leaving  of  them 
at  the  expiration  of  his  term  of  service,  as  follows  : 

"  COLONEL  GATES  :  The  officers  and  men  of  your 
command  approach  you  with  feelings  of  deep  regret  on 
this  occasion.  We  are  well  aware  that  it  is  no  unusual 
occurrence  for  an  officer  who  has  faithfully  done  his 
duty  to  retire  from  his  command,  leaving  behind  him 
some  of  his  old  companions,  and  almost  always  bearing 
with  him  the  regard  and  esteem,  as  also  the  affection  of 
his  men,  but  it  has  yet  to  be  learned  that  any  officer 
has  ever  left  behind  him  in  the  field  a  body  of  men  who 
more  sincerely  and  deeply  feel  the  loss  they  are  sustain 
ing  than  do  the  officers  and  men  of  the  Twentieth  Regi 
ment,  N.  Y.  S.  M. 

"  Having  been  so  long  together — having  fought  side 
by  side — having  endured  hardships  together — now,  that 
you  leave  us,  you  carry  with  you  the  most  profound 
esteem — the  sincerest  regard — and,  above  all,  the  deep 
affection  of  your  fellow-soldiers. 

"  It  is,  beyond  all  question,  a  matter  which  concerns 
us  deeply  ;  for  we  feel  that,  in  losing  you  we  lose  one 
whose  sympathies  have  ever  been  with  us — whose  voice 
has  always  cheered  us — whose  smile  has  ever  encour- 


1864.]  ADDRESS   OF   REGIMENT   TO   COL.    GATES.  549 

aged  us,  and  where  we  have  failed  in  our  duty,  we  know 
that  you  have  never  failed  in  yours. 

u  We  make  no  allusion  to  your  career  as  a  gallant 
soldier — that  is  recorded  in  the  hearts  of  your  men,  and 
will  be  read  in  the  annals  of  this  warfare.  Trifling  as 
may  seem  to  you  this  small  tribute  of  our  esteem  and 
affection,  be  assured  that  it  is  dictated  by  warm  and 
loving  hearts  toward  one,  whose  life  and  career,  among 
us,  has  proved  him  to  be  a  true  patriot,  a  brave  soldier, 
and  an  earnest-minded,  Christian  gentleman. 

"  It  may  not  be  inappropriate  to  say  that  this 
tumult  of  warm  affection  toward  you,  which  your  pro 
posed  departure  has  aroused  among  us,  is  not  the  spon 
taneous  impulse  of  the  moment,  but  it  is  the  welling 
forth  from  the  very  depths  of  the  fountains  of  our 
hearts  of  that  feeling  which  can  no  longer  be  restrained 
within  bounds. 

"  It  may,  perhaps,  be  some  slight  satisfaction  to 
you,  to  know  that  it  is  to  your  example  we  are  indebted 
for  much  that  is  good  in  us.  We  feel  it  and  know  it. 
It  may  be  a  greater  satisfaction  to  you  to  be  assured 
that  that  example  shall  always  stand  before  us  as  a 
bright  and  guiding  star,  the  luster  of  whose  splendor 
shall  noi  be  dimmed  by  any  fault  of  ours,  in  an  earnest 
endeavor  to  sustain  the  enviable  reputation  which  you 
have  conferred  on  our  regiment. 

"  Now  that  you  are  returning  to  your  home  and  the 
duties  of  civil  life,  you  bear  with  you  our  heartfelt  and 
earnest  wishes  for  the  future  prosperity  and  happiness 
of  yourself,  Mrs.  Gates,  and  your  family,  and,  since 
the  storm  of  battle  for  you  has  passed,  may  the  future, 
which  lies  before  you,  be  as  bright  and  glorious  in  its 
results,  as  the  past  has  been  distinguished  by  your 
nobleness  and  valor ! 

"That  He,   who  has  thus  far  preserved  you,  may 
keep  you,  with  those  who  are  dear  to  you,  safe  unto 


550  GEN.    COLLIS  RELIEVES  COL.    HARDENBURGH.  [1864-5. 

the  end,  is  the  earnest  prayer  of  the  officers  and  men  of 
the  Twentieth  Regiment,  New  York  State  Militia." 

During  the  months  of  November  and  December,  the 
regiment  continued  in  the  performance  of  the  same  and 
similar  duties  as  they  had  done  since  their  arrival  at 
City  Point,  nothing  of  particular  interest  occurring, 
except  turning  out  twice  during  the  night  time,  and 
marching  to  the  defenses,  to  repulse  threatened  attacks 
of  the  enemy. 

January  1,  1865. — Encamped  at  City  Point,  Va.r 
doing  guard  duty  and  the  provost  duty  for  the  ' '  Armies 
operating  against  Richmond." 

February  15. — Colonel  Hardenburgh  relieved  from 
command  of  post  of  City  Point  by  Brevet  Brigadier- 
General  C.  H.  T.  Collis,  and  assumed  command  of  the 
regiment — General  Collis'  regiment  having  been  order 
ed  to  duty  there. 

February  16. — Major  J.  R.  Leslie  was  assigned  to 
the  temporary  command  of  the  Eighth  Regiment  Dela 
ware  Volunteers,  lying  at  City  Point. 

During  the  balance  of  this  month  and  the  month  of 
March,  the  regiment  continued  performing  the  same 
kind  of  duties  as  heretofore  mentioned  ;  turning  out 
once  and  marching  to  repulse  the  enemy,  who  had 
broken  through  our  lines  at  Fort  Stedman,  but  the 
enemy  retiring,  the  regiment  returned  to  camp. 

April  2. — Received  orders  about  4  A.  M.,  for  the  regi 
ment  to  march,  with  brigade,  to  occupy  the  works 
which  had  recently  been  thrown  up  on  the  heights 
above  City  Point,  to  act  as  a  reserve  and  support  to  an 
attack  which  had  been  ordered  by  General  Grant,  to  be 
made  at  daylight,  along  the  whole  front  of  the  lines, 
investing  Petersburg  and  Richmond.  The  regiment 
marched  as  ordered  and  reached  the  position  assigned 
it,  just  south  of  the  City  Point  and  Petersburg  railroad 


1865.]  REBEL  ATTACK  ON  FORT   MAHONE.  551 

at  dawn.  A  portion  of  the  enemy's  works  (including 
Fort  Mahone,  known  more  familiarly  as  "  Fort  Damna 
tion"),  having  been  carried  by  assault  by  the  Ninth 
Corps,  and  the  enemy  having  made  several  attempts  to 
recover  them,  which  had  been  repulsed,  and  it  b^ing 
feared  that,  as  they  were  the  key-point  of  that  line,  the 
enemy  would  again  endeavor  to  take  them  at  all  haz 
ards,  the  brigade,  to  which  the  regiment  was  attached, 
was  ordered,  at  7  A.  M.,  to  move  to  their  support. 
With  the  utmost  expedition  they  moved  accordingly- 
most  of  the  way  at  a  double-quick — to  Fort  Sedgwick 
(generally  known  as  "Fort  Hell").  Upon  their  arri 
val  they  were  immediately  formed  in  line  of  battle, 
and  ordered  to  move  forward  and  occupy  Fort  Mahone  ; 
the  enemy  still  occupied  the  line  to  the  left  of  Fort 
Mahone,  and  were  thus  enabled  to  keep  up  an  enfilad 
ing  fire  over  the  ground  the  regiment  was  compelled  to 
pass  in  moving  from  Fort  Sedgwick  to  Fort  Mahone. 
This  fire  was  very  severe,  during  the  time  the  regiment 
was  taking  up  its  position,  occasioning  considerable 
loss  to  it.  Just  after  the  position  was  attained,  the 
enemy  having  concentrated  their  forces,  made  a  desper 
ate  charge,  in  hopes  of  re-capturing  the  fort,  but  were 
repulsed  with  heavy  loss  to  them.  They  then  retreated 
to  their  inner  line  of  works,  and  opened  a  brisk  mus 
ketry  fire,  which  was  kept  up  until  about  10  p.  M.  Dur 
ing  the  night,  the  brigade  moved  forward  and  captured 
a  lunette  work  in  front  of  Fort  Mahone,  mounting  two 
casemate  howitzers,  which  enfiladed  the  works  to  the 
right  of  the  fort.  Shortly  afterward,  fires  were  seen  at 
several  points  along  the  line,  and  in  the  direction  of 
Petersburg  and  Richmond,  and  several  heavy  explo 
sions  were  heard,  showing  conclusively  that  the  enemy 
were  evacuating  those  places. 

April  3. — About  3  A.  M.   the  brigade  was  ordered 
forward.     They  advanced  rapidly  on  Petersburg,  found 


552  IN   PETERSBURG — GEN.    COLLIS'    ORDER.  [1865. 

the  enemy's  inner  line  of  works  abandoned,  and  reached 
the  city  just  at  daylight.  The  color-sergeant  and  color- 
guard  proceeded  to  a  conspicuous  house  near  by  and 
hoisted  the  Stars  and  Stripes  over  it.  This  was  the  first 
United  States  flag  that  waved  in  this  city's  limits  after 
the  passage  of  the  Ordinance  of  Secession  by  the  State 
of  Virginia.  The  regiment  remained  in  Petersburg  un 
til  the  afternoon,  when  it  marched  back  to  City  Point 
and  occupied  its  own  quarters. 

April  7. — The  following  order  was  promulgated  : 

HEADQUARTERS  POST,  CITY  POINT,  Ya.  ) 
April  7,  1865. 

General  Orders  No.  12. 

In  the  recent  operations  which  resulted  in  the  cap 
ture  of  Petersburg  and  Richmond,  the  troops  of  this 
command  have  borne  a  conspicuous  part,  and  their  gal 
lantry  is  the  theme  of  universal  praise.  They  were 
called  upon  to  repulse  a  desperate  enemy,  flushed  with 
a  temporary  success,  which  threatened  to  deprive  us  of 
ground  which  had  already  cost  our  troops  dearly  ;  and 
they  moved  forward  to  the  work  with  such  enthusiasm 
and  determination  that  the  enemy  was  driven  from  his 
stronghold  in  confusion.  The  skirmishers  of  this  com 
mand  were  the  first  to  enter  the  besieged  city,  and  it  is 
believed  our  colors  were  the  first  to  float  over  it.  We 
have  lost  many  valuable  officers  and  men  who  cannot 
be  replaced,  but  it  is  a  comfort  to  those  who  survive  to 
feel  that  each  of  his  fallen  comrades  was  at  his  post, 
nobly  doing  his  duty. 

By  command  of 
Brevet-Brigadier-General  C.  H.  T.  COLLIS. 

April  14. — Pursuant  to  orders  from  Lieutenant-Gene 
ral  Grant,  the  regiment  was  relieved  from  duty  at  the 
post  of  City  Point,  and  prdered  to  report  to  Brigadier- 


1865.]  REPORT   TO   GEN.    PATRICK  IN  RICHMOND.  553 

General  M.  R.  Patrick,  Provost-Marshal-General.  On 
reporting  to  General  Patrick  they  were  ordered  to  pro 
ceed  to  Richmond.  Embarked  the  same  day,  and  pro 
ceeded,  to  the  city  of  Richmond,  where  disembarked, 
marched  through  the  city  to  Howard's  Grove,  where 
occupied  barracks  formerly  used  by  the  rebels  as  a 
hospital. 

April^. — Pursuant  to  Special  Orders  JN"o.  1,  Head 
quarters  Military  Commander  City  of  Richmond,  this 
regiment  and  the  Twenty-fourth  Massachusetts  Volun 
teers  were  constituted  the  provost  guard  of  that  city, 
"under  the  direction  of  the  Provost-Marshal-General." 

From  this  time  until  November,  the  regiment  was 
engaged  in  the  performance  of  provost  duty  in  the  city 
of  Richmond,  and  the  administering  of  the  government 
of  the  same.  While  the  regiment  was  in  Richmond,  in 
July  of  this  year,  Colonel  Hardenburgh  made  a  written 
application  to  have  the  regiment  mustered  out.  The 
application  was  returned  with  the  following  endorse 
ment  of  General  Turner,  who  then  commanded  the  Dis 
trict  of  Henrico  to  General  Terry,  who  commanded  the 
Department  of  Virginia : 

HEADQUARTERS,  DISTRICT  or  HENRICO,  ) 
RICHMOND,  Va., 

July  10,  1865.      ) 

Respectfully  forwarded — disapproved.  To  dispense 
with  the  services  of  this  regiment  now  would  greatly 
disarrange  the  management  of  officers  in  the  city  of 
Richmond.  The  regiment  is  very  efficient,  and  many 
of  its  officers  are  on  special  duty  in  the  city.  The  ex 
perience  they  have  acquired  makes  them  now  very 
valuable,  and  their  places  could,  with  difficulty,  be 
filled. 

JOHN  W.  TURNER, 
Brevet- Major- General  Commanding. 


554  OFFICERS  ON  DETACHED  DUTY.  [1865. 

To  show  the  extent  of  their  duties  and  how  mul 
tifarious  they  were,  a  list  of  the  officers  detached  for 
special  duty  in  the  month  of  June  is  hereto  annexed: 

Colonel  J.   B.  Hardenburgh,  President  of  a  General 
Court  Marshal. 

Lieutenant-Colonel  J.  McEntee,  Provost  Judge — du 
ties  same  as  Mayor  of  the  city. 

Major  J.  R.  Leslie,  Provost  Marshal  Fourth  District, 
City  of  Richmond. 

Surgeon  R.  Loughran,  Medical  Director,  District  of 
Henrico. 

Assistant  Surgeon  C.  L.  Humphrey,  in  charge  of 
Alms  House,  County  of  Henrico. 

Captain  E.  M.  Misner,  Company  A,  President  of  the 
Relief  Committee. 

Captain  Isaac  Buswell,  Company  B,  member  of  Gene 
ral  Court-Martial. 

Brevet-Major,  Captain  Martin  Snyder,  Company  C, 
Commanding  Provost  Guard,  Fourth  District. 

Captain  J.  M.  Schoonmaker,  Company  D,  Aide-de- 
Camp  to  Brevet-Major-General  Turner  and  Commanding 
Military  Prisons,  viz.  :  Libby  Prison,  Castle  Thunder, 
City  Jail,  State  Penitentiary,  and  Depot  of  Distribu 
tion. 

Captain  W.  W.  Beckwith,  Company  E,  Aide-de-Camp 
to  General  Turner,  and  Assistant  Provost-Marshal-Gene 
ral,  District  of  Henrico. 

Captain  N.  Hoysradt,  Company  F,  Assistant  Provost 
Judge,  city  of  Richmond. 

Captain  M.  J.  C.  Woodworth,  Company  G,  officer 
Provost  Giiard,  Fourth  District. 

Captain  G.  B.  Mulks,  Company  H,  officer  Provost 
Guard,  Second  District. 

Captain  Charles  S.  Parker,  Company  I,  officer  Pro 
vost  Guard,  Fourth  District. 

Captain  D.  J.  France,  Company  K,  Commanding  Pro 
vost  Guard,  Second  District. 


1865.]  OFFICERS  ON   DETACHED   DUTY.  555 

Lieutenant  John  I.  Smith,  Company  A,  in  Command 
of  Alms  House. 

Lieutenant  Timothy  Murray,  Company  B,  officer  of 
the  Provost  Guard,  Fourth  District. 

Lieutenant  Jacob  H.  Winfield,  Company  C,  Aide-de- 
Camp  to  Brevet  Major-General  Turner,  Commanding 
District  of  Hennco. 

Lieutenant  John  H.  Dunn,  Company  C,  officer  Pro 
vost  Guard,  Fourth  District. 

Lieutenant  James  Hatch,  Company  D,  Street  Com 
missioner,  city  of  Richmond. 

Lieutenant  Lyman  Hoysradt,  Company  F,  Command 
ing  Guard  at  State  Penitentiary. 

Lieutenant  Isaac  Thomas,  Company  G,  officer  Provost 
Guard,  Fourth  District. 

Lieutenant  E.  B.  Townsend,  Company  G,  Aide-de- 
Camp  to  General  Turner. 

Lieutenant  Eugene  Subit,  Company  H,  officer  Provost 
Guard,  Second  District. 

•Lieutenant  Remsen  Varick,  Company  I,  Commanding 
Provost  Guard  at  Rockett's  (steamboat  landing). 

Lieutenant  S.  F.  B.  Gillespie,  Company  I,  Assistant 
to  Provost-Marshal-General  Department  of  Virginia. 

Lieutenant  Richard  E.  Houghtaling,  Company  K,  offi 
cer  Provost  Guard,  Second  district. 

November  27. — Regiment  embarked  at  Rockett's  on 
steamers,  under  orders  to  report  at  Norfolk,  to  Brevet 
Major-General  A.  F.  A.  Torbert,  Commanding  District 
of  Southeastern  Virginia,  leaving  the  following  named 
officers  at  Richmond,  performing  the  duties  heretofore 
named,  viz  :  Lieutenant-Colonel  J.  McEntee,  Captain  N. 
Hoysradt,  Surgeon  R.  Loughran,  Captain  J.  M.  Schoon- 
maker,  Captain  E.  M.  Misner,  Captain  W.  W.  Beck- 
with,  Lieutenant  J.  H.  Winfield,  Lieutenant  L.  Hoys 
radt,  and  Lieutenant  S.  F.  B.  Gillespie.  During  the 
balance  of  this  month,  the  regiment  was  engaged  in 


£56  NORFOLK— MUSTER   OUT.  [1865-6. 

performing  Provost  and  Guard  duty  at  Norfolk,  Ports 
mouth  Navy  Yard,  and  the  hard-labor  prison. 

December  18. — Pursuant  to  Special  Orders  No.  71, 
Headquarters  District  of  Southeastern  Virginia,  Brevet 
Brigadier-General  J.  B.  Hardenburgh  assumed  command 
of  that  district,  with  headquarters  at  Norfolk.  The 
duties  of  the  regiment,  during  this  month,  were  similar 
to  those  performed  during  November. 

1866. 

The  regiment  continued  in  the  performance  of  the 
same  duties  until  January  29th,  when  it  was  mustered 
out  and  returned  home,  after  halting  at  New  York  City 
to  be  paid  off. 

Previous  to  the  dismissal  of  the  regiment,  Colonel 
Hardenburgh,  addressed  the  officers  and  men  as  follows  : 

"OFFICERS  AND  SOLDIERS  OF  THE  TWENTIETH  :  The 
time  has  at  last  arrived — which  you  have  so  long  and  so 
anxiously  looked  forward  to — when  you  are  to  be  hon 
orably  discharged  the  service  and  permitted  to  return 
to  your  homes.  We  are  now  about  to  separate — many 
of  us  forever. 

"What  recollections  come  crowding  upon  our  mem 
ory  of  common  dangers  and  sufferings,  joys  and  sorrows 
—of  the  monotonous  camp,  the  weary  march  and  the 
terrible  conflict.  What  silent  prayers  go  up  from  joy 
ful  hearts,  that  we  are  spared  to  return  to  our  friends 
and  homes. 

"I  could  not  trust  myself,  if  I  could  find  words  to 
express  to  you  all  that  I  feel  on  this  occasion.  1  have 
been  so  long  and  so  intimately  connected  with  the  '  Old 
Twentieth,'  that  I  feel  as  if  I  were  about  to  part  with  a 
dear  old  friend,  whose  familiar  face  I  should  see  no 
more  forever.  I  cannot,  however,  permit  the  occasion 
to  pass  without  returning  to  you,  briefly,  my  sincere 
thanks  for  the  uniform  respect,  cheerful  obedience  and 


1866.]  COL.  HARDENBURGH'S  ADDRESS.  557 

strict  attention  to  duty  you  have  ever  evinced  in  your 
different  relations  to  the  regiment.  Whatever  my 
shortcomings  may  have  been  (and  I  know  they  have  not 
been  few),  I  have  the  satisfaction  to  know  that  4 1  have 
endeavored  to  do  my  duty.' 

"  The  name  and  reputation  of  the  Twentieth,  have 
ever  been  most  dear  to  me,  and  during  my  connection 
with  it,  I  have  endeavored  to  keep  constantly  in  view 
its  interest  and  honor. 

"I  exceedingly  regret  that  the  regiment  could  not 
have  gone  home  as  an  organization  and  been  finally  dis 
charged  at  its  original  rendezvous.  There  is  nothing  I 
more  greatly  desired,  or  that  would  have  afforded  me 
greater  pleasure,  and  I  am  sure  this  is  the  feeling  of  a 
very  large  majority  of  the  regiment.  But  on  account  of 
the  want  of  proper  accommodation  there  for  the  men, 
at  this  season,  during  the  time  they  would  necessarily 
have  to  be  detained,  before  receiving  their  final  pay  and 
discharges,  the  matter  was  deemed  unadvisable  and  im 
practicable.  It  was  supposed  that  at  this  place,  which 
had  been  used  so  long  as  one  of  the  regularly  establish 
ed  depots  for  recruits  and  regiments  to  be  mustered  out, 
we  would  find  everything  which  the  season  and  climate 
rendered  necessary,  under  the  circumstances,  for  your 
health  and  comfort.  But  I  regret  to  say  that  we  have 
been  moet  sadly  disappointed.  If  I  could  have  forseen 
the  shameful  and  disgraceful  state  of  things  here,  I  cer 
tainly  would  have  used  every  effort  in  my  power  to  have 
had  ttfe  regiment  ordered  to  Kingston  ;  for  however  we 
might  have  fared  there,  we  certainly  could  not  have 
fared  worse  than  we  have  here. 

"I  regret  the  more  that  we  could  not  have  gone 
home  as  a  regiment,  because  I  know  it  would  have  af 
forded  the  friends  of  the  regiment  great  pleasure  to 
have  extended  to  it  a  most  cordial  welcome.  They  have 
had  in  course  of  preparation  for  some  time  a  new  color, 
which  it  was  intended  to  have  presented  to  the  regiment 


558  COL.  HARDENBURGH'S  ADDRESS.  [1866. 

upon  its  arrival  in  New  York.  Colonel  Gfates  came 
down  for  that  purpose  last  Tuesday,  but  upon  Ms  ar 
rival  here  he  found  that  it  was  not  finished,  and  so  the 
presentation  had  to  be  deferred  to  some  future  time.  It 
is  now  proposed  by  the  citizens  of  Kingston,  as  a  testi 
monial  of  the  honor  and  esteem  with  which  they  have 
ever  regarded  the  'Old  Twentieth,'  to  give  an  enter 
tainment  to  the  members  of  the  regiment  on  the  22d  of 
February  next,  and  at  that  time  to  present  the  colors, 
and  I  am  requested  to  give  a  cordial  invitation  to  every 
member  of  the  regiment  on  that  occasion.  I  hope  that 
all  who  can  possibly  do  so  will  be  present  in  their  prop 
er  uniform. 

u  One  word  more  and  I  am  done.  You  are  now 
about  to  quit  the  military  service  and  return  once  more 
to  the  quiet  walks  of  civil  life.  You  belong  to  a  regi 
ment  which  has  achieved  a  name  and  reputation  which 
will  go  down  through  all  coming  time,  and  which  you 
and  those  who  may  come  after  you  will  hereafter  con 
template  with  pride  and  satisfaction.  As  you  have 
been  good  and  efficient  soldiers,  so  I  know  you  will  be 
good  and  exemplary  citizens,  ever  remembering  that 
your  duties  as  citizens  are  no  less  important. 

'  Peace  hath  her  victories, 
No  less  renowned  than  war. ' 

"I  hope  you  may  long  live  to  enjoy,  through  unin 
terrupted  peace  and  prosperity,  the  rewards  you  have 
so  richly  earned,  and  that  the  choicest  blessings  of 
Heaven  may  ever  abide  with  you  and  yours. 

"And  now,  comrades,  it  only  remains  for  me  to  pro 
nounce  the  parting  word — Farewell." 

February  22.— Pursuant  to  previous  notice,  the  reg 
iment  assembled  to  receive  the  flag  which  had  been  ob 
tained  for  them  by  the  citizens  of  Kingston.  The  fol- 


1866. J  FLAG    PRESENTATION    AT    KINGSTON.  559 

lowing  extract  from  one  of  the  village  newspapers  nar 
rates  the  circumstances  incident  thereto : 

"  On  the  22d  inst.,  the  ceremonies  attendant  upon 
the  presentation  of  a  regimental  Hag  to  the  Twentieth 
N.Y.S.M.,  took  place  at  the  armory  in  this  village. 
A  large  number  of  citizens  and  soldiers  were  present. 
Major  Yon  Beck,  of  Rondout,  was  called  to  the  chair. 
That  veteran  vocalist,  Mr.  Bernard  Covert,  was  then 
introduced  and  sang  an  appropriate  patriotic  song.  The 
presentation  speech  was  made  by  H.  H.  Reynolds, 
Esq.,  of  this  village.  [It  may  be  found  in  Appendix  C.] 

u  The  color  is  of  blue  silk,  with  the  State  arms  beau 
tifully  embroidered  in  the  centre.  Over  these,  and 
likewise  embroidered,  are  the  words  '  Ulster  Guard,' 
Twentieth  N.  Y.  S.  M.,  and  worked  upon  the  colors,  in 
different  positions,  is  the  following  regimental  record  : 
'Washington,  April,  1861  ;  Beverly  Ford,  August  21, 
1862  ;  Warrenton  Springs,  August  27,  1862  ;  Gaines 
ville,  August  28,  1862  ;  Groveton,  August  29,  1862  ; 
Second  Bull  Run,  August  30,  1862  ;  Chantilly,  Septem 
ber  1,  1862  ;  South  Mountain,  September  14,  1862  ;  An- 
tietam,  September  17,  1862 ;  Fredericksburg,  December 
12  to  15,  1862  ;  Gettysburg,  July  1  to  4,  1863  ;  Peters 
burg,  April  1  to  3,  1865  ;  Richmond,  April,  1865.' 

' '  After  the  services  were  concluded,  the  soldiers  were 
invited  to  the  upper  room  of  the  armory,  where  a  most 
bounteous  collation  was  spread,  and  the  tables  were  at 
tended  by  fair  women  who  gave  our  brave  boys  a  cordial 
welcome  and  a  luxuriant  repast.  The  entire  affair  was 
a  most  gratifying  success. 

"  On  the  evening  of  the  same  day  the  officers  of  the 
regiment  held  a  meeting  at  Brown's  Hotel,  in  the  village 
of  Kingston,  at  which  it  was  unanimously  resolved  that 
the  regiment  should  be  immediately  reorganized  under 
the  National  Guard  law  of  this  State  ;  and  designating, 
on  motion  of  Colxmel  Hardenburgh,  as  their  choice  for 


560  REORGANIZATION.  [1866- 

commandant,  Colonel  T.  B.  Grates.  It  was  further  re 
solved  that  Colonel  J.  B.  Hardenburgh,  Major  W.  A. 
Van  Rensselaer,  Captain  J.  M.  Schoonmaker,  and  Lieu 
tenant  Geo.  North,  Jr.,  be  appointed  a  committee  to 
assist  Colonel  Gates  in  reorganizing  the  regiment." 


B. 

COMPLETE     ROSTER 


OF 


THE  TWENTIETH  REGIMENT,  N.Y.S.M 

FROM  SEPTEMBER,  1861,  TO  JANUARY,  1800. 


Total  number  of  Officers,  ninety-six;  of  whom  thirty-five  were  promoted 
from  the  ranks. 

Seven  Officers  were  killed  in  battle,  and  thirty-one  wounded 
Four  were  promoted  to  higher  grades  in  other  regiments. 

Eleven  were  discharged  on  account  of  disability  resulting  from  wounds 
or  sickness. 

Thirty-three  were  mustered  out  by  reason  of  resignation  or  expiration  of 
terms,  and  six  dismissed. 


NOTE. -The  muster-out  of  C.  D.  Westbrook,  Captain  of  Engineers,  and  of  the  two 
officers  whose  names  immediately  succeed  his,  was  on  the  ground  that  the  regiment 
was  riot  entitled  to  such  officers. 


562 


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c. 

LIST  OF  KILLED,  WOUNDED  AND  MISSING  IN  1862. 

KILLED. 


NAME. 

CO. 

RANK. 

DATE. 

PLACE. 

George  W.  Pratt.  .  .  . 
Joseph  Wells  

G, 
G, 
G, 
I, 
I, 
F, 
K, 

c, 

D, 
D, 
D, 
D, 
D, 
F, 
F. 
F, 
B, 
B, 
B, 
B, 
B, 
B, 
E, 
E, 
E, 
H, 
H, 
K, 
K, 
G. 

D, 
F, 
I, 
H, 
K, 

Colonel 
Private    .  .  . 
Private 
Private  
Private 
Private  .... 
Sergeant  .  .  . 
Private  
Private  .... 
Private  
Private  
Private    .  .  . 
Private  .... 
Private  .  .  . 
Corporal  .  .  . 
Private  .... 
Private  .... 
Sergeant  .  .  . 
Sergeant 
Private  .... 
Private  .... 
Private  .... 
Private  
Private  .... 
Corporal  .  .  . 
Corporal  .  .  . 
1st  Sergeant 
Private  .... 
Private  .  .  .  .  i 
Private....1 
Sergeant  .  .  . 
Private  ... 
Private  .... 
Private    .  . 
2d  Lieut.  .  . 
1st  Lieut.  .  . 

August        30,  . 
August        30,  . 
August        30,  . 
August        30,  . 
August        30,  . 
August        30,  . 
September  17,  . 
September  17,  . 
August        30,  . 
August        30,  . 
August        30,  . 
August        30,  . 
August        30,  . 
August        30,  . 
August        30,  . 
August        30,  . 
August        30,  . 
August        30,  . 
August        30,  . 
August        30,  . 
August        30,  . 
August        30,  . 
August        30.  . 
August        30,  . 
August        30,  . 
August        30,  . 
August        30,  . 
September  17,  . 
August        30,  . 
August        30,  . 
August        21,  . 
December  17,  .  | 
September  17,.! 
September  17,  . 
September  17,  . 
August        30,  . 

Manassas. 
Manassas. 
Manassas. 
Manassas. 
Manassas. 
Manassas. 
Antietam. 
Antietam. 
Manassas. 
Mflnassas. 
Manassas. 
Manassas. 
Manassas. 
Manassas. 
Manassas. 
Manassas, 
Manassas. 
Manassas. 
Manassas. 
Mauassas. 
Manassas. 
Manassas. 
Antietam. 
Manassas. 
Manassas. 
Manassas. 
Manassas. 
Antietam. 
Manassas. 
Manassas. 
Norman's  Ford. 
Fredericksburg  . 
Antietam. 
Antietam. 
Antietam. 
Manassas. 

J.  P.  Bloom  

Michael  Oats  

Andrew  J.  Smith.  .  .  . 
James  Me  Adams.  .  .  . 
Edwin  Miles  

Thomas  Price.    .  . 

William  H.  Knowles. 
Wesley  Shutlis  

Jeremiah  Townes  
Stephen  Van  Velsen  . 
Michael  Coffee  
John  H.  Davis  

James  P.  Colligan.  .  . 
Hugh  Wallace 

Bernard  Garrety  
Milton  A.  Smith  
Alfred  Lasher  (T)..  . 
Geo.  H.  Kelly  (T)  .  .  . 
Lewis  Redder  (T)...  . 
John  Stewart  (T)  
Ruf  us  Warranger  (T) 
Adam  Bishop  
Miles  Anderson  
H.  Goldsmith 

James  M.  Almy  .  . 
H.  I.  Pollock  
Patrick  Sweeny  
H.  M.  Judcl  
William  R.  Dodd.... 
Samuel  J.  White  
John  P.  Post 

Peter  P.  Plass  

M.  H.  Swarthout.  ... 
John  R.  ITorner 

572 


1862.]                                                            APPENDIX   C.                                                                57$ 

WO  UNDED. 

NAME. 

RANK. 

DATE. 

PLACE. 

Peletiah  Ward      

Captain   .  .  . 
Captain  .... 
Captain  .  .  . 
Captain  .... 
Captain  
Captain  .  .  . 
Captain  .... 
2d  Lieut  .  .  . 
1st  Lieut.  .  . 
2d  Lieut  .  .  . 
2d  Lieut  .  .  . 
2d  Lieut  .  .  . 
2d  Lieut  .  .  . 
2d  Lieut  .  .  . 
1st  Lieut.  .  . 
2d  Lieut  .  .  . 
1st  Lieut.  .  . 
Sergeant  .  .  . 
Corporal  .  .  . 
Corporal  .  .  . 
Private  
Private  .... 
Private  .... 
Private  .... 
Private  
Private  
Private  .... 
Private  
Private  
Private  .    .  . 
Sergeant  .  .  . 
Sergeant.  .  . 
Private  .  .  . 

August  30  .  . 
August  30.. 
August  30.. 
September  17.  . 
September  1  .  . 
December  13.  . 
December  13.  . 
August  30  .  . 
August  30.. 
August  30.. 
September  17.  . 
September  1  .  . 
August  30.. 
August  30  .  . 
August  30.  . 
August  30  .  . 
December  13.  . 
August  21  .  . 
September  17.  . 
September  1  .  . 
September  17.  . 
August  30.. 
September  1  .  . 
August  30.  . 
August  30.. 
December  13.  . 
December  13.  . 
September  1  .  . 
September  17.. 
August  30.. 
December  13.  . 
August  30.  . 
August  30  .  . 
August  30.. 
August  30  .  . 
August  30.. 
August  30  .  . 
August  30.  . 
August  30.  . 
August  30.. 
August  30.. 
August  21.. 
September  17.  . 
December  14.  . 
September  17.  . 
December  14.  . 
August  21  .  . 
September  18.  . 
August  30  .  . 
August  30.. 

Manassas. 
Manassas. 
Manassas. 
Antietam. 
Chantilly. 
Fredericksburg. 
Fredericksburg  . 
Manassas. 
Manassas. 
Manassas. 
Antietam. 
Chantilly. 
Manassas. 
Manassas. 
Manassas. 
Manassas. 
Fredericksburg  . 
Norman's  Ford. 
Antietam. 
Chantilly. 
Antietam. 
Manassas. 
Chantilly. 
Manassas. 
Manassas. 
Fredericksburg. 
Fiedericksburg. 
Chantilly. 
.A  ntietam. 
Manassas. 
Fredericksburg  . 
Manassas. 
Manassas. 
Manassas  • 
Manassas. 
Manassas. 
Manassas. 
Manassas. 
Manassas. 
Manassas. 
Manassas. 
Norman's  Ford. 
Antietam. 
Fredericksburg. 
Antietam. 
Fredericksburg  . 
Norman's  Ford. 
Antietam. 
Manassas. 
Manassas. 

J   Rudolph.  Tappen      .  .  . 

Abram  S    Smith      

A   N   Baldwin  

Daniel  McMahon 

Abram  S   Smith 

W  H  Cunningham  .    ... 

Philip  Deits      

Edward  McMahon 

Henry  Clarke            

O   A   Campbell      

George  North  Jr 

J.  M.Van  Valkenburg  
J  D   France 

Nicholas  Hrynadt      

James  Smith  

G   H   Brankstone 

Edward  S   Bennett 

Amos  Travis     .       

Henry  Williamson  

Jacob  Cook 

John  M    Crapser 

James  Dykensan      

Abram  C   Halstead  

Ttussel  C  Harris 

Michael  Kilroy 

John  R  Morgan      

Ona  S   Payne  

Aaron  Rhodes 

Charles  H  Williams 

Henry  Williamson  

William  A.  Ingram  
John  Stewart  

Edward  Babcock 

Private  .... 

Sergeant.  .  . 
Sergeant  .  .  . 
Corporal  .  .  . 
Corporal  .  .  . 
Private  .... 
Private  .... 
Private  .  .  . 
Private  .... 
Private  .... 
Private  .... 
Privai  e  .  .  . 
Private  .... 
Private 

Philip  Deits 

Fred'ck  Obermier  (T).  .  . 
Michael  Speedling  

Andrew  Yaple 

Oswald  Decker  (T)  
Thos.  W.  Francisco  

Theo   Garrison  (T) 

Howard  Joy  
John  Jov.  

Lewis  Lamoynrd  

Isaac  Lawrence  
Chas.  K.  McNiff  (T)  
Adam  Moore  (T) 

Michael  O'Donnell  
Henry  Plough  

Private  .... 
Private  
Private  .  . 

Wm.  Rosenberser  .  . 

574 


APPENDIX  C. 

WO  UNDED—  Continued. 


[1862. 


NAME. 

BANK. 

DATE. 

PLACE. 

Michael  O'Donnell 

Private 

August       30 

Manassas 

Cyrastus  H   Belts  

1st  Sergeant 

August       30  .  . 

Manassas 

William  Bates 

Corporal 

August       30 

Manassas 

John  Knowls  .    
George  Van  Loan 

Private  
Private  .    . 

August       30  .  . 
August       30 

Manassas. 
Manassas 

George  G   Martin    

Corporal.  .  . 

August       30  . 

Manassas 

"William  Knapp 

Private 

August       30 

Manassas 

Philip  Dillon  

Private  .... 

August       30.. 

Manassas 

Spencer  Declerick 

Private 

August       30 

Manassas 

John  Edleman    

Private    .  . 

August       30  . 

Manassas 

Henry  Rose  

Private  .... 

September  17.  . 

Antietam 

George  H.  Banard  ....... 
Ten  Eyck  O.  France  
Patrick  Graney      

Private  
Private  .... 
Sergeant 

September  17.  . 
December  J  3  .  . 
September  17 

Antictam. 
Fredericksburg  . 
Antietam 

Halsey  Davis  .... 

Corporal  .    . 

August       30.  . 

Manassas 

Isaac  E  Rosa  

Private  .... 

August       30.  . 

Manassas 

D   P  Whittaker 

Corporal 

August       30 

Manassas 

Dubois  Markle          .   .  . 

Corporal 

September    1 

Chantilly 

George  Brown    

Corporal  .  . 

August       30 

Mantissas 

John  Connery  

Corporal  .  .  . 

September  17  . 

Antietam 

Richard.  Burger 

Private 

August       30 

Manassas 

David  S  Bell 

Private 

August       30 

Mnnassas 

Albert  Collier     

Private 

August       30 

JManassas 

Ebbin  Higgins  

Private  .... 

August       30 

Manassas 

George  Hinckley  

Private  .... 

August       30  .  . 

Manassas. 

Lorenzo  Kibby 

Private 

August       30 

Manassas 

S   H   Lee 

Private    .  . 

September    1 

Chantilly 

Jacob  P   Lattimore  

Private 

August       30 

Manassas 

George  Moore  

Private  .    .  . 

August       20.  . 

War't'n  Springs. 

J    M    Ostrander 

Private 

December  13 

Fredericksburg 

Conrad  Smith 

Private 

August       30 

Manassas 

Watson  A  Smith  

Private 

August       30 

Manassas 

Peter  Sparling  

Private 

August       30 

Manassas. 

Bealy  Taylor  

Private  .... 

August       30  .  . 

Manassas. 

William  Van  Scoit   . 

Private 

August       30 

Manassas 

Stephen  Van  Velsan 

Private 

August       30 

Manassas. 

Michael  fiuger  
Hugh  Donahugh 

Private  .... 
Private 

August       30.. 
August       30 

Manassas. 
Manassas 

Geo.  H.  Brankstone  
H.  H.  Terwelliger  
Thomas  Wallace  
William  Freeman  

1st  Sergeant 
Sergeant.  .  . 
Sergeant.  .  . 
Sergeant.  .  . 

December  14.  . 
August       80.  . 
December  14.  . 
August       26  .  . 

Fredericksburg. 
Manassas. 
Fredericksburg. 
War't'n  Springs. 

James  W.  Whelpley  
David  H.  Welch  

Corporal  .  .  . 
Corporal   .  . 

August       30.. 
August       30.. 

Manassas. 
M  anassas. 

Miles  Anderson  

Corporal  .  .  . 

August       30.. 

Manassas. 

George  G.  Barlow  

Corporal  .  .  . 

August       30.  . 

Manassas. 

George  P.  Sanders 

Corporal 

December  15.  . 

Fredericksburg  . 

Ephraim  Turner 

Corporal  .  .  . 

August       30.. 

Manassas. 

Melvin  Atkins  

Private  .... 

September  17.  . 

Antietam. 

James  Beers  .  . 

Private  .  . 

September  17.. 

Antietam. 

18G2.] 


APPENDIX   C. 

WO  UND ED—  Continued. 


575 


NAME. 

RANK. 

DATE. 

PLACE. 

Andrew  Carney 

Private 

September  17 

Antietam. 

Nicholas  Cooper 

Private  .... 

August       30  . 

Manassas 

Martin  J  Deponia  

Private  .... 

August       26  .  . 

^Var't'n  Springs 

Alvin  A.  Hauschidt  
James  Hansfeldt 

Private  .... 
Private 

August       80.  . 
August       30 

Manassas. 
Manassas 

Henry  PI   Legg 

Private  .... 

September  17  . 

Antietam 

Samuel  McCune  

Private  .... 

December  13.  . 

Fredericksburg  . 

Lewis  Payne 

Private 

September  17 

Antietam 

Russel  Powell 

Private  .    . 

August       30 

Manassas 

John  Swhab              .      .    . 

Sergeant.  .  . 

August         3.  . 

Fredericksburg 

Calvin  Sheeley     

Private  .... 

September  17.  . 

Antietam 

Eu(renc  F  Tliorpe 

Private 

August       30 

Manassas 

Thomas  J.  Conlon  
James  F   Collicran   .    ... 

Sergeant.  .  . 
Corporal.  .  . 

August       30  .  . 
August       30   . 

Manassas. 
Manassas 

Peter  Foley  

Corporal.  .  . 

August       30.. 

Manassas 

James  R  Burke 

Private 

August       30 

Manassas 

James  Costello  
Thomas  Doyle     

Private  .... 
Private  .... 

August       30  .  . 
Auo-ust       30.. 

Manassas. 
Manassas 

James  Fitzgerald  

Private  .... 

Auo-ust       30  . 

Manassas. 

Bernard  Gerrety 

Private 

August       30 

Mftnassas 

Martin  Jones 

Private 

August       30 

Manassas 

John  Kellv      

Private 

August       30.  . 

Manassas 

Valentine  Lundly  

Private  .... 

August       30.. 

Manassas. 

John  Luft  

Private  .  ,  .  . 

August       30.. 

Manassas. 

John  Ma^terson 

Private 

August       30 

Manassas 

William  Mayer.       .    ... 

Private 

August       30.. 

Manassas. 

Philip  Post    

Private  .... 

August       30.  . 

Manassas. 

George  Patterson 

Private 

August       30 

Manassas 

John  Pratt 

Private 

August       30  . 

Manassas 

Andrew  Sweeney  

Private  .    . 

August       30  . 

Manassas. 

Cas^ander  W^irner 

Private 

August       30 

Manassas 

Huo-h  Wallace 

Private 

August       30 

Manassas 

William  J  Miller     .... 

August       30.. 

Manassas. 

Patrick  Melia  

Private  .... 

August       30.  . 

Manassas. 

John  Tieman  

Corporal  .  ,  . 

September  17.  . 

Antietam. 

J   M  Countryman 

Private 

September  17 

Antietam 

James  Green  

Private 

September  17  . 

Antietam. 

Thomas  McAboy  

Private  .    . 

September  17.  . 

Antietam. 

Patrick  Nolan 

Private 

September  17 

\ntietam. 

Edward  Nolan 

Private 

September  17 

Antietam. 

John  B.  Barry  

Private 

September  17  . 

Antietam. 

James  Smith  

1st  Sergeant 

August       30  .  . 

Manassas. 

R.  H.  Barrett  
H.  R.  Dopp  

Sergeant  .  .  . 
Sergeant 

August       30.  . 
August        21    . 

Manassas. 
Norman's  Ford. 

George  Butler  

Corporal  .  .  . 

August       30  .  . 

Manassas. 

William  F   Smith 

Corporal 

Auo-ust       30 

Manassas. 

James  His;gins  

Corporal 

August       30.  . 

Manassas. 

R,  S.  Hammond    

Corporal.  .  . 

September  17.  . 

Antietam. 

John  W.  Toll  and 

Corporal 

September  17.  . 

Antietam. 

William  C.  Allen.  . 

Private  .  . 

September  17.  . 

Antietam. 

576 


APPENDIX   C. 

WO  UNDED—  Continued. 


NAME. 

RANK. 

DATE. 

PLACE. 

P  S  Angle  

Private  .... 

August       30.. 

Manassas 

Albiner  Fiero 

Private  . 

August       30 

Manassas 

Chauncey  Hogeboom  
John  Haynes    

Private  
Private  .... 

August       30.  . 
September  17. 

Manassas. 
Antietam 

Stephen  Knapp  

Private  .... 

August       30.  . 

Manassas 

James  A  Lewis 

Private 

August       30 

Manassas 

Joseph  Bell                   .  . 

Private 

August       30 

Manassas 

William  B  Rose  

Private    .  . 

August       30  . 

Manassas 

P   H  Wanner  

Private  .... 

September  17.  . 

Antietam 

Edward  Rogers  

Private  .... 

August       30.  . 

Manassas. 

Isaac  Cleaver                   .  . 

Private 

September  17 

Antietam 

Wellington  Butler 

Private 

August       30.  . 

Manassas 

Albino  West     

Private  .  .  . 

August       30.  . 

Manassas 

George  L  Hughson  

Private  .... 

September  17.  . 

Antietam. 

Lewis  H  "Wilkow 

Sergeant 

August       30 

Manassas 

George  B  Coyle 

Private 

August       30.  . 

Manassas 

Jacob  J   Con  way  

Corporal'  .  . 

August       30.  . 

Manassas 

Charles  Bergher  

Corporal.  . 

August       30.. 

Manassas. 

James  H  Bunto  

Private  .... 

August       30.  . 

Manassas. 

Thomas  C   France 

Private 

August       30  . 

Manassas 

John  Haggerty  
James  Rafferty  

Private  
Private  .    . 

September  17.  . 
August       30.  . 

Antietam. 

Manassas. 

Wm   H  Reynolds  

Private  .... 

August       30  .. 

Manassas. 

"William  Rosa 

Private 

August       30.  . 

Manassas 

John  Sullivan 

Private 

August       30  .  . 

Manassas. 

Frederick  Toothill  
James  Van  Elten  

Private  .... 
Private  .... 

August       30.  . 
August       30  .  . 

Manassas. 
Manassas. 

John  Van  Gasbeck  

Private  .... 

August       30  .  . 

Manassas. 

Aaron  Woolsey 

Private 

August       30  .  . 

Manassas. 

Morris  Hein  

Private 

August       30  .  . 

Manassas. 

Edwin  Bruce  

Private  .  .  . 

August       30  .  . 

Manassas. 

Edward  Iligham  

Private  .... 

August       30  .  . 

Manassas. 

Apollos  B  Fink 

Private 

August       30.  . 

Manassas. 

James  Mulvehill 

Private 

August       30.. 

Manassas. 

M  J  C  Wood  worth  

1st  Sergeant 

September  17.  . 

Antietam. 

Michael  Farrell  

Sergeant.  .  . 

December  14.  . 

Fredericksburg  . 

Sergeant 

August       30 

Manassas 

Henry  M.  Herring  
Joseph  Leonard    

Corporal  .  .  . 
Corporal.  .  . 

September   7.  . 
August       30.  . 

Antietam. 
Manassas. 

George  Rossman 

Corporal 

August       30 

Manassas. 

Jordan  A   Sickler 

Corporal 

August       80   . 

Manassas. 

Michael  Caughlan  

Corporal   .  . 

August       30  .  . 

Manassas. 

James  Brady 

Private 

August       30 

Manassas. 

Romeyn  Beach 

Private 

August       30 

Manassas. 

John  Camaton 

Private    .  .  . 

August       26.  . 

War't'n  Springs. 

Hezekiah  Carle 

Private 

August       30 

-AT 

Manassas. 

Myer  Devall 

Private 

August       30 

Manassas. 

Barney  Fitch 

Private 

August       30.. 

Manassas. 

William  L.  Hanson  
Patrick  Moran  .  . 

Prvate  i  .  .  . 
Private    . 

December  13.  . 
August       30  .  . 

Fredericksburg  . 

Manassas. 

1862.] 


APPENDIX   C. 

WO  UNDED—  Continued. 


577 


NAME. 

RANK. 

DATE. 

PLACE  . 

John  McKain    

.    Pri  vale  .... 

August        MO  .  . 
August       ;>•.. 
August       10.  . 
December  13.  . 
August       30.. 
August       30  .  . 
September    1  .  . 
September  17.  . 
August       30.. 
August       30. 
August        30.  . 
August       30.  . 
August        30  .  . 
September  1  1  .  . 
August        30  .  . 
I  'ecember  13   . 
September    1  .  . 
September    1  .  . 
August        30  .  . 
August       i  0  .  . 
August       30.. 
September    1  .  . 
August        30.. 
September  14.  . 
August        30.  . 
August        21.. 
August       30.. 

rG. 

Manassas. 
Manas^s. 
Mana^as. 
Fredericksburg. 

3  1  an  a  s  .s. 
Manas-as. 
Chant  illy. 
Antietam. 
Manassas. 
Manassas. 
Manassas. 
Ma;  asssts. 
Manassas. 
Antiet;.m. 
Mantissas. 
Em  1  ericksburg  . 
(  'haul  illy. 
(  hantilly. 
Manassas. 
Manassas. 
Manassas. 
Chantilly. 
Manassas. 
South  Mountain. 
Manass-as. 
Norman's  Ford. 
Manassas. 

Edward  Me  Adams 

Private  .    . 

John  O'Brien 

Private  ... 

George  W.  Peet  

.    Sergeant  .  .  . 

Peter  S   Carle 

Corporal 

Henry  J.  Newell  
Joseph  Hill 

.    Corporal  .  .  . 
.    Sergeant  .  .  . 

John  B.  Brush  
John  W.  Bradt  

.    Private  
.    Private  .... 

Amos  J   Carle 

Private 

F.enj.  W.  Dulcher  
Maynard  Decker      

.    Private 
.    (  'orporal  .  .  . 
.    Pri  vaie  .  .    . 
.    Private  .... 
.    P-ivate.... 
.    Priva  e  .  .  .  . 
.    Private    .  .  . 
.  ;  Private  .  .  .  . 
i  Private 

Robert  Druminond  

Daniel  Greenwood  
Constant  C.  Hanks  
Janie^  Hooks                .    . 

Charles  Hansell  
William  Hapenward  
Dennis  Judd 

Henry  M.  Judd  
Horatio  Lord       

.    Private  .  .  . 

.    Private  .  .  .  . 

John  H.  Pierce  

.    Private  .  .  .  . 

John  Proper 

•  Private 

Edward  L.  Scaly  
Henry  Schutt  

.    Pri  vat  (j  
Private  .  .  .  . 

Hiram  Travis  

.    Private  

William  Wiuetrard 

Private 

MISSIS 

NAME.                       CO 

RANK. 

DATE. 

PLACE. 

Andrew  Dile                   I 

Sergeant  .  .  . 
Private  
Private  .  .  ,  . 

August       30.. 
August       30  .  . 
September  17.  . 
August        10.. 

Manassas. 
Manassas. 
Antietam. 
Manassas. 

John  Tracy                      I 

Huo'h  Burns      .    .          H 

George  Woolsev.       .    C. 

LIST  OF  KILLED  AND  WOUNDED  IN  1863. 

KILLED —  Commissio  ned   Officers. 


NAME. 

CO. 

RANK. 

PLACE. 

Joseph  F  Corbin  

F 

Captain 

Gettysburg. 

Ambrose  N   Baldwin  

K 

Captain     

Gettysburg. 

Georsre  H.  Brankstone.  . 

E. 

1st  Lieutenant.  . 

Gettysburg. 

KILLED— Enlisted  Men. 


NAME. 

CO. 

HANK. 

PLACE. 

Theodore  Wheeler    

A, 

I  Corporal     

Gettysburg. 

Duane  S   Bu^h 

A 

Private 

Gettysburg. 

Henry  Belcher                              .  . 

A 

i  Private 

Gettysburg. 

Charles  C    Babcock     

A 

Private 

Gettysburg. 

Francis  I   Lee     

A 

Pri  vate 

Gettysburg. 

Dewitt  C1   Hamin  

A 

Private    

Gettysburg. 

Ephraiin  Rosa 

B 

Private 

Gettysburg. 

James  Craig  

Constantine  Van  Steinburg 

C, 

c 

Sergeant  
Private 

Gettysburg. 
Gettysburg. 

Edward  Coo^an  

c 

Private 

Gettysburg. 

Walter  S   Tyler 

c 

Corporal 

Gettysburg. 

Luther  W.  McClellan  
Ebbin  Ilifgins             

D, 

D 

Sergeant  
Private 

Gettysburg. 
Gettysburg. 

11   C   Van  Leakin  

D 

Private    

Gettysburg. 

Amo^  C'   Treat 

D 

Private 

Gettysburg. 

Albert  Collier 

D 

Private 

Gettysburg' 

Alexander  Tice                  

F 

Private 

Gettysburg. 

Leonard  Van  J  order 

E 

Private 

Get  tysbur0" 

John  Luft  

F 

Private  

Gettysburg. 

Lucius  II.  Decker  
James  L   Hallock 

G, 
H 

Sergeant  
Private 

Gettysburg. 
Gettysburg. 

James  E.  Angevine     

H 

Corporal 

Gettysburg. 

Eli  A.  Degrof  

H 

Corporal 

Gettysburg. 

Ansol  B.  Pierce  

H 

Private    ... 

Gettysburg. 

Joseph  Leonard  

I, 

Corporal  

Gettysburg. 

John  Tracy  

I 

Private 

Gettysburg. 

Thomas  Hyatt.  

I 

Private    . 

Gettysburg. 

Minard  Decker  

Nelson  Southard 

K, 
K 

Sergeant  
Private 

Gettysburg. 
Gettysburg. 

George  H.  Babcock  .  .  . 

E 

Private 

Gettysburg. 

Squire  Flanders.  . 

I. 

Private  .  . 

Gettysburg. 

WO  UNDED—  Commissioned  Officers. 


NAME. 

CO.  ... 

RANK. 

PLACE. 

W.  A.  Van  Rensselaer  
J.  M    Schoonmaker 

Major  

\diutant 

Gettysburg. 
Gettysburg 

John  H.  Leslie  

B 

Captain 

Gettysburg 

Andrew  S.  Schutt  

C 

1st  Lieutenant 

Gettysburg 

James  Flenning 

C 

2d  Lieutenant 

Gettysbur0" 

Daniel  McMahon  

D, 

Captain  .  . 

Gettysburg. 

578 


1863.] 


ArFENDIX   C. 


579 


WO  UND  ED— Commissioned  Officers— Continued. 


NAME. 

CO. 

RANK. 

PLACE. 

George  B    Wolcott 

I) 

9d  Lieutenant.    .  .  . 

Gettysburg. 

Abm    Alerritt              

E 

2d  Lieutenant  

Gettysburg. 

John  Delacroy 

F 

2d  Lieutenant       .  . 

Gettysburg. 

William  H   Cunningham 

G 

Captain 

Gettysburg. 

George  B.  Mulks  
Thomas  Alexander  
Alfred  Tanner  

JDS   Cook     . 

& 

H, 
I 

1st  Lieutenant  
Captain  
2d  Lieutenant  
(Captain                 .  .  . 

Gettysburg. 
Gettysburg. 
Gettysburg. 
Gettysburg. 

John  M.   Younff.  .  . 

K. 

3d  Lieutenant  . 

Gettysburg. 

WO  UND  ED— Enlisted  Men. 


NAME. 

CO. 

RANK. 

PLACE. 

John  Boyle  

C 

Gettysburg. 

James  Gannon 

r< 

Gettysburg. 

Geor°'e  A    Ackert.  .    .  . 

C 

Gettysburg. 

John  Ldleman  

c 

Private 

Gettysburg. 

Thomas  Wells  

C 

Private 

Gettysburg. 

Geor^o  W   Pardee 

(1 

Gettysburg. 

Joseph  Shelightiier  

C 

Gettysburg. 

John  11.  Dunn   

C 

Corporal 

Gettysburg. 

Jeremiah  Kerrigan  
Jonathan  Dubois 

c, 

n 

Private  

Gettysburg. 
Gettysburg. 

Abm.  K  .  Van  Buskirk  

c 

Private           .  . 

Gettysburg. 

William  Baker  

A 

Private 

Gettysburg. 

James  E.  Doxie  

A 

Private 

Gettysburg. 

John  Donnelly  

A 

Pi  ivate           .  • 

Gettysburg. 

John  Ridings,  Jr  

A 

Gettysburg. 

William  A.  Stockings,  (T)  

A 

Private 

Gettysburg. 

Wansborough  Bloxam,  (T)  

B' 

Sergeant 

Gettysburg. 

Frank  Bowman  

B 

Gettysburg. 

Isaac  C.  Buswell  

B 

1st  Sergeant 

Getty  sbur  . 

Morgan  Deneger,  (T)  

B' 

Private 

Gettysburg. 

James  Kee<ran   

B 

Gettysburg. 

Charles  K   McKiff,  (T)  

B 

Gettysburg. 

Adam  More,  (T)  

B 

Private 

Gettysburg. 

William  Risenberger,   Jr  

B 

Corporal 

Gettysburg. 

John  H.  Swart  

B 

Gettysburg. 

Jacob  F  .  Teal  

B 

Private 

Gettysburg. 

H.  C  .    Van  Buren  

B 

Private 

Gettysburg. 

James  Yaple              .    .  . 

B 

Gettysburg. 

James  A.  Wescott  

B 

Private 

Gettysburg. 

Asa  Bishop  

D 

Sergeant 

Gettysburg. 

John   Cudney  

D 

Corporal 

Gettysburg. 

Charles  Kuiffln  

D 

Serfreant 

Gettysburg. 

Jacob  P    Latimore 

D 

Gettysburg. 

Martin  Jerseneous  

D 

Private 

Gettysburg. 

Dew  it  t  Rose  

D 

Private 

Gettysburg. 

Watson  A.  Smith  

D 

Sergeant 

Gettysburg. 

Lewis  E.  Champaigne  
Stephen  L.  Cudney  

E, 
E 

Sergeant  
Sergeant 

Gettv  sburg. 
Gettysburg. 

William,  Fetterman  

E 

Private 

Getty  sbu" 

Loronzo  B.  Healy  

E, 

Private  .  . 

Gettysburg. 

580 


APPENDIX    C. 

WO  UND ED— Enlisted  Jfew^-Continued. 


[1863. 


NAME. 

CO. 

RANK. 

PLACE. 

James  Housfall 

E 

Private  

Gettysburg 

Henry  O    Irwin 

E 

Private  

Gettysburg 

John  Jolinson 

E 

Corporal  .... 

Gettysburg1 

Lewis  Snvder 

E 

3rivate    ....       ... 

Enos  B    Vail         

E, 

Private  

Gettysburg 

John  II   "Winise 

G 

Sergeant  

G  etty  sburg 

James  Higgins                    . 

G 

Sergeant  

Gettysburg 

John  C    Parks 

G 

Private  

Getty  sbur°* 

Peter  H   Van  Wogoner 

G 

Private  

Gettysburg 

John  Ovendorf  

H. 

Corporal  

Gettysburg 

William  L    Snyder 

H 

Private  

Get  t  v  sbu  r  °* 

Joseph  Sickler 

H 

Private  

Gettysburg 

Morris  Hein 

H 

Private  

Gettysburg 

William  Fuller  

I 

Sergeant  

Gettysburg 

William   Henson  

I, 

Private  

Gettysburg 

James  Larrie 

I 

Private  

Gettysburg 

John  W   Plimly 

I 

Private  

Gettysburg 

Henry  Tompkins 

I 

Private    

Gettysburg 

Edward  Wright  

I 

Private  

Gettysburg 

Michael  Farrel 

{' 

Sergeant  

Gettysburg 

Moses  Whittaker 

I 

Sergeant  

Gettysburg 

Barney  Fitch 

I 

Corporal.,  

Gettysburg 

George  Rossman 

I 

Sergeant  

Gettysburg 

Jehiel  I  Judd  

K, 

1st  Sergeant  

Gettysburg1 

John  Chandler 

K 

„          &, 
Jorporal  

Gettysburg 

Addison  8.   Hays 

K 

Private  

Gettysburg 

George  Hood 

K 

Private  

Gettysburg 

Joseph  Hill  

K 

Sergeant  

Gettysburg 

Henry  Schutt  

K 

Private  

Gettysburg 

Bernard  Halstead  

G, 

Private  

Gettysburg. 

N.  Van  Valkenburg 

G 

Private  

Gettysburg 

Charles  C    Babcock 

A 

Private  

Gettysburg 

James  H.  Beletier    .. 

A 

Private  

Gettysburg. 

Samuel  Norfolk  

E 

Private  

Gettysburg. 

William  H     Parkinson 

T 

Private  

Gettysburg 

David  E    Post  .  . 

I 

Private  

Gettysburg. 

Emerson  Scott  

z 

Private    

Gettysburg. 

Ira  B  .  Tait  

D, 

Pri  vate  

Gettysburg. 

Aaron  Nichols 

H 

Private  ...       ... 

Gettysburg 

A.  Mullen  

F 

1st  Sergeant  

Gettysburg. 

E.  Becket  

F 

Sergeant  

Gettysburg. 

Ed.  Ashley  

F, 

Private  

Gettysburg. 

J.  E.  Pells 

F 

Private    

Gettysburg. 

T.  Doyle 

F 

Private  

Gettysburg. 

I.  Burns  .  . 

F 

Private  

Gettysburg, 

John  Knighton  

B, 

Private  

Gettysburg. 

Asa  Jones  

D, 

Sergeant  

Gettysburg. 

Charles  Keegan 

A 

Private  

Gettysburg. 

John  Swart 

T/ 

Corporal  

Gettysburg. 

N.  Rossman  .                           ... 

I, 

Private  

Gettysburg. 

James  Bonesteel 

G 

Sergeant  

Gettysburg. 

T    Croaks 

F, 

Private  

Gettysburg. 

Stephen  Strong 

I, 

Private  

Gettysburg. 

William  Shaffer.  . 

G, 

Private  

Gettysburg. 

D. 


REGIMENTAL  ROSTER  AND   STRENGTH  OF  COMPANIES  IN 
THREE  MONTHS'  SERVICE. 

The  regiment  left  the  Strand  by  the  steamer  Man 
hattan,  with  a  barge  alongside,  on  Sunday,  April  28th, 
and  after  a  stay  of  some  days  in  New  York  City,  dur 
ing  which  it  was  the  first  regiment  to  occupy  the  Park 
Barracks,  it  proceeded  to  Annapolis,  Md.,  where  it  was 
mustered  into  the  United  States  service  by  Lieutenant 
Putnam,  United  States  Engineers,  and  then  went  to 
-Annapolis  Junction,  relieving  Schwatzewalder's  Fifth 
New  York  in  guarding  the  line  of  railroad  from  An 
napolis  to  the  Junction  and  a  portion  of  the  road  from 
Baltimore  to  Washington,  with  its  headquarters  at  the 
Junction. 

The  strength  of  the  regiment  when  it  left  home 
was  815. 

field  Officers.—  Colonel  Gorge  W.  Pratt,  Lieutenant- 
Colonel  Hiram  Schoonmaker,  Major  Theodore  B.  Gates. 

Commissioned  Staff. — Jacob  B.  Hardenburgh,  Ad 
jutant  ;  John  S.  Griffiths,  Quartermaster;  Peter  B. 
Overbagh,  Paymaster  ;  William  Lounsbery,  Commis 
sary  ;  Major  A.  Crispell,  Surgen ;  Captain  Leonard 
Ingersoll  and  Lieutenant  E.  Loughran,  Assistant  Sur 
geons  ;  Daniel  T.  Van  Buren,  Captain  of  Engineers  ; 
William  Darrah,  Chaplain. 

Non-Commissioned  Staff. — P.  Freeman  Hasbrouck, 
Sergeant-Major ;  Charles  Schryver,  Quartern; aster's 
Sergeant ;  Henry  Mick,  Sergeant  Standard  Bearer  ; 
Augustus  Geoller,  Drum-Major  ;  A.  Webster  Shaffer, 
Sergeant  of  Sappers. 

Line. — Company  A,  73  men  ;  J.  B.  Webster,  Cap 
tain  ;  A.  G.  Barker,  First  Lieutenant ;  James  Stevens, 

581 


582  APPENDIX   D.  [1861. 

Second  Lieutenant.  Company  B,  113  men  ;  George  H. 
Sharpe,  Captain  ;  Jacob  Sharpe,  First  Lieutenant  ; 
Cornelius  J.  Houtaling,  Second  Lieutenant.  Com 
pany  C,  91  men ;  J.  Eudolph  Tappen,  Captain  ;  W. 
A.  Van  Rensselaer,  First  Lieutenant  ;  Peter  S.  Voor- 
hees,  Second  Lieutenant.  Company  D,  74  men. ;  Davis 
Winne,  Captain  ;  Jolm  Hussey,  First  Lieutenant  ;  John 
M.  Schoonmaker,  Jr.,  Second  Lieutenant.  Company  Er 
68  men  ;  William  Lent,  Captain  ;  Jacob  A.  Blackmail, 
First  Lieutenant  ;  Nicholas  Sahn,  Second  Lieutenant. 
Company  F,  63  men  ;  Patrick  J.  Flynn,  Captain  ;  Ed 
ward  O'Keilly,  First  Lieutenant  ;  John  Murray,  Second 
Lieutenant.  Company  G,  80  men  ;  James  T.'Hendricks, 
Captain ;  James  D.  Balen,  First  Lieutenant  ;  S.  W. 
Millar,  Second  Lieutenant.  Company  H,  87  men  ;  John 
Derrenbacher,  Captain  ;  Jervis  McEntee,  First  Lieu 
tenant  ;  Lawrence  Stoker,  Second  Lieutenant.  Com 
pany  R,  109  men  ;  Wade  H.  Steenbergli,  Captain  ; 
George  Wheeler,  First  Lieutenant ;  Cornelius  C.  Bush, 
Second  Lieutenant ;  Ambrose  IN".  Baldwin,  Jr.,  Second 
Lieutenant.  There  was  also  a  squad  of  sappers  and 
miners  consisting  of  nine  men. 

On  the  first  of  June  Lieutenant-Colonel  Schoonmaker 
resigned  and  Major  Gates  became  the  Lieutenant-Colonel, 
Adjutant  Hardenburgh  became  the  Major  and  M.  W. 
McEntee  was  commissioned  Adjutant. 


E. 

FLAG  PRESENTATION  BY  THE  LADIES  OF  SAUGERTIES — REV.  MR.  GASTON*S 
ADDRESS — HON.  T.  R.  WESTBROOK'S  REPLY — LIST  OP  SUBSCRIBERS — 
COLONEL  GATES'  LETTER  ON  RECEIPT  OF  COLORS. 

On  the  loth  of  December,  1862,  the  ladies  of  Sauger- 
ties,  Ulster  County,  N.  Y.,  presented  to  the  regiment  a 
magnificent  banner,  made  by  Messrs.  Tiffany  &  Co.,  of 
New  York  City.  The  ceremonies  took  place  in  the 
lecture-room  of  the  Reformed  Dutch  Church,  before  a 
large  and  intelligent  audience.  The  exercises  were 
opened  by  the  Rev.  S.  Fitch,  former  chaplain  of  the 
Twentieth,  in  a  fervent  and  patriotic  prayer. 

The  presentation  address  was  made  by  the  Rev.  J. 
Gaston. 

He  commenced  by  saying,  that  before  he  entered 
upon  the  discharge  of  the  service  which  the  patriotic 
ladies  of  the  town  had  devolved  upon  him,  he  desired 
to  call  attention  briefly  to  a  few  of  the  prominent  fea 
tures  of  the  gigantic  rebellion,  which  had  necessitated 
such  ceremonies  as  those  in  which  they  were  about  to 
engage. 

He  then  proceeded  to  show  the  monstrous  iniquity 
of  secession,  and  how  utterly  unjustifiable  it  was,  and 
howr  disastrous  its  consequences  would  be  in  any  event. 
He  concluded  as  follows  : 

"Where  is  the  man  among  us  so  unpatriotic,  and 
so  lost  to  the  political  happiness  of  himself  and  pos 
terity,  that  wishes  to  outlive  this  dire  calamity  ?  Our 
country  is  worth  preserving.  Here  our  fathers  lived, 
labored  and  died.  Here  their  graves  are  kept  green 
by  the  careful  hands  of  filial  affection.  Here  are  all 
our  earthly  hopes.  And  shall  we  let  this  noblest  of  all 

583 


584  REV.  MR.  GASTON'S  ADDRESS.  [1862. 

republics  perish,  founded  by  the  united  wisdom,  and 
cemented  by  the  blood  of  our  sires  ?  Shall  we  consent 
to  throw  away  the  land  of  happy  homes  and  Christian 
privileges  ?  No  !  let  the  thought  perish  ;  this  war,  if 
needs  be,  must  go  on.  It  is  a  holy  cause  ;  a  war  of  de 
fence,  not  of  aggression  ;  not  of  invasion,  but  of  resist 
ance  to  intensified  wrong. 

uTo  draw  back,  in  this  the  day  of  our  nation's 
peril,  would  be  ungrateful  to  our  country,  unjust  to 
ourselves,  and  untrue  to  our  children.  We  dare  not 
suffer  it  to  be  rashly  broken  up  without  a  patriotic 
struggle  to  defend  and  maintain  it. 

u  In  this  fearful  struggle  for  constitutional  integrity, 
which  has  been  waging  for  the  past  eighteen  months, 
our  noble  Twentieth  Regiment  has  borne  a  conspicuous 
part.  On  the  outbreak  of  this  wicked  rebellion,  when 
patriotic  thousands  rushed  to  the  defence  of  the  Govern 
ment,  Colonel  George  W.  Pratt  felt  that  it  was  his  duty 
to  tender  his  services  and  the  services  of  the  Ulster 
Guard,  the  corps  which  it  was  his  pride  and  honor  to 
command,  to  his  imperilled  country.  Possessed  of  a 
large  amount  of  military  knowledge,  which  peculiarly 
fitted  him  for  the  field,  and  realizing  that  the  cause  of 
the  Union  was  entitled  to  the  earnest  efforts  of  every 
true  patriot,  he  felt  it  to  be  his  duty  to  engage  in  the 
struggle.  The  offering  that  he  laid  upon  the  altar  of 
his  country  was  not  that  of  impulse  or  necessity.  With 
him  patriotism  was  not  a  blind  instinct  or  passion,  but 
of  logic,  of  high  and  holy  duty. 

'klt  was  with  this  just  appreciation  of  duty  and 
obligation,  that  he  went  forth  at  the  head  of  his  com 
mand,  on  an  errand  involving  principles  most  dear  to 
his  own  heart  and  to  the  heart  of  every  true  American 
citizen.  The  most  of  us  are  familiar  with  the  peculiarly 
efficient  services  rendered  by  our  noble  Twentieth  Regi 
ment,  the  pride  not  only  of  the  county,  but  also  of  the 
State. 


1862.]  KEY.  MR.  GASTON'S  ADDRESS.  585 

"  Upon  the  expiration  of  the  three  months  service, 
the  Colonel  immediately  tendered  the  services  of  him 
self  and  his  regiment  to  the  Government — the  tender 
was  accepted  and  the  regiment  soon  after  started  for  the 
seat  of  war.  The  regiment  formed  a  part  of  General 
Patrick's  brigade,  and  was  ever  found  prompt  and  effi 
cient  in  obeying  all  orders,  frequently  being  detailed 
for  special  and  highly  responsible  duties.  It  was  in  the 
retreat  under  General  Pope,  from  near  Cedar  Mountain 
to  Bull  Kun,  enduring  much  hardship  and  engaged  in 
constant  skirmishing.  The  regiment  played  a  conspicu 
ous  part  in  the  battle  at  Manassas,  losing  280  men.  It 
was  in  this  engagement  that  Colonel  Pratt  and  Captain 
Ward  were  mortally  wounded,  but  not  until  they  had 
nobly  vindicated  their  manhood  and  their  country's 
honor.  We  do  not  forget  that  the  Regiment  fought  at 
South  Mountain  and  at  Antietam,  under  the  gallant 
leadership  of  Colonel  Gates,  who,  it  was  expected, 
would  be  with  us  this  afternoon,  to  receive,  at  the  hands 
of  the  patriotic  ladies  of  the  town  of  Saugerties,  the 
most  significant  token  of  gratitude  and  confidence  which 
it  is  possible  for  this  community  to  bestow  ;  but  he  was 
unexpectedly  summoned  to  the  command  of  his  Regi 
ment,  in  order  that  it  might  bear  its  part  in  that  terrific 
battle  now  waging  in  the  vicinity  of  Fredericksburg. 

u  It  is  enough  to  say,  in  closing  this  imperfect  rec 
ord  of  the  services  of  the  Regiment  of  our  county,  that 
at  the  battle  of  Antietam,  being  detailed  for  the  special 
duty  of  guarding  an  important  battery,  so  faithfully 
was  the  duty  discharged,  that  out  of  137  men  on  duty, 
47  fell  before  the  murderous  fire  of  the  enemy.  From 
such  officers  arid  men  we  may  expect  substantial  benefits 
for  the  glorious  cause  so  nobly  espoused.  Such  men 
deserve  to  live  in  the  hearts  of  a  grateful  posterity,  and 
we  cannot  refuse  to  cherish  and  reward  them. 

"  That  the  valiant  corps,  of  whose  exploits  on  the 
battle-field  we  have  so  much  reason  to  be  proud,  de- 


586  REV.  MB.  GASTON'S  ADDRESS.  [1862. 

serves  from  us  such  words  of  high  encomium,  those 
pierced  and  tattered  colors  most  abundantly  testify  (the 
old  colors  were  suspended  on  either  side  of  the  altar), 
as  they  speak  in  silent  yet  overpowering  eloquence  to 
every  sensibility  of  our  nature.  So  nobly  Las  that 
solemn  promise  made  by  Colonel  Pratt  when  those 
colors  were  received,  been  kept,  that  if  this  land  is  ever 
involved  in  war,  they  should  wav^e  with  credit  and 
glory  wherever  danger  is  thickest  and  the  light  is 
warmest.  I  say,  so  faithfully  lias  that  promise  been 
kept  that  we  feel  that  the  Regiment  is  justly  entitled  to 
receive  at  our  hands  this  beautiful  banner  as  an  expres 
sion  of  our  gratitude  for  the  past  and  our  continued 
confidence  in  the  future.  It  is,  sir,  with  unfeigned 
pleasure  that  we  recognize  you  (T.  R.  Westbrook,  Esq.,) 
upon  this  occasion  as  the  representative  of  those  brave 
and  true  men,  who  have  reflected  such  glory  upon  the 
county  of  Ulster.  We  regard  the  position  you  at  pres 
ent  occupy  among  us  as  one  full  of  honor.  While  the 
gallant  Colonel  Gates  and  his  brave  compatriots  are  at 
this  hour  so  honorably  representing  this  county  upon 
the  field  of  battle,  fighting  like  veterans  for  national  in 
tegrity,  indeed  for  national  existence,  it  is  right  and 
proper  that  you,  sir,  a  distinguished  citizen  of  Kingston, 
should  impersonate  them  in  the  significant  ceremonies 
in  which  we  are  now  engaged. 

"Receive  then,  sir,  in  behalf  of  the  Twentieth 
Regiment.  1NT.  Y.  S.  M.,  at  the  hands  of  the  fairest  and 
truest  among  us.  this  regimental  banner,  which  they 
this  day  commit  to  your  keeping  ;  the  only  true  emblem 
of  the  country's  hope.  Though  it  has  been  disgraced 
by  those  who  should  have  died  to  save  it  from  spot  or 
stain,  yet,  let  it  be  your  high  ambition  to  transmit  it, 
pure  and  unspotted  as  when  it  was  first  received  from 
the  hands  of  the  Apostles  of  1776.  When  this  banner 
shall  float  upon  the  breeze  which  echoes  with  your  mar 
tial  music,  amid  the  din  and  carnage  of  the  battle-field, 


1862.]  HON.  T.  R.  WESTBROOK'S  REPLY.  587 

let  it  inspire  you  with  hope,  and  let  it  nerve  your  heart 
and  hands  to  deeds  of  noble  daring  ;  let  the  justice  of 
your  cause  ever  give  you  courage,  and  let  the  favor  of 
kind  Heaven  ever  grant  you  victory  ;  and  let  your  days 
of  toil  and  your  nights  of  watching  be  more  than  fully 
requited  by  the  glory  of  having  given  deliverance  to 
your  country  and  security  to  your  fellow-citizens  !" 

The  banner  was  to  have  been  received  in  behalf  of 
the  regiment  by  Colonel  T.  B.  Gates,  in  person,  but  the 
recent  conflict  at  Fredericksburg  had  compelled  his  ab 
sence.  Mr.  T.  R.  Westbrook,  in  the  absence  of  the 
Colonel,  received,  at  Ms  request,  tlie  colors,  and  after 
the  presentation  address,  spoke  substantially  as  fol 
lows  : 

"  REYEEE^D  SIR,  LADIES  AND  GENTLEMEN  : 

u  No  one  can  regret  more  than  I  do  the  absence  of 
the  brave  Colonel  of  the  gallant  Twentieth,  who  expected 
to  receive  in  person  this  beautiful  banner— the  gift  of 
the  ladies  of  Saugerties.  The  sound,  however,  of  boom 
ing  cannon  upon  the  banks  of  the  Eappahannock,  as  it 
reached  his  ears,  spoke  to  him  of  duty  ;  and,  with  a 
promptness  and  alacrity  worthy  of  all  praise,  he  at  once 
obeyed  the  summons,  and  is,  even  now,  with  his  trusty 
soldiers,  perilling  his  life  in  defence  of  our  cherished 
Constitution  and  Government. 

"I  freely  confess,  nevertheless,  that  to  be  here  in 
his  stead  affords  me  personally  no  small  degree  of 
pleasure.  To  have  been  deemed  worthy,  by  an  absent 
friend,  to  receive  in  his  behalf  the  colors  of  a  regiment 
whose  fame  is  no  longer  hemmed  in  by  county  lines, 
but  has  become  national,  is  indeed  an  honor  of  which 
any  one  might  well  be  proud.  And  this  feeling  of  mine 
is  greatly  deepened  and  intensified  by  the  reflection 
that  the  fame  which  this  gallant  corps  has  attained  for 
bravery  and  good  conduct,  was  won  in  a  great  struggle 


588  HON.  T.  R.  WESTBROOK'S  REPLY.  [1862. 

for  the  right,  for  the  perpetuation  of  the  best  Govern 
ment  ever  given  to  man,  and  for  the  preservation  of  lib 
erty  and  republican  institutions. 

'  You,  sir,  in  your  very  appropriate  address  upon 
this  interesting  occasion,  have  alluded  to  our  old  arti 
cles  of  confederation,  and  by  arguments  drawn  from 
various  provisions  of  our  present  constitution,  have 
shown  the  folly  and  wickedness  of  those  who  are  now 
seeking  to  overthrow  that  Union,  under  which  our 
country  grew  and  prospered  as  country  never  before 
had  grown  and  prospered.  In  corroboratlon  of  your 
views,  it  will  not  be  inappropriate  for  me  to  mention 
that  our  Union  is  older  than  the  Constitution — older 
than  the  articles  of  confederation.  When  the  first 
Continental  Congress  assembled  in  Carpenter's  Hall, 
Philadelphia,  in  September,  1774,  and  when  that  same 
body,  subsequently,  on  the  fourth  day  of  JuJy,  1776, 
proclaimed  the  right  of  'one  people  to  dissolve  the 
political  bonds  which  connected  them  with  another,' 
there  was  no  written  bond  of  union  between  the  Colo 
nies.  It  was  not  until  the  eleventh  day  of  June,  1776, 
that  a  committee  was  appointed  to  prepare  a  form  of 
confederation  to  be  entered  into  between  them.  The 
plan  submitted  by  this  committee  was  not  adopted  by 
Congress  until  the  fifteenth  day  of  November,  1777,  nor 
was  it  ratified  by  all  the  States  until  the  first  day  of 
March,  1781.  In  the  meantime  a  nationality  had  been 
declared,  treaties  formed,  and  a  fierce  and  prolonged 
war  most  vigorously  pursued  and  successfully  con 
ducted.  How  crushing  and  overwhelming  to  the  mod 
ern  argument  in  favor  of  the  right  of  a  State  to  secede 
from  a  union  thus  formed,  are  the  remarks  of  America's 
great  orator,  Patrick  Henry,  uttered  as  long  ago  as  1774, 
and  in  that  first  memorable  Congress  to  which  allusion 
has  already  been  made.  'All  America,'  said  he,  'is 
thrown  into  one  mass.  Where  are  your  landmarks- 
jour  boundaries  of  colonies  ?  They  are  all  thrown 


862.]  HON.  T.  R.  WESTBROOK'S  REPLY.  589 

down.  The  distinctions  between  Virginians,  Pennsyl- 
vanians,  New  Yorkers  and  New  Englanders  are  no 
more.  1  am  not  a  Virginian,  but  an  American.'' 

"No,  fellow-citizens,  our  Union  was  not  originally 
formed  by  a  paper  agreement  carefully  and  coolly 
penned  by  statesmen,  each  loving  the  section  from  which 
he  came  more  than  the  whole  country,  to  which  he  was 
proud  to  belong.  It  had  a  nobler  origin  than  that.  It 
sprang  into  being  from  the  common  dangers  and  neces 
sities  of  the  people  of  a  widely  extended  country  ;  it 
was  cemented  by  common  toils  and  sufferings,  most 
patiently  and  heroically  endured,  and  made  perpetual 
and  eternal  by  common  blood  most  lavishly  and  pro 
fusely  poured  forth  in  its  defence.  Yes,  eternal!  I 
use  the  word  with  a  full  knowledge  of  all  its  force  and 
meaning.  Croakers,  begone  !  Timid  men  and  traitors, 
who  would  either  consent  to  the  dismemberment  of  our 
glorious  republic,  or  actively  assist  in  this  deed  of 
blackness,  hide  your  heads  in  shame  and  confusion  ! 
I  point  to  these  new-made  graves,  counting  by  thou 
sands,  and  contained  in  every  State  where  this  foul  re 
bellion  has  shown  its  hideous  face — to  that  million  of 
volunteer  bayonets,  even  now  gleaming  in  this  winter's 
sun,  girding  our  beloved  Union  round  with  rings  of 
steel,  aye,  with  that  which  is  stronger  and  better  than 
steel,  their  own  loving,  throbbing  hearts.  Those  cold, 
dead  bodies,  mouldering  in  stranger  graves,  and  those 
living  forms,  willing,  if  need  be,  to  enter  the  same  far- 
off  dwelling  places,  speak  but  one  language  and  breathe 
but  one  sentiment — The  Union:  it  must  and  shall  be 
preserved  ! 

"Before  returning  thanks  in  behalf  of  our  noble 
regiment  to  the  fair  donors  of  this  beautiful  banner,  I 
must  crave  their  indulgence  to  utter  one  thought  more, 
which  this  occasion  has  suggested.  During  this  inter 
esting  ceremony  I  have  involuntarily  asked  myself  the 
question,  Would  you,  if  you  could,  blot  out  of  our  na- 


590  HON.  T.  R.  WESTBROOK'S  REPLY.  [1862. 

tion's  history,  the  record  of  the  past  two  years?  And 
I  confess,  I  paused  as  to  the  answer.  I  know  full  well 
that  there  are,  in  every  part  of  our  land,  vacant  chairs 
around  the  family  table  and  fireside  ;  that  loving  and 
anxious  relatives  at  home  are,  even  now,  waiting  for 
tidings  from  numerous  battle-fields,  which,  when  re 
ceived,  shall  be  to  them  tidings  of  grief  and  sorrow, 
crushing  and  overwhelming.  But  I  also  know  that  our 
country  has  a  fame  more  enduring  and  sublime  than 
ever  before.  How  has  our  patriotic  love  been  rekindled 
by  this  terrible  baptism  of  fire  and  blood.  We  knew 
not  how  closely  the  dear  old  flag  of  our  fathers— the 
glorious,  ever-beaming  Stripes  and  Stars — was  wound 
around  our  hearts  and  entwined  with  every  fibre  of  our 
affections,  until  traitor  hands  compelled  its  lowering  at 
Fort  Sumter.  What  instances,  too,  of  individual 
courage  and  personal  heroism  has  this  war  called  forth, 
worthy  to  be  recorded  side  by  side  with  any  previous 
exhibitions  of  which  history  informs  us.  AVould  you 
witness  a  scene  beyond  the  power  of  an  artist's  pencil, 
then  go  with  me  to  Hampton  Roads.  The  iron-clad 
monster,  Merrimac,  has  already  crushed  in  the  wooden 
sides  of  the  brave  frigate  Cumberland  ;  and  now  she 
has  drawn  back  for  the  final  and  fatal  blow.  Not  a 
cheek  blanches  upon  the  decks  of  the  noble  ship, 
though  the  rushing  waters  foretell  the  inevitable  catas 
trophe.  '  Boys  ! '  says  her  captain  to  his  men,  '  shall 
we  give  her  one  more  broadside  ? '  '  Aye,  aye,  sir  ! ' 
is  the  unanimous  response  ;  and  the  guns  of  the  Cum 
berland  belch  out  their  iron  hail  as  the  gallant  bark  goes 
down,  but  her  flag  is  still  floating  proudly  at  her  peak. 
Look,  too,  at  that  spectacle  near  Roanoke  Island.  The 
flames  are  leaping  all  over  a  vessel.  One  moment  more 
and  they  will  reach  a  barrel  of  gunpowder,  and  then 
vessel  and  men  are  lost.  See  now  that  heroic  man,  John 
Davis,  throwing  his  body  over  the  terrible  agent,  and 
protecting  it  thus  from  the  raging  fire.  This  is  Ameri- 


1862.]  HON.  T.  R.  WEST  BROOK'S  REPLY.  591 

can  bravery — this  American  courage  kindled  in  the 
breast  of  one  who  felt  that  he  was  fighting  for  his  flag, 
for  his  country.  View  one  drama  more.  The  scene  is 
the  Mississippi  River — the  curtain  drops  only  as  our 
national  flag  again  floats  over  the  Crescent  City.  What 
bravery,  heroism,  and  deeds  of  noble  daring.  Stone 
fortresses,  endless  batteries,  iron-clad  rams,  fire-ships  ! 
What  are  these  when  opposed  to  wooden  walls  manned 
by  Union  tars  ?  An  astounded  world  has  answered  the 
question,  as  it  heard  the  thunder  booming  from  the 
cannon  of  Farragut  and  Porter.  No,  no  !  We  cannot, 
we  must  not  blot  the  record  of  these  glorious  exploits 
from  our  nation's  history,  even  though  it  be  traced  in 
tears  and  in  blood.  And  that  gallant  act,  too,  which 
occurred  but  three  days  since  upon  the  banks  of  the 
Rappahannock,  of  a  hundred  brave  volunteers  crossing 
that  stream  in  the  face  of  a  murderous  fire,  and  bring 
ing  back  with  them  a  hundred  and  one  prisoners,  must 
not  be  forgotten.  This  unflinching  courage,  this  daunt 
less  heroism,  points  only  in  one  direction.  Its  unerring 
finger  is  ever  turned  to  the  old  flag,  floating  as  gayly  in 
Charleston  as  in  New  York,  and  to  one  nation  and  one 
country,  stretching  from  Maine  to  the  Gulf,  its  unity 
unbroken  and  its  Constitution  still  free. 

u  And  now,  ladies  of  Saugerties,  in  returning  thanks 
for  your  beautiful  and  appropriate  gift  to  our  brave 
soldiers,  what  promises  shall  I  make  to  you  in  their 
behalf  ?  Need  I  say  that  the  colors  which  you  have 
this  day  presented  to  them,  will  be  safely  returned  to 
the  county,  to  be  preserved  among  its  most  valued  ar 
chives  at  the  close  of  this  unhappy  struggle  ?  I  will 
not  speak  these  words.  Listen  not  to  me,  but  hear 
what  those  (the  speaker  here  pointed  to  the  old  colors 
of  the  regiment,  which  were  present)  mute  but  eloquent 
speakers  have  to  say.  Tattered  and  pierced  by  numer 
ous  shot,  they  tell  you  how  Pratt,  Ward  and  their  gal 
lant  comrades  fell.  They  recount  the  holding  of  the 


592  LIST   OF   SUBSCRIBERS   TO   THE   FUND.  [1862. 

wood  at  Chantilly  and  the  support  of  the  battery  at 
Antietam,  and  thus  exhibiting  to  your  view  those 
visions  of  the  past,  they  ask  you  to  commit,  with  full 
confidence,  to  the  care  of  the  same  men  who  have  car 
ried  them  so  triumphantly,  this  new  and  beautiful 
token  of  your  love  and  respect.  Yes,  ladies,  your  Hag 
shall  come  again  to  our  county,  though  riddled,  as  its 
predecessors  have  been,  by  bullets.  It  shall  come  to 
be  preserved  and  pointed  to  in  the  future,  if  one  solitary 
member  of  the  brave  Twentieth  survives  to  bear  it 
homeward.  And  that  time  will  be,  when  peace  shall 
again  smile  in  all  the  parts  of  that  fair  heritage  which 
our  fathers  bequeathed  to  us — when  we  shall  shout, 
with  a  feeling  and  tenderness  we  never  knew  before, 
those  immortal  words  of  the  great  Webster,  '  Liberty 
and  Union,  now  and  forever,  one  and  inseparable  !'  : 

The  old  flags  of  the  regiment  were  present  on  the 
occasion,  and  their  dilapidated  appearance  gave  full 
evidence  that  they  had  been  through  some  very  severe 
struggles.  The  new  banner  cost  $200,  and  is  a  very 
beautiful  gift. 

As  treasurer  for  the  ladies,  I  would  hereby  acknowl 
edge  the  receipt  of  the  following  sums  for  the  purchase 
of  the  new  banner  for  the  Twentieth  Regiment : 

SAUGERTIES. 

Mrs.  M.  T.   Trumpbour. . .     $5 .00        Miss  R.  A.  DeWitt $3 . 00 

A.  C.  Hawley 5.00        Mrs.  P.  P.    Post 50 

E.  J.  Myer 5.00  K   Brainard 50 

B.  M.  Freligh 5.00                 J.  L.   Butzel 50 

P.  Cantine 5.00                 A.    Preston 1.00 

Colonel   C.  Fiero...    .  5.00                 Henry   Turck 50 

John  Field 10 . 00        Miss  Sarah  Whitaker 2 . 00 

Miss  Laura  Shaler 5 . 00  Mrs.  C.  F.  Suderley 50 

Hattie  Shaler 5 . 00  J.  Kiersted,  Jr 5 . 00 

Mrs.  A.  J.  Ketcham 5.00  Wm.  H.  Trumpbour. .  5.00 

T.  S.  Dawes 5.00  Miss  Elizabeth  DeWitt 5.00 

J.M.Boies 5.00  Mrs.  E.  Simmons 3.00 

Luther  Laflin. .  5.00  C.  F.  Brill..  5.00 


1862.] 


LIST  OF  SUBSCRIBERS  TO  THE   FUND. 


593 


Mrs.  A.  Carnright $1 . 00        Mrs    W.  McCleur $5 . 00 


J.  G.  Mynderse 3.00 

Miss  Catt  Gay 2.00 

Mrs.  J.  L.    Montross 2 . 50 

F.  L.  Laflin 5.00 

H.  D.  Laflin 5.00 

MissJ.  Kearney 2.00 

J.  E.  Myer 2.00 

Mrs.  S.  Merclean 2.50 

James  Sickles 2.00 

U.  Lockwood  1.00 

J.  H.  Field 1.00 

T.  J.  Barritt 1.00 

Jeremiah  Russell 1 . 00 

G.  Wilbur 2.00 

Miss  Annie  Myer 3.00 


J.  V.  L.  Overbagh. . . .  5.00 

M.  E.  Williams 1.00 

J.  Simmons 2 . 00 

W.  C.  Hall 2.00 

Misses  Gosman 2 . 00 

Mrs.  C.  F.  Field 5.00 

P.  T.  Overbagh 2.00 

J.  H.  Myer 1.00 

W.  Maginnis 1.00 

J.  B.    Sheffield 10.00 

G,  B.  Matthews 1.00 

S.  Bookstaver 50 

H.    P.  Heermans...   .  1  00 

J.  G.  Smedberg...  1.00 

C.  P.  Shultis..  3.00 


MALDEN. 


Mrs.  N.  Kellogg $5 . 00 

Miss  Kellogg 50 

Mrs.  Kays 25 

John  Maxwell 1.25 

Teal 25 

F.  Bell ,  .25 

Wilson 25 

J.  J.  Buck.  1.00 

D.  Bigelow 1.00 

C.  Turpen 1.00 

E.  Bigelow 5.00 

Miss  E.  Bogardus 25 

Mrs.  J.  Scutt 25 

Knight 25 

Miss  A.   Coes 25 

Mrs.  Lewis .22 

MissC.  Gillespy 50 

Mrs.  Elmendorf 15 

P.  Bell 20 

O'Brien 25 

J.  Terve..  .50 


Mrs.  F.  K.  Field $1.00 

Gelbert 50 

O'Brien 25 

Rightmyer 25 

Minnesley 25 

Zulman 25 

Brink 25 

J.  E.  Kellogg 5.00 

Miss  A.  Corcoran 10 

E.  Wolf 10 

Mrs.  H.  Bogardus 1 .00 

Scott 25 

D.  Snyder 25 

E.  Bell.       25 

Miss  R.  Towner 25 

Mrs.  James  Maxwell 25 

VanHosen 25 

Moore 20 

Miller 25 

Austen 25 

Paradeu. .  .25 


Total $210 . 00 

B.  M.  FRELIGH,  Treasurer. 
SAUGERTIES,  December  22,  1862. 


594  LETTER  ON  RECEIPT  OF  FLAG. 

SAUGERTIES,  Feb.  19th,  1863. 

MESSRS.  EDITORS  :  I  have  this  day  received  from 
COLONEL  T.  B.  GATES  a  letter  of  response  upon  the  re 
ceipt  of  the  New  Regimental  Banner,  presented  by  the 
ladies  of  our  town  to  the  Twentieth  Regimeixt,  and  I 
hand  you  the  same  for  publication. 

Yours,  &c., 

B.  M.  FRELIGK 

HEADQUARTERS  ULSTER  GUARD, 
Twentieth  Regiment  New  York  State  Militia. 
AQUIA  CREEK,  Feb.  12th,  1863. 

BENJAMIN  M.  FRELIGH,  Esq.: 

u  My  Dear  Sir : — Major  Van  Rensselaer,  who  has  just 
returned  from  Ulster  County,  has  delivered  to  me  the 
beautiful  banner  presented  to  this  regiment  by  the 
generous  and  patriotic  ladies  of  Saugerties.  I  beg  leave 
to  express,  through  you,  at  whose  hands  I  received  a 
synopsis  of  the  address  of  Rev.  Mr.  Gaston,  and  the 
reply  of  Hon.  T.  R.  Westbrook,  the  sincerest  thanks  of 
the  regiment  for  this  most  timely  and  apposite  mark  of 
remembrance  and  approbation. 

"  It  would  have  given  me  much  pleasure  to  have  been 
present  on  the  occasion  of  the  presentation,  and  to  have 
personally  received  this  loyal  offering  from  its  fair 
donors,  and  to  have  listened  to  the  eloquent  remarks  of 
their  worthy  representative.  But  this  could  not  be  ; 
and  I  regret  it  less,  since  the  regiment  was  so  fortunate 
as  to  have  the  Hon.  T.  R.  Westbrook  reply  for  it. 
With  his  usual^  eloquence,  he  most  acceptably  dis 
charged  the  office  he  so  kindly  undertook.  His  self- 
sacrificing  labors,  which  have  contributed  much  to  swell 
the  enlistments  from  Ulster  and  neighboring  counties, 
and  his  ardent  devotion  to  the  Constitution  and  the 


1863.]  LETTER    ON    RECEIPT  OP  FLAG.  595 

Union,  point  him  out  as  the  representative  of  Ulster's 
absent  soldiers. 

"  In  delivering  the  Color  to  the  custody  of  the  regi 
ment,  I  communicated  to  it  the  cordial  and  approving 
sentiments  expressed  in  its  favor  on  behalf  of  the  ladies 
of  Saugerties.  I  need  not  tell  you  that  such  words  of 
commendation,  and  such  tokens  of  confidence  and  es 
teem,  sink  deep  into  the  soldier's  heart.  To  know  that 
at  home— that  around  the  hearth-stones  where  his 
friends  gather,  far  removed  from  the  scenes  of  stiife 
and  carnage  which  envelop  Ms  path — that  in  all  the 
walks  of  civil  life,  where,  in  happier  days,  he  mingled 
with  his  fellow  man — to  know  that  he  is  kindly  remem 
bered,  and  that  his  sacrifices  and  his  trials,  in  aid  of  his 
imperilled  country,  draw  forth  the  generous  sympathy 
and  warm  eulogiums  of  its  fair  daughters — this  is  a 
knowledge  that  blunts  the  edge  of  many  wants — that 
consoles,  when  hunger  and  fatigue  add  new  burdens  to 
his  duty — that  surrounds  him  with  a  genial  warmth 
when  storms  are  beating  on  him,  and  cold  is  pinching 
with  its  frosts. 

u  The  bleak  wind  which  now  unfurls  this  much-prized 
symbol  of  woman's  loyalty  and  regard,  sweeps  over  the 
shivering  forms  of  two  opposing  and  embattled  hosts, 
whose  long  lines  of  frowning  guns  seem  eager  for  a  re 
newal  of  the  carnival  of  death,  and  the  wild  fierce 
scenes  of  war's  ensanguined  field.  The  hoarse  thunder 
of  their  terrible  anger  now  sleeps  in  their  brazen 
throats,  to  be  awakened  again  ere  long,  and  summon  to 
another  struggle  the  Army  of  the  Union  with  the 
hordes  of  rebellion. 

' '  And  this  is  but  one  of  many  similar  pictures  pre 
sented  in  the  Rebel  States.  '  Grim-visaged  war '  hath 
settled  on  their  hills,  and  crouched  within  their  valleys, 
and  mustered  its  legions  upon  their  plains,  deforming 
the  fair  face  of  nature,  and  driving  peace  and  its  happy 
pursuits  from  the  land. 


596  LETTER  ON   RECEIPT   OF   FLAG.  [1863, 

u  How  difficult  it  is,  even  here,  surrounded  by  frown 
ing  guns  and  bristling  bayonets,  to  realize  the  fact  of 
this  demonic  war — to  comprehend  the  truth  of  the  his 
tory  we  are  now  making.  But  two  short  years  ago, 
peace  reigned  in  every  portion  of  our  fair  land — manu 
factories,  trade,  commerce,  agriculture,  arts  and  sci 
ences  flourished  and  adorned,  while  they  enriched  our 
people.  The  Nations  of  the  Old  World  paid  homage 
to  the  Gfiant  of  the  New,  and  their  people,  by  hundreds 
of  thousands,  annually  sought  homes  and  occupations 
under  our  liberal  laws  and  venerated  Constitution.  The 
theory  of  self-government  was  thought  to  be  fully  vin 
dicated  and  wrought  into  a  living,  enduring  principle. 
The  memory  of  the  authors  of  our  Federal  Constitution 
was  cherished  and  revered — our  flag  respected  every 
where  on  land  and  sea.  The  murmurings  of  a  few  mal 
contents  was  as  nothing  in  the  universal  happiness  and 
prosperity  which  then  did,  and  long  had  blessed  our 
people,  beyond  any  parallel  in  the  world's  history. 

"That  a  nation  thus  circumstanced — thus  seemingly 
secure  in  the  enjoyment  of  domestic  peace,  could  so 
suddenly,  so  causelessly,  be  torn  away  from  its  moor 
ings,  and  dashed  upon  the  rock  of  civil  war,  and  re 
duced  to  the  bitter  ordeal  through  which  we  are  now 
passing,  challenges  the  wonder  of  mankind.  That 
within  the  wide  limits  of  our  country  was  a  man  so 
treacherously  vile,  as  to  seek  to  render  asunder  the 
bond  which  held  our  Union  of  States  together,  was  be 
yond  my  conception  of  human  turpitude.  No  tongue 
has  yet  found  language  in  which  the  wickedness  of  the 
authors  of  the  rebellion  can  fitly  be  expressed — nor  ever 
will.  Aggregate  the  deaths  and  wounds — the  widows' 
and  orphans'  tears — the  wives'  and  children's  watchings 
and  anxiety — the  soldiers'  personal  sacrifices  and  suffer 
ings — the  millions  of  treasure  expended — and  to  these 
add  what  is  yet  to  follow,  and  you  have  the  sum  of  the 
guilt  of  the  authors  of  this  war.  Is  kany  human  tri- 


1863.  LETTER   ON   RECEIPT   OF   FLAG.  597 

bunal  adequate  to  their  punishment  \  None  !  God 
alone  can  measure  their  sin,  and  He,  alone,  in  His  own 
good  time,  will  punish  it  as  it  deserves. 

"  Palliation  or  excuse  ?  No  !  Satan's  rebellion  against 
the  mild  rule  of  Heaven  was  no  more  groundless  or  un 
warranted.  The  Government  had  never  infringed  or  at 
tempted,  or  threatened  to  infringe  any  of  their  real  or 
constitutional  prerogatives.  On  the  contrary,  the  re 
bellious  States  had  been  indulged  and  humored  by 
governmental  forbearance  to  a  degree  of  unprecedented 
liberality.  Their  sins  of  omission  and  commission  (and 
the  foremost  of  them  had  grievously  offended)  were 
generously  overlooked  or  forgiven.  They  were  allowed 
a  basis  of  representation  in  the  Federal  Congress  and  in 
the  Electoral  College  that  was  unequal,  if  not  unjust, 
towards  the  non-slaveholding  States,  and  they  partici 
pated  to  their  full  proportion  in  the  control  of  the 
Government  and  the  direction  of  its  affairs. 

Among  all  the  pretences  by  which  it  is  sought  to 
mask  the  iniquity  of  this  rebellion,  that  which  charges 
upon  the  Federal  Government  the  beginning  of  the  war, 
is  the  most  impudent  and  brazen.  Can  any  man,  either 
South  or  North,  with  the  truth  of  history  before  his 
eyes,  help  despising  the  knave  or  fool,  who  takes  refuge 
behind  this  shallow  sophism  \  The  Government,  still 
indulgent,  looked  calmly  on,  while  armed  traitors  were 
congregating  at  Charleston,  and  while  rebel  hands  were 
throwing  up  earthworks  and  planting  batteries  against 
the  little  band  of  United  States  soldiers,  that,  under  the 
gallant  Anderson,  had  fled  from  Fort  Moultrie  and  now 
occupied  Sumter.  For  days  the  work  of  preparation, 
under  the  guns  of  the  Fort,  went  on,  and  yet  the  Gov 
ernment  withheld  the  order  that  could  have  hurled  the 
iron  storm  of  Sumter  upon  the  unprotected  heads  of 
these  defiant  and  rebellious  children.  The  Star  of 
the  West  is  fired  into  while  bearing  troops  and  supplies 
to  the  beleagured  fortress — and  finally,  when  all  is 


598  LETTER  ON   RECEIPT  OP  FLAG.  [1863. 

ready — when,  by  ill-judged  forbearance,  the  odds  are 
all  against  the  doomed  fort,  a  hundred  guns  belch 
treason  against  its  walls,  and  its  flag  is  lowered  amid 
fire  and  smoke,  and  shouts  and  rebel  joy. 

"  Such  were  the  first  overt  works  of  rebellion — such 
the  beginning  of  this  desolating  contest.  The  Federal 
Government,  still  hoping  against  hope,  hesitated  to  put 
the  hand  of  correction  upon  its  erring  children.  But 
all  in  vain  ;  forbearance  was  deemed  pusillanimity,  and 
charity,  imbecility.  The  hydra  secession  arose  with  the 
fall  of  Sumter,  and  rivers  of  blood  must  flow  to  sa 
tiate  its  fury.  Oh,  that  the  guns  of  Sumter  had  pro 
claimed  the  Federal  authority,  and  vindicated  its  in 
sulted  dignity,  when  the  first  spade  was  thrust  into  the 
earth  to  erect  works  against  her  ! 

"It  was  not  in  any  pretended  encroachment  of  the 
Federal  Government — it  was  not  in  the  election  of  our 
present  Chief  Magistrate — it  was  not  from  any  fear  that 
the  rights  of  the  South  would  be  invaded,  that  this  un 
holy  war  was  thrust  upon  the  country.  The  seed  of 
this  bitter  fruit  was  sown  as  long  ago  as  1832,  and  has 
been  sedulously,  but  covertly  nurtured  by  the  slave- 
holding  aristocracy,  until  it  burst  full  grown  upon  the 
startled  country  in  1861.  An  oligarchy,  based  upon 
slavery,  and  controlled  and  governed  by  slaveholders, 
was  the  dazzling  vision  which  deluded  them  and  the  sole 
incentive  to  their  crime — a  crime  not  only  against  their 
Government  and  its  Constitution  and  its  laws,  but  a 
crime  against  the  liberty  of  the  human  race,  against 
Democratic  Governments,  against  civilization  through 
out  the  world.  The  question  at  issue,  therefore,  in 
volves  not  only  our  Government,  but  also  the  principle 
on  which  it  is  based  ;  it  involves  the  establishment  upon 
this  continent,  and  within  the  limits  of  the  States,  a 
form  of  Government  having  slavery  as  its  corner-stone, 
and  more  despotic  in  its  character  than  any  European 
power.  And  should  it  succeed,  it  involves  ever-recur- 


1863.]  LETTER  ON  RECEIPT  OF  FLAG.  599 

ring  war,  impoverishment  and  final  absolute  disintegra 
tion.  Two  such  Governments  cannot  exist  side  by  side 
upon  this  continent. 

"The  South  has  thrust  this  issue  upon  the  country,  and 
the  Government  must  meet  it.  By  every  consideration 
of  duty — by  every  obligation  imposed  by  the  oath  and 
the  Constitution  and  laws  the  Government  must  meet 
and  fight  out  this  issue,  though  streams  run  crimson 
with  the  nation's  blood.  There  is  no  other  alternative 
if  it  were  worthy  to  seek  one.  The  rebels  scout  the 
idea  of  a  restoration  by  compromise,  and  laugh  to  scorn 
the  Brooks,  the  Van  Burens  and  the  Woods,  who  ask  to 
cement,  by  concession,  the  broken  bonds  of  Union.  No  ! 
—let  none  be  flattered  by  this  delusive  hope  and  cry 
peace  ;  the  instigators  and  managers  of  this  rebellion 
have  cast  their  all  upon  the  die  ;  with  them  it  is  success 
or  extinction. 

"Bat,  if  it  is  the  duty  of  the  Government  to  marshal 
its  army  and  send  it  out  to  meet  this  domestic  foe,  how 
much  more  is  it  the  duty  of  the  people,  who  make  the 
Government,  to  rally  to  its  support,  and,  laying  aside 
all  other  considerations,  give  it  their  energetic,  cordial, 
determined  aid  in  this  its  time  of  trial.  If  ever  people 
had  a  form  of  Government  that  was  worthy  of  their 
efforts  to  preserve  and  perpetuate — that  justified  the 
sacrifice  of  lives  and  treasure  to  save — it  is  yours.  Bap 
tized  in  the  blood  of  our  fathers,  built  up  and  perfected 
by  the  wisdom  of  giant  minds,  it  has  filled  the  land  with 
plenty  and  its  people  with  honor  and  happiness.  In 
memory  of  the  past ;  with  a  full  sense  of  the  dangers  of 
the  present ;  with  hope  and  faith  in  the  future,  let  the 
loyal  people  rally  around  the  Government  and  fight 
this  question  out.  Then,  and  only  then,  can  we  be  as 
sured  of  permanent  peace. 

"If  the  principle  of  Secession  is  admitted,  our  Consti 
tution  was  an  idle  phantasm  of  no  real  thing,  and  we 
flourished  eighty  years  and  grew  to  a  mighty  nation  in 


600  LETTER  ON  RECEIPT  OF  FLAG.  1 1863 

blissful  ignorance  of  the  fact  that  we  had  no  Govern 
ment  at  all.  The  idea  is  utterly  repugnant  to  any  con- 
ceiveable  theory  of  Government,  and  only  adapted  to  and 
productive  of  chaos,  civil  war,  anarchy  and  the  obli 
teration  of  all  national  obligations.  If  South  Carolina 
may  '  secede,'  then  may  any  and  every  State  ;  and  who 
would  stand  sponsor  to  the  christening  of  such  a  child 
in  the  family  of  nations. 

"  This  can  never  be  conceded.  The  battle  we  are  now 
waging  is  for  all  time  and  for  the  principle  of  free  Go 
vernments  for  all  people.  The  lives  and  money  it  may 
cost  are  as  nothing  weighed  in  the  balance  against  the 
great  issues  involved.  If  we  fail,  then  farewell  to  the 
theory  of  self-government,  and  farewell  to  the  rights  of 
the  many  when  poised  against  the  aristocratic  few. 

"  I  banish  all  thought  of  eventual  failure.  It  cannot 
be  that  the  history  of  our  Union  is  completed,  and  the 
star  of  our  destiny  in  its  final  decline.  We  have  not 
grown  to  our  present  magnitude  as  a  nation  only  to  be 
broken  into  fragments  and  partitioned  off  into  petty 
States.  We  shall  come  out  of  this  contest  with  a  vindi 
cated  Constitution,  and  with  the  bonds  of  union  reunited 
and  strengthened  by  the  ordeal  through  which  they 
have  passed  ;  unless,  indeed,  loyalty  and  patriotism  in 
the  North  and  West  give  way  before  exactions  of  parti 
san  considerations.  Nothing  so  much  discourages  the 
soldier  in  the  field  as  rumors  of  discord  and  party  strife 
which  reach  him  from  home  ;  while,  on  the  other  hand, 
he  can  receive  no  greater  'aid  and  comfort'  than  is 
afforded  in  a  consciousness  that  the  masses  of  the  people 
are  unanimous  in  sustaining  the  Government  and  the 
cause  for  which  he  fights.  Feeling,  as  he  does,  that 
there  is  no  power  under  the  Constitution  to  carry  on 
the  war  but  the  Government,  he  cannot  comprehend 
that  loyalty  which,  while  it  professes  to  be  in  favor  of 
a  'vigorous  prosecution  of  the  war,'  indulges  in  con 
stant  attacks  upon,  and  thereby  weakens  and  embarasses 


1863.1  LETTER   ON   RECEIPT   OF   FLAG.  601 

the  Administration,  to  whom  alone,  for  the  time  being, 
is  entrusted  the  prosecution  of  the  war.  Errors  have 
doubtless  been  committed — wrongs,  perhaps,  have  been 
done  by  the  Administration,  but  this  is  not  the  time  for 
the  settlement  of  such  questions.  The  present  great 
business  of  the  country  is  war,  and  if  the  people  wish  to 
see  this  business  honorably  finished,  the  Union  restored, 
and  peape  again  smile  upon  the  land,  they  must  not  be 
lukewarm  in  their  patriotism,  or  captious  and  fault 
finding  in  their  support  of  the  Government.  The  army 
does  not  sympathise  with  the  grumblers  who  vent  their 
complaints  upon  the  public  and  their  lamentations 
upon  every  wind.  But  this  semi-secessionism  will  pass 
away  in  the  end,  and  the  great  heart  of  the  North  will 
beat  true  to  the  dictates  of  loyalty  and  freedom.  It  will 
realize,  by-and-by,  the  imminence  of  the  danger  impend 
ing  over  the  country  and  arouse  itself  to  repel  it.  The 
people  in  the  loyal  States  are  too  much  absorbed  by 
trade,  commerce  and  pleasure — they  hardly  appreciate 
the  existence  of  the  war,  or  feel  in  any  considerable  de 
gree  its  effects.  If  they  would  still  have  it  a  far-off 
evil,  and  a  speedily-ended  one,  they  must  cease  criticising 
and  turn  to  supporting  the  Government,  and  then  we 
may  hope  to  see  our  standards  advancing  toward  the 
heart  of  the  rebellious  districts,  and  the  flag  of  treason 
humbled  in  the  dust. 

"LADIES  OF  SAUGERTIES  ! — In  behalf  of  the  Ulster 
Guard  I  thank  you  for  the  beautiful  color  you  have 
bestowed  upon  it.  It  links  us  at  once  with  fond 
memories  of  home  and  the  history  of  our  soldier  lives. 
It  reminds  us  of  the  hurried  burials  that  have  from  time 
to  time  shut  out  from  sight  the  forms  of  many  who  gal 
lantly  stood  side  by  side  with  us  when  the  traitor's 

"  ball, 

The  sabre's  thirsting  edge, 
The  hot  shell  shattering  in  its  fall, 

The  bayonets  rending  wedge 
Scattered  death." 


602  LETTER  ON  RECEIPT  OF  FLAG.  [1863. 

' '  The  valleys  of  the  Rappahannock  and  Hedgeman — 
the  plains  of  Manassas  and  Antietam — the  woods  of 
Chantilly  and  South  Mountain  have  drunk  the  blood  of 
the  *  Ulster  Guard '  and  left  it  with  ranks  thinned  and 
with  many  "  names  we  loved  to  hear"  underscored  on 
our  roster  and  muster  rolls  '  killed  in  action.'  But  their 
places  will  be  filled,  if  not  in  our  own  corps,  then  in 
some  other.  Victory  and  defeat  have  alternated  with 
our  army,  but  in  the  end,  and  in  God's  own  time,  the 
right  will  prevail.  For  us  this  beautiful  banner  shall 
be  an  incentive  to  further  and  unrelaxing  efforts  in  be 
half  of  our  imperilled  country. 

' k  The  names  inscribed  upon  it  inspire,  while  they  jus 
tify  my  confidence  in  the  assurance  I  give  you  that, 
sooner  or  later,  it  shall  be  borne  back  to  you  floating 
over  the  remnant  of  the  '  Ulster  Guard  ;'  torn  and  rent, 
perhaps,  and  its  fresh  beauties  gone,  but  never,  never 
dishonored ! 

"If  we  ask  you,  then,  to  add  some  other  names  to 
those  it  already  bears,  let  us  hope  that  each  may 'signify 
a  victory,  and  the  final  one  the  extinction  of  rebellion 
and  the  restoration  of  union  and  peace. 
I  am,  very  truly, 

Your  obed't  servt., 

THEO.  B.  GATES, 

Colonel  Commanding." 


F, 


FLAG  PRESENTATION  ON  RETURN  OF  REGIMENT— ADDRESS  OF  MR.  HENRY 
H.  REYNOLDS — REPLY  OF  COLONEL  GATES — FOR  DESCRIPTION  OF  FLAG 
AND  INCIDENTS  OF  PRESENTATION,  SEE  CHRONOLOGICAL  RECORD  OF 
DATE  OF  FEBRUARY  22D,  1866. 

Colonel: — Your  fellow  citizens  of  Ulster  County  de 
sire  to  present  this  standard  to  the  Ulster  Guard — the 
20th  Regiment  New  York  State  Militia.  They  ask  the 
acceptance  of  it  as  a  token  of  the  interest  with  which  they 
continue  to  regard  you  all,  and  that  it  may  represent 
rather  than  replace  your  banners  which  have  "  borne 
the  brunt  of  battle  "  and  are  now  deposited  at  our  State 
Capitol.  With  these  few  words  my  office  (quite  thank 
fully  accepted)  might  be  deemed  to  end — and  perhaps 
it  was  committed  to  such  hands  rather  than  to  one  of 
younger  years  and  feeling,  that  the  precious  gold  of 
silence  might  be  more  suggestive  than  most  silvery 
speech.  Arid  yet  the  day  we  celebrate,'  the  occasion 
and  the  presence — the  crowding  memories  that  have 
made  up  so  much  of  our  lives  in  these  five  years  in 
which  we  have  seemed  to  live  for  a  generation,  would 
touch  the  lips  of  most  trembling  age  with  earnestness, 
and  stir  within  the  oldest  and  coldest  heart  a  fount  of 
feeling  and  of  speech  that  would  not  be  repressed.  On 
many  such  hearts  the  furrows  this  day  are  deeper  than 
the  outward  token,  for  the  channels  have  been  worn  by 
night  and  by  day  in  anxiety,  arid  fear,  and  sorrow,  and 
it  now  seems  as  if  your  return  (the  first  to  go,  the  last 
to  come  back)  were  the  final  lifting  of  the  dark  cloud 
that  has  so  long  enshrouded  us.  And  so  we  come  to 
join  the  deep  and  solemn  joy  which  here  and  elsewhere 
to-day  is  touching  elder  lips  than  those  of  St.  Simeon  in 
his  day,  with  the  lower  refrain  of  the  nunc  dimittis — 

603 


604  MR.  HENRY   H.    REYNOLDS'    ADDRESS.  [1866. 

"  Now  Thou  dost  let  Thy  servant  depart  in  peace,  for 
mine  eyes  have  seen  Thy  salvation." 

We  go  back  irresistibly  to  the  hour  when  first 
among  the  foremost  you  sprang  responsive  to  the  call 
for  troops  to  defend  our  National  Capital  against  an 
unnatural  foe.  The  organization  which,  at  the  cost  of 
so  much  labor  and  self-sacrifice,  had  been  sustained  for 
years,  then  showed  its  value  ;  and  almost  at  a  moment's 
warning  you  were  ready  for  the  field.  Could  we  all 
have  seen  when  first  you  went  forth  what  was  to  be  our 
loss  and  sacrifice  in  your  onward  path — could  we  have 
foreseen  that  one  and  another  rank  of  75,000  men  then 
called  for — more  than  seven  times  told  were  to  be  the 
sacrifice  of  our  children  to  the  southern  Moloch — we 
should  have  needed  more  confidence  in  our  cause  and 
faith  in  Him  who  guides  the  destinies  of  nations  to  un 
clasp  the  hands  and  nerve  the  hearts  that  would  have 
held  you  back.  Nay,  how  many  of  us  would  have 
turned  hopelessly  away  from  the  effort  to  save  our 
country..  But  could  we  have  thought  amid  our  despon 
dency  and  despairing,  when  once  and  again  you  return 
ed  to  recruit  your  wasted  ranks,  that  we  should  this 
day,  through  the  Divine  blessing  upon  your  and  kin 
dred  efforts,  stand  in  such  a  scene  as  this,  amidst  a 
rescued  and  unshattered  country,  would  not  many  a 
vow  have  been  recorded  that  nothing  thenceforth  should 
shake  our  trust  in  the  cause  of  human  freedom  with  its 
earthly  and  heavenly  defences  ?  And  now  you  have 
come  back  and  we  have  looked  upon  your  living  faces, 
and  with  an  inner  vision  have  seen  beside  you  the  bless 
ed  form  of  every  one  who  first  or  last  went  out  to  battle 
with  you,  and  whom  you  have  left  behind  to  wait  a  lit 
tle  for  us  all,  each  now  named  softly  as  the  household 
name 

"  Of  one  whom  God  hath  taken." 

In  the  watches  of  the  night,  in  the  rising  storm,  the 


1866.]  MR.    HENRY   H.    REYNOLDS'   ADDRESS.  605 

summer's  heat,  the  winter's  cold,  rumors  of  defeat  and 
victory,  in  the  glare  and  through  the  darkness,  we  have 
seemed  to  hear  your  tramp  and  cry,  your  challenge  and 
the  sentry  tread,  the  reveille  and  the  tattoo.  From  the 
homes  and  hearts  you  left  behind  our  eyes  grew  dim, 
and  yet  not  weary,  as  with  a  passionate  earnestness 
they  followed  your  footsteps  through  the  fields  whose 
names  are  borne  upon  this  standard.  It  was  the  wail  of 
an  English  monarch,  that  on  her  pulseless  heart  would 
be  found  the  name  of  a  fortress  lost  by  her  armies.  But 
on  our  living  hearts,  beyond  the  power  of  after  memo 
ries  are  engraven  Manassas  and  Gettysburg,  South 
Mountain  and  Petersburg,  Beverly  Ford  and  Frede- 
ricksburg,  Warrenton  Springs  and  Chantilly,  Gaines 
ville  and  Groveton,  Antietam  and  Bull  Run.  We  did 
not  ask  whether  the  fields  were  lost  or  won,  but  you 
were  there  and  there  you  did  your  duty  ;  there  left 
precious  seed  for  immortality  beneath  "  the  tree  whose 
leaves  are  for  the  healing  of  the  nations." 

Nor  were  our  eyes  alone  upon  you.  Our  noble 
Regiments  that  successively  followed  you  to  the  field 
listened,  from  however  afar,  to  your  clarion  cry,  shared 
in  your  reverses,  gloried  in  your  success,  prouder  of 
you  than  of  themselves  amidst  all  their  hard-earned 
trophies  ;  nor  this  alone  because  they  held  you  as 
"  older,  not  better  soldiers."  Such  is  the  presence  to 
which  you  come  to-day.  It  needs  no  gift  of  second 
sight  to  see  hands,  not  of  flesh  and  blood,  reaching  out 
towards  this  standard,  and  dear  pale  faces  translucent 
with  the  light  of  heaven.  To  such  keeping  it  would 
seem  as  if  your  shot-riven  banners  had  been  given,  to 
realize  the  fond  conceit  of  an  elder  time  that  sought  the 
consecration  of  its  standards  by  priestly  blessing. 

Eight  years  ago  on  an  occasion  like  the  present, 
while  yet  no  cloud  was  on  our  country's  sky,  your 
gifted  Commander,  who  has  won  his  rest  before  your 
("  first  falls  the  ripest  fruit,")  responded  to  a  gift  like 


606  MR.    HENRY   H.    REYNOLDS'   ADDRESS.  [1866. 

this  :  "  We  appreciate  the  honor  you  have  done  us,  and 
we  promise  that  if  this  land  is  ever  involved  in  war, 
that  these  colors  shall  wave  with  credit  and  glory 
wherever  danger  is  thickest  and  the  fight  is  warmest." 
Well  did  he  keep — well  have  you  kept  the  pledge.  It 
is  not  now  to  be  said  whether  we  have  been  as  faithful 
to  you,  though  you  have  not  lacked  the  oft-repeated 
assurance.  One  portion  of  us  at  least,  the  gentler  and 
the  fairer,  they  who  are  always  going  before  or  behind 
every  great  dispensation,  smoothing  the  paths  for 
rougher  feet  to  tread,  are  here  to-day  to  testify  by  their 
deeds  on  their  own  behalf  and  yours.  Neither  they  nor 
we,  nor  yet  yourselves,  have  counted  up  your  heroes  or 
your  heroisms.  Such  have  marked  your  marches  and 
your  watches,  your  hospitals  and  homes,  as  well  as 
fields  of  battle,  and  not  a  few  to-day  are  dwelling  be 
neath  the  shadows  of  suffering  or  of  sorrow.  These 
are  not  ungladdened  by  the  thought,  that  no  sacrifice, 
or  loss,  or  pain,  that  they  or  those  most  dear  to  them 
have  known,  but  shall  pass  into  benediction  and  bless 
ing  upon  our  own  and  other  lands,  a  witness  and  an  an 
swer  to  the  uplifted  hand  of  the  Ulster  Guard  and  its 
legend — "  This  hand  for  our  Country."  We  need  no 
mythology,  as  of  old,  to  give  the  place  of  honor  to  those 
who  have  done  or  suffered  in  the  nation' s  cause  ;  and 
with  the  sad  lessons  of  the  few  past  years  may  not  soon 
forget,  that  if  our  position  among  the  nations  is  yet 
retained,  it  is,  under  the  Divine  hand,  to  you,  and  such 
as  you,  we  owe  it.  You  have  bound  the  bars  of  our 
Nation' s  Flag  together,  and  kept  the  stars  shining  in 
their  orbit  ;  and  while  its  crimson  lines  may  indicate 
your  path,  its  golden  stars  and  azure  field  should  be  to 
all  our  eyes  the  over-arching  heaven  from  which  angels 
have  come  down  to  camp  about  our  hearts  and  country 
in  the  times  of  peril.  To  all  of  us  that  flag  will  be  the 


1866.]  COLONEL  GATES'  REPLY.  607 

dearer,  because  of  the  great  danger  through  which  it 
has  been  borne.  Its  rescue  from  those  whom  you 

"  Forbade  to  wade  through  slaughter  to  a  throne, 
And  shut  the  gates  of  mercy  on  mankind, " 

gives  to  all  its  folds  the  significance  of  protection  and  of 
safety.  Unlike  the  most  of  your  brave  brethren,  you 
have  not  returned  to  scatter  to  your  peaceful  homes, 
and  laying  aside  your  armor  forget  the  arts  of  war,  but 
under  your  old  organization  to  stand  as  you  stood  be 
fore,  ready  for  your  country's  call. 

Take,  then,  this  gift — nay  rather,  this  part  acknowl 
edgment  of  the  debt  we  owe  you.  Its  national  escut 
cheon  marks  it  as  your  own — yours  by  inheritance, 
yours  by  conquest — and  the  names  by  which  this  is  sur 
rounded  show  how  it  has  been  defended.  But  for 
these  we  might  have  been  a  dismembered  and  scattered 
nation,  a  shame  and  a  hissing  upon  the  earth.  Let  this 
be  a  memorial  of  our  trust  in  you  and  your  faithfulness 
to  us — a  compact  now  baptized  with  the  baptism  for  the 
dead  and  the  tears  of  the  living.  We  may  not  ask  that 
it  may  go  with  you  to  other  fields  of  bloodshed,  but  in 
the  repose  you  have  won  so  worthily,  let  it  be  a  memo 
rial  of  what  you  have  done,  and  what  we  have  striven 
to  do  ;  and  above  all,  what  has  been  done  for  us,  in  de 
fense  of  a  flag  that  to-day  waves  over  an  undivided  land 
in  honor  of  him  who  first  planted  it  among  the  nations. 

"  Flag  of  the  free  heart's  hope  and  home, 

By  angel  hands  to  valor  given, 
Its  stars  have  lit  the  welkin  dome, 

And  all  its  hues  were  wrought  in  heaven. " 

Col.  T.  B.  GATES  received  the  color  and  replied  as 
follows : 

Mr.  REYNOLDS  : — I  am  reminded,  Sir,  that  eight 
years  ago  a  scene  not  unlike  this  was  witnessed  on  our 
Village  Common.  The  corporate  bodies^  of  Kingston 


508  COLONEL  GATES'  REPLY.  [1866. 

and  Rondout  united  in  presenting  to  the  "  Ulster 
Guard  "  a  stand  of  colors,  in  token  of  their  official  ap 
probation  of  the  soldierly  appearance  and  good  conduct 
of  the  battalion  then  composing  our  local  militia. 

It  was  at  a  time  when  the  people  of  the  country  were 
beginning  to  shake  off  the  apathy  that  had  long  distin 
guished  the  treatment  of  our  citizen  soldiery,  and  to 
manifest  some  interest  in  and  respect  for  these  volunta 
ry  organizations  which  our  forefathers  intended  should 
constitute  the  bulk  of  our  republican  army. 

But  our  destiny  had  latterly  seemed  to  be  only  to 
reap  the  sweet  fruits  of  Peace,  and  gather  the  harvests 
of  ten  thousand  kinds  of  pleasant  and  useful  industry. 
We  had  been  borne  along  on  the  flood- tide  of  individual 
and  national  prosperity,  and  had  become  a  learned  and 
wealthy  people — an  enlightened  and  powerful  nation— 
whose  vast  extent  embraced  all  degrees  of  temperature 
—every  variety  of  soil — in  whose  bosom  reposed  the  wa 
ters  of  an  hundred  inland  seas,  and  whose  extremities 
were  bathed  by  the  waves  of  the  two  great  oceans. 

In  our  grandeur  and  self-sufficiency,  we  had  come  to 
despise  the  simple  means  of  national  defense  and  inter 
nal  peace  contemplated  by  the  founders  of  our  Govern 
ment,  and  our  militia  system  had  for  years  been  the 
laughing-stock  of  the  country,  and  the  butt  of  unthink 
ing  ridicule. 

The  arms  our  forefathers  wielded  in  establishing  our 
nationality,  and  which  our  fathers  twice  afterwards 
siezed  to  vindicate  our  national  honor,  were  rusting  in 
their  undisturbed  repose,  and  their  uses  were  all  but 
forgotten.  The  rumor  of  foreign  wars  sometimes  came 
across  the  waters  to  us,  but  it  could  not  induce  us  to 
burnish  up  our  own  arms,  nor  divert  us  from  our  pur 
suits  of  pleasure  or  profit.  Peace  reigned  throughout 
our  borders,  and  we  were  in  amity  with  the  whole  world. 
Why,  then,  we  reasoned  with  ourselves,  should  we 


1866.]  COLONEL  GATES'  REPLY.  609 

mimic  the  "  pomp  and  circumstance  of  glorious  war," 
who  nevermore  shall  see 

"  Battle's  magnificently  stern  array  ?" 

Nor,  Sir,  was  there  any  external  sign  of  danger  that 
directed  our  attention  to  and  begot  some  consideration 
for  our  militia  system,  eight  years  ago  ?  There  was  no 
single  speck  of  war  in  all  our  tranquil  sky.  But  by  one 
of  those  changes  which  sometimes  come  over  public  sen 
timent,  without  an  apparent  cause,  like  the  gradual  ris 
ing  of  the  billows  of  ocean,  when  the  winds  are  locked 
in  their  caves,  our  militia  was  lifted  out  of  the  slough  of 
despond,  where  it  had  lain  so  long  in  undeserved  dis 
grace,  and  put  upon  a  footing  of  respectability. 

It  was  soon  after  this,  Sir,  that  the  scene  you  have 
recalled  to  my  mind,  took  place  on  our  Village  Com 
mon.  Those  of  us  who  were  present  may  have  observed 
the  smile  that  lurked  in  many  an  eye,  when  our  then 
Colonel,  in  his  earnest  and  heartfelt  manner,  declared 
that  the  Colors  he  received  should  be  protected  and  de 
fended  at  the  hazard  of  his  life.  To  many,  it  seemed  a 
cheap  pledge  ;  and  to  some,  an  absurd  obligation. 

And  yet,  within  four  years  from  that  day,  he  had  re 
deemed  that  pledge  and  paid  that  obligation  with  his 
life-blood  on  the  field  of  battle  ;  and  within  five  years, 
those  Colors  were  deposited  in  the  archives  of  your 
State,  torn  and  riven  by  hostile  shot  and  shell. 

But,  Sir,  may  I  add,  that  torn  and  rent  as  they  were, 
they  had  always  gallantly  floated  over  the  Regiment  to 
which  they  had  been  entrusted,  and  although  the  ene 
my  often  saw,  he  never  laid  his  traitorous  hand  upon 
their  sacred  folds. 

Serene  as  seemed  our  political  horizon,  when  Colonel 
Pratt  pledged  his  life  for  the  defense  of  those  Colors, 
we  were  even  then,  unwittingly,  standing  on  the  con 
suming  crust  of  a  national  volcano,  that  was  shortly  to 
crumble  under  our  feet  and  carry  a  million  of  our  peo- 


610  COLONEL  GATES'  REPLY.  [1866. 

pie  to  untimely  graves.  And  in  less  than  three  years 
thereafter,  the  quiet  waters  of  Charleston  harbor  vibrat 
ed  to  the  thunder  of  treasonous  cannon,  as  they  hurled 
their  iron  power  against  the  walls  of  Sumter,  while 
their  echoes,  sweeping  over  land  and  sea,  called  the 
loyal  men  of  the  nation  to  arms. 

Yes,  Sir,  we  may  justly  feel  some  pride  in  the  fact 
that  Ulster  County  was  among  the  first  to  send  her  sons 
forth  to  the  defense  of  the  country,  and  it  was  our 
boast,  later  in  the  war,  that  she  had  three  entire  Regi 
ments  in  the  field,  besides  odd  companies  here  and  there, 
and  squads  and  single  men  in  every  New  York  Bri 
gade. 

And  you  will  permit  me  to  say,  Sir,  that  no  troops 
excelled  these  hardy  sons  of  Old  Ulster  in  subordination 
to  discipline,  in  powers  of  endurance,  or  in  bravery  upon 
the  battle-field.  They  have  fought,  Sir,  from  Gettys 
burg  in  the  north,  to  B  Island,  near  the  delta  of  the  Mis 
sissippi,  and  everywhere  with  honor  to  themselves  and 
the  county  they  represented. 

This  beautiful  banner,  which  it  is  my  proud  office  to 
accept  in  behalf  of  the  Regiment,  is  unlike  its  predeces 
sor,  to  which  I  have  referred,  in  that  the  former  had  no 
foreign  names  upon  its  folds,  while  this  is  covered,  by 
authority  of  the  Secretary  of  War,  with  what  were 
strange  words  to  us  four  years  ago.  But  now,  alas  ! 
they  are  all  too  familiar,  and  speak  of  battle  scenes  and 
death  struggles — of  victories  and  defeats.  And  each 
name  is  graven  on  the  wrung  hearts  of  fathers,  mothers, 
brothers,  sisters,  wives,  for  there,  and  there,  and  there, 
some  loved  one  fell,  by  battle  or  disease. 

This  beautiful  Color,  Sir,  is  an  epitome  of  the  war  his 
tory  of  the  Regiment  that  now  receives  it,  and  in  a  very 
considerable  degree,  brings  to  our  minds  the  leading 
events  of  the  Rebellion.  It  reminds  us  of  the  dark  days 
in  April,  1851,  when  our  National  Capital,  cut  oft*  from 
communication  with  the  loyal  North,  filled  with  and 


I860.]  COLONEL  GATES'  REPLY.  gn 

surrounded  by  traitors,  its  safety  seemed  to  depend  up 
on  tliu  alacrity  with  which  our  militia  should  rally  to 
the  rescue.  Then  it  recalls  the  memory  of  the  brave, 
long,  weary,  desperate  campaign  of  Gen.  Pope,  when 
for  ten  days  a  starving  army  marched  by  night  and 
fought  by  day  an  opponent  twice  its  strength,  until  its 
bleeding  and  shattered  remnant  found  food  and  rest  in 
the  defenses  of  Washington. 

Following  that  comes  the  more  successful  campaign 
of  Gen.  McClellan,  with  its  fruitless  termination  in  the 
escape  of  Lee's  army  across  the  Potomac. 

Then  the  bold  attack  of  Burnside,  on  the  enemy's 
lines  at  Fredericksburg,  and  his  frightful  repulse. 

Anon  the  loyal  States  are  again  invaded,  and  the 
three  days1  struggle  and  glorious  victory  of  Gettysburg 
ensue. 

Finally,  the  dashing  of  the  army  of  the  Potomac  up 
on,  and  the  breaking  of  the  enemy's  lines  around  Peters 
burg  ;  the  occupation  of  Richmond,  and  the  termination 
of  the  war  within  a  few  days  of  four  years  from  the  date 
of  the  Regiment's  first  departure  from  this  village,  to 
which  you  have  so  eloquently  alluded. 

Through  all  these  changing  scenes  the  Regiment  has 
been  so  fortunate  as  to  retain  the  favorable  regard  of  its 
friends  at  home.  And  if  it  should  be  needed  to  vindi 
cate  the  more  than  ordinary  esteem^ in  which  the  people 
of  this  County  always  held  the  k*01d  Twentieth,"  I 
might  be  excused  for  saying,  Sir,  that  its  courage  never 
was  impugned — that  it  had  on  more  than  one  occasion 
been  selected  from  among  its  fellows  for  important  and 
desperate  service,  and  that  it  had  been  named  in  Gener 
al  Orders  for  gallantry  on  the  battle-field. 

The  Regiment  has  had  the  fortune  to  serve  under 
such  General  commanders  as  the  Christian,  noble-heart 
ed  gentleman  and  thorough  soldier,  Patrick  ;  the  high- 
souled  and  chivalric  Wads  worth  ;  the  gallant  and  la 
mented  Reynolds,  and  the  impetuous,  daring  Hooker. 


612  COLONEL  GATES'  REPLY.  [1866. 

By  the  partiality  of  the  first  of  these,  the  Regiment 
did  not  participate  in  the  fighting  between  the  Rapidan 
and  the  James,  nor  in  much  of  that  which  took  place 
around  Petersburg.  But  during  this  time  it  had  an  im 
portant  and  the  chief  position,  in  the  Department  of  the 
Provost-Marshal-General  of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac, 
and  subsequently  of  the  Armies  operating  against  Rich 
mond. 

It  was  a  great  consolation,  Sir,  amid  the  fatigues  and 
dangers  of  war,  to  be  constantly  assured,  as  we  were,  of 
the  anxious  and  prayerful  solicitude  with  which  the  ca 
reer  of  the  Guard  was  followed  by  the  patriotic  affec 
tions  of  the  people  of  this  County.  While  such  knowl 
edge  constituted  a  new  tie,  that  bound  our  hearts  more 
firmly  to  Old  Ulster,  it  was  also  an  incentive  to  the  more 
earnest  discharge  of  duty,  for  it  ever  whispered : 
"  Friends  at  home  are  looking  on  you."  And  evren  in 
the  last  moments  of  the  dying  soldier,  it  gave  the  com 
forting  assurance  that  here,  where  our  thoughts  so  often 
wandered,  the  memory  of  the  fallen  should  be  forever 
green. 

But  these  trials,  Sir,  are  haply  over,  and  what  re 
mains  of  the  "Old  Twentieth,"  has  returned,  among 
the  last,  to  lay  aside  its  bruised  arms  and  the  habili 
ments  of  the  soldier,  and  to  resume  those  of  the  civilian. 
Many,  very  many,  alas  !  of  those  who  went,  came  not 
back  to  meet  the  greeting  of  kindred  and  friends.  The 
camp,  the  march,  the  bivouac,  the  battle-field,  each  claims 
its  victims  to  the  god  of  war.  From  the  Blue  Ridge  of 
the  Alleghanies  to  the  fortressed  lines  around  Peters 
burg—from  Libby  Prison  at  Richmond  to  the  unparal 
leled  horrors  of  the  earthly  hell  at  Andersonville,  our 
dead  are  strewn  like  autumn  leaves. 

But,  thank  God  !  the  cause  for  which  they  fell  has 
gloriously  triumphed  ;  and  if  our  statesmen  wisely  em 
ploy  that  triumph,  treason  will  never  again  raise  its 


.]  COLONEL  GATES'  REPLY.  613 

parricidal  hand  against  the  flag  for  which  so  many  loyal 
men  have  died. 

The  remnant  of  the  Regiment  has  returned  to  such 
reward  as  a  loyal  people  will  bestow  upon  its  individual 
members.  And  its  first  duty  is  to  thank  you,  Sir,, 
(whom  we  are  proud  to  recognize  as  once  a  member,  and 
the  revered  religious  guide  of  the  Regiment),  and 
through  you  the  entire  people  of  the  County,  for  the 
kind  sympathy,  the  encouraging  words,  the  cordial 
greetings,  and  the  substantial  gifts  which  have  so  often 
gladdened  the  soldiers'  hearts  in  their  distant  service. 

And  let  me  through  you,  Sir,  bespeak  for  these  re 
turned  soldiers  an  indulgent  judgment,  in  the  first  flush 
of  their  new-found  liberty  from  military  restraint.  If 
in  the  joyousness  of  present  pleasure,  enhanced  ten 
thousand  fold  by  the  trials  of  the  past,  there  sometimes 
springs  up  the  spirit  of  mischievous  excess,  believe  with 
me,  it  is  as  foreign  to  the  nature  of  the  man  as  this  new 
freedom  is  novel  and  exhilarating  to  him. 

And  again,  I  ask  that  our  citizens  manifest  the  sub 
stantial  respect  I  know  they  entertain  for  the  private 
soldiers — the  men  who  have  carried  the  musket  and 
borne  the  deprivations,  the  untold  hardships,  and  the 
dangers  of  the  field— the  men  who  have  clone  the  actual 
fighting,  and  the  reward  of  whose  bravery  and  patriot 
ism  we  now  enjoy  in  peace  restored  and  our  Government 
preserved  with  all  its  former  power  and  dominion.  I 
ask  that  these  men,  Sir,  shall  find  ready  access  to  such 
honorable  employments  and  fair  remuneration  as  their 
several  capacities  may  qualify  them  for.  Most  of  them 
abandoned  such  occupations  when  their  fellow  citizens 
called  upon  them  to  go  forth  to  the  defense  of  the  coun 
try.  It  is  but  just  that  the  means  of  comfortable  liveli 
hood  be  held  out  to  them  on  their  return. 

The  "Ulster  Guard"  resumes  its  position  once  more 
as  a  Regiment  of  New  York  Militia,  and  it  will  be  the 
unremitting  care  of  those  upon  whom  its  reorganization 


614  COLONEL  GATES'  REPLY.  .  [1866. 

devolves,  to  make  it  worthy  of  its  now  historic  fame. 
Its  reputation  is  inseparably  linked  to  that  of  the  coun 
ty  whose  name  it  bears,  and  whose  partiality  it  has  so 
often  experienced. 

The  sneer  that  curled  the  fastidious  lip  at  the  name 
"Militia"  in  times  gone  by,  has  given  place  to  a  more 
generous  and  considerate  sentiment,  and  hereafter  the 
young  and  able-bodied  men  of  the  land  will  esteem  it 
worth  their  while  to  swell  the  ranks  of  our  citizen-sol 
diery,  and  thereby  qualify  themselves  in  some  degree, 
for  the  discharge  of  the  highest  duty  they  owe  their 
country — bearing  arms  in  its  defense. 

I  accept  this  historic  banner,  which  you  have  entrust 
ed  to  the  keeping  of  the  "Ulster  Guard,"  and  thank 
you  in  behalf  of  the  Regiment  for  the  flattering  senti 
ments  with  which  the  gift  is  accompanied.  The  officers 
and  men  who  may  hereafter  belong  to  the  organization, 
cannot  but  be  better  soldiers,  by  the  lessons  this  color 
will  ever  teach  them.  They  cannot  but  prize  more 
highly  their  religious  and  political  privileges,  when  the 
banner  that  floats  over  them  reminds  them  how  much 
those  privileges  have  cost. 

I  hope  and  trust,  Sir,  that  this  flag  need  never  be  un 
furled  to  the  storm  of  battle.  But  should  the  time  come 
when  our  country  calls  for  her  citizen-soldiery  to  rally 
again  to  her  defense,  I  have  no  reason  to  doubt  the  alac 
rity  with  which  the  "Old  Twentieth"  will  respond  to 
the  call.  And  I  pledge  you,  Sir,  that  her  colors  shall  be 
as  sacredly  protected  in  the  future  as  they  have  been  in 
the  past. 

It  is  due  to  some  gallant  officers  and  brave  men,  who 
came  from  other  counties  and  joined  their  fortunes  to 
those  of  the  20th  Regiment,  early  in  the  war,  and  who 
have  shared  its  hardships  and  perils,  to  make  this  pub 
lic  acknowledgment  of  their  services,  and  to  thank 
them,  as  I  do,  in  behalf  of  the  "Ulster  Gfuard,"  with 
which  their  connection  now  necessarily  terminates,  for 


1866.]  COLONEL  GATES'  REPLY.  615 

the  faithfulness  with  which  they  always  did  their  duty. 
And  I  trust  it  will  not  be  considered  invidious  if  I  ex 
press  my  particular  obligations  to  Brevet- Lieut. -Col. 
Leslie,  who  marched  with  us  in  1861,  as  a  Lieutenant, 
and  who  has  most  richly  merited  his  promotions,  by  a 
devotion  to  duty  that  has  known  no  deviation  and 
scarcely  a  respite. 

To  each  and  all  of  these  officers  and  men  who  have 
so  long  and  faithfully  served  under  a  banner  bearing 
upon  its  folds  a  legend  to  which  they  would  necessarily 
be  strangers  on  leaving  the  service,  and  yet  who  were 
as  jealous  of  the  reputation  of  the  "Ulster  Guard,"  as 
such,  as  though  they  were  to  the  manner  born — I  pledge 
to  them,  for  all  time  to  come,  the  same  cordial  affection 
on  the  part  of  the  Guard  that  they  have  borne  towards 
it  through  the  wearisomeness  of  camp  life,  the  fatigue 
of  the  battle-field,  the  sadness  of  defeat,  and  the  rapture 
of  victory. 

May  they  ever  feel  when  they  put  their  feet  upon 
the  soil  of  Ulster  County,  that  they  have  a  right  to  call 
every  loyal  man  they  meet  a  brother,  and  may  every 
such  be  ready  to  give  them  a  brother's  welcome,  for 
the  love  they  bore  "the  Old  Twentieth." 

And  now,  comrades,  one  single  word  of  admonition 
to  each  of  you — do  not  be  betrayed  into  any  act,  as  civ 
ilians,  that  will  sully  your  hard-earned  renown  as  sol 
diers  of  the  Ulster  Guard.  If  it  be  true,  as  we  were  of 
ten  reminded  in  the  field,  that  the  good  citizen  made  the 
best  soldier,  let  us  prove  the  converse  of  the  rule,  and 
show  that  four  years'  wearing  of  the  blue  has  not  dis 
qualified  us  for  the  decorous  and  orderly  occupations  of 
civil  life. 


G. 

The  "  Ulster  Guard"  still  exists  aa  the  Twentieth 
Battalion  N.  G.  S.  1ST.  Y.,  with  the  following 

ROSTEK. 

FIELD  AND  STAFF  TWENTIETH  BATTALION. 

Thomas  H.  Tremper Lieutenant-Colonel. 

Alfred  Tanner Major. 

Stephen  S.  Hulbert Adjutant. 

Vacant Quartermaster. 

T.  Beekman  Westbrook Com.  of  Sub. 

George  C.  Smith Surgeon  and  Brevet  Lt  Col. 

C.  William  Camp Chaplain. 

William  S.  Kenyon Ins.  Rifle  Practice. 

NON-COMMISSIONED    STAFF. 

Samnel  E.  Jacobs Sergeant-Major. 

William  S.  Rodie Qr.-Mr.  Sergeant. 

Frederick  B.  Hibbard Com.  Sergeant. 

James  H.  Tripp Ordnance  Sergeant. 

Charles  A.  Barnes Hos.  Steward. 

Napoleon  X.  Avobambanet.Dr^m  Major. 

Jerome  Williams Band  Leader. 

Charles  Dubois .  , Sergeant  Standard  Bearer. 

Charles  Rudnitske '"  "  " 

William  Gertach Eight  General  Guide. 

Rodney  Van  Leuven.  , Left  General  Guide. 

616 


1879.]  APPENDIX    G. 

LINE. 
Company  A. 

Henry  A.  Hildebrandt Captain. 

Vacant First  Lieutenant. 

Benjamin  F.  Crump Second  Lieutenant. 

Company  B. 

Benjamin  J.  Hornbeck Captain. 

John  E.  Dunwoody First  Lieutenant. 

Charles  B.  Westbrook Second  Lieutenant. 

Company  I) 

Nathan  A.  Sims Captain. 

Jacob  C.  Stephan First  Lieutenant. 

Richard  AViener Second  Lieutenant. 

Company  F. 

Stephen  Conwell Captain. 

Urban  Hamburger First  Lieutenant. 

David  Mulholland Second  Lieutenant. 

Company  H. 

John  E.  Kraft Captain. 

Wallace  H.  Smith First  Lieutenant. 

N.  Scott  Hanlenbeck Second  Lieutenant. 

Present  strength  of  battalion,  280. 


H. 

As  an  act  of  justice  to  General  Fowler  I  insert  the 
following  extracts  from  his  and  General  Wadsworth's 
official  reports  of  the  first  day's  operations  at  Gettys 
burg  : 

{Extract from  General  Fowler' s  Report :} 

"  On  entering  the  field  the 

"Ninety-fifth  N.  Y.  and  Fourteenth  N.  Y.  S.  M.  were 
"formed  on  the  left  of  the  Brigade,  a  house  and  garden 
"intervening  between  them  and  the  right  wing.  We 
"  were  at  once  engaged  by  the  enemies'  skirmishers  from 
"woods  to  our  left  and  front,  we  drove  them  back  and 
"I  then  found  that  the  enemy  were  advancing  on  our 
"right,  and  were  then  to  our  rear  and  in  possession  of 
"  one  of  our  pieces  of  artillery.  I  immediately  ordered 
"my  command,  the  Ninety-fifth  N.  Y.  and  Fourteenth 
"  N.  Y.  S.  M.  to  march  in  retreat,  until  on  a  line  with 
"  the  enemy,  and  then  changed  front  perpendicularly  to 
"face  them,  the  enemy  also  changing  front  to  meet  us. 
"At  this  time  the  Sixth  Wisconsin  Regiment  gallantly 
"advanced  to  our  assistance.  The  enemy  then  took 
"  possession  of  a  railroad  cut,  and  I  gave  the  order  to 
"  charge  them,  which  order  was  carried  out  gallantly  by 
"all  the  regiments,  by  which  the  piece  of  artillery  was 
"recaptured.  The  advance  was  continued  until  near 
"the  cut,  when  I  directed  the  Sixth  Wisconsin  to  fiank 
"it  by  throwing  forward  their  light,  which  being  done 
"all  the  enemy  within  our  reach  surrendered,  officers, 
"  battle  flags  and  men."  "The 

"  loss  of  the  regiment  amounts  to  about  fifty  per  cent. 
"  of  the  force  engaged." 

(Signed)  E.  B.  FOWLER, 

Col.  Cmdg.  14th  Regt.  N.  Y.  S.  M. 

618 


1802.]  APPENDIX    II.  619 

^Extract from  General  WadswortW  s  Report :] 

*       "  The  Second  Brigade  Gen. 

"  Cutler  led  the  column  followed  by  the  Second  Maine 
"Battery,  Capt.  Hall.  The  First  Brigade  Gen.  Mere- 
' '  ditli  bringing  up  the  rear.  Here  we  met  the  advance 
"  guard  of  the  enemy. 

"Three  regiments  of  the  Second  Brigade  were  order- 
' '  ed  to  deploy  on  the  right  of  the  road  (Cashtown),  the 
"  battery  was  placed  in  position  near  the  road,  and  the 
"balance  of  the  division  ordered  up  to  the  left  of  the 
"  road,  the  right  became  sharply  engaged  before  the 
"line  was  formed  and  at  this  time  (about  quarter  past 
"  ten  A.  ]\i.)  our  gallant  leader  fell  mortally  wounded. 

"The  right  encountered  a  heavy  force,  were  out- 
Numbered  and  outflanked,  and  after  a  resolute  con- 
"test  bravely  conducted  by  Brig.  Gen.  Cutler,  fell  back 
"in  good  order  to  the  Seminary  Ridge  near  the  town, 
"  and  a  portion  of  the  command  to  a  point  still  nearer 
tvthe  town.  As  they  fell  back  followed  by  the  enemy 
"  the  Fourteenth  N.  Y.  S.  M.  (Col.  Fowler),  Sixth  Wis. 
"Yols.  (Lieut, -Col.  Dawes),  and  Ninety-fifth  N.  Y. 
"  Yols.  (Col.  Biddle)  gallantly  charged  on  the  advance 
"of  the  enemy  and  captured  a  large  number  of  prison- 
"ers,  including  two  entire  regiments  with  their  flags, 
"the  other  regiments  of  the  First  Brigade  advanced 
"  further  on  the  left,  and  captured  several  hundred 
"  prisoners,  including  Brig.  Gen.  Archer. 
"  Maj.  Gen.  Doubleday  commanding  the 

"corps  at  that  time  (about  quarter  before  twelve  o'clock) 
"  arrived  with  the  Second  and  Third  Divisions. 

The  severity  of  the  contest  during  the 
"day  may  be  indicated  by  the  painful  fact,  that  at  least 
"half  of  the  officers  and  men  that  went  into  the  en 
gagement  were  killed  or  wounded. 

Very  respfc  your  ob't  servant, 
(Signed)  JAS.  S.  \VADS\YORTH, 

Brig.  Gen.  Cmdg. 


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